The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 5, 1929, Page 6

i seer Page Six Baily 325 Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Published b: Dail: $8.00 a year 0 three months 0 three months Union Square, >: $6.00 a year Address and mail all c Marines to Stay in Nicaragua. Brig. Gen- Logan Feland, returning to the United States after sixteen months as Marine Occupational Force Com- mander :n Nicaragua, declares, “I would not recommend the withdrawal of the marines now.” That may also be accepted as Washington’s policy. As in the statement of Colonel Stimson, returning from his job as governér general of the Philippines to become secretary of state in Hoover’s cabinet, we see not the slightest indication that Yankee imperialism intends to weaken its grip anywhere upon its colonial and semi-colonial subjects. On the other hand, there is every indication that this grip will be increasingly strengthened. Wall Street’s military satrap, under whose direct leader- ship men women and children have been slaughtered in Nicaragua, frankly confesses that, “The only present trouble is in the northern portion, in a section probably four times larger than the rest of the country.” After its war of con- quest, extending over nearly two years, the Wall Street gov- ernment, through its agent, admits that it has only subju- gated one-fifth of the country. At this rate it will take eight years to finish the job, according to the general's own mathe- matics. It is a poor argument to claim that the four-fifths of unconquered territory contains only a tenth of the popula- tion—even if this were true, and we have our doubts. The revoluticnary armies cannot be expected to linger in the big cities as targets for the well-equipped invaders. They choose their own battle grounds, and they seem to choose them wisely. Neither can the government at Washington find much consolation in the general's claim, very often. made before, that the rebels are bandits. The only bandit in Nicaragua, seeking to despoil the entire nation, is Wall Street imperial- ism. This imperialist freebooter, extending its activities energetically over the nations of the world, must be effec- tively resisted. All armed forces must be withdrawn from China, from the Philippines, from Nicaragua, from all colonial and semi- colonial countries where they are now stationed. This must be the demand of the whole American working class. Bayonets, Bullets, Jails, Evictions! The textile strikes in the two Carolinas enter a new phase with the ordering out of the state militia, the jailing of strikers and the eviction of militant workers from their com- pany-owned homes. This indicates that the mill owners are preparing for a long campaign of energetic resistance to the demands of the workers. It means that southern mill labor must gird itself for greater battles. This has already hap- pened in the spread of the strike wave to several new mills. But especially is it seen in the fighting spirit of the workers on the picket lines. The gunmen, in the uniform of the state of North Caro- lina, came first to the Loray plant of the Manville-Jenckes Co. All approaches to the mill were blocked. Strike pickets, members of the National Textile Workers’ Union, forcing their way through the wall of bayonets were promptly ar- rested. The shooting has not yet started. But the loaded cartridges are ready. The strikers have yet to wait for the first militiaman to refuse to fire, to quit the business of preparing to murder workers in the interests of the employing interests. North Carolina’s governor owns a mill near the strike area. His profit interests stand behind the order to “shoot!” The struck Manville-Jenckes Co. is ordering its revolt- ing slaves to “MOVE!” Eviction notices are being issued instead of pay checks. The government, the strikebreaker, in the person of the county sheriff, will doubtless be called on to carry out the evictions. Thus the new proletariat in the South is undergoing its bath of persecution. It will be hardened in the struggle, strengthened for the bigger battles ahead, that will ultimately dethrone the rulers not only in the South, but in the nation. Fierce resistance must be expected from exploiters who realize their doom. The Seventh Anniversary of the Freiheit, Workers of all races and nationalities may well give an encouraying example of their growing solidarity by joining in large numbers in the Seventh Anniversary Celebration of the Freiheit, our Jewish Communist daily. Saturday night at the New York Coliseum, 177th Street and Bronx River, ought to witness an imposing demonstration of tens of thou- sands of workers. It is, of course, an accepted fact that every Jewish worker who values the strengthening of his own position against his class enemy, the employing class, will actively participate in this important event. It should also be a cele- bration of the growth of the Left wing in the needle indus- try, especially the success in building the National Needle _ Trades sndustrial Union, in which the Freiheit has played such a prominent role. It has also been a stalwart support of workers in the shoe, food and other industries. The Seventh Anniversary Jubilee finds the editors and business manager of the Freiheit under indictment, along with those of The Daily Worker, as a result of the militant support given the workers in their economic struggles. It was not possible to unmask completely the role of Morris Hillquit and the yellow socialist party in betraying the work- - ers in the needle industry without at the same time invoking the attack of the capitalist class, the main ally of the social- ists. Such indictments are the best proofs of complete loyaity to working class interests. Such attacks will strengthen the Freiheit and not weaken it. Growing weakness is all on the side of tue Forward, the Jewish organ of the socialists, that plays a despicable counter-revolutionary role in the class struggle, even to the extent of seeking to do its share in openly provoking the imperialist war against the Union of Soviet Republics. _. . Celebrate the anniversary of the Freiheit as an occasion 4 for building the Left wing industrial unions, for stiffening 's resistance to the imperialist war danger, for increas- the attack against social reformism, for building er than ever, the Communist Party in the United ime 3 Gov. Gardner of North Carolina has called out the militia. He is owner of a textile mill near Gastn .S. Prepares Army for War (This is the first of a series of articles by Paul Crauch, dealing with the present war preparations and the immediate tasks in anti- militarist and anti-war work of the Communist Party and Young Communist League.) ae ee By PAUL CROUCH. Anofher step in the preparations for war is the decision of war de- partment to persuade recruits to go tc Panama, Hawaii or the Philip- pines, instead of enlisting for ser- vice in the United States. The former procedure of the re- cruiting service has been to use the lure of “distant Jands,” “sunny skies” and “dusky maids” on their posters to attract the unemployed and hungry young workers on ‘he streets. A picture of “paradise” was presented to their minds. But once safely inside the recruiting office, they would be told of the “greater advantages” of service on the main- land. Those who insisted furni~ 2d a sufficient quota for the colonies. After arrival in the “promised land” the recruit not only regrets his in- DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, ‘APRIL 5, 1929 Servicemen Now Urged to Serve In Colonies; Nicaraguan Canal for Military Purposes sistance on going to the colonies, |g: well as draftedy. but feels like murdering the recruit-| workers, could be brought into the ing officer who led him into the| army on the mainland very quickly army. ‘in time of war. But transpertation Soldiers Are Prisoners. tw distant colonies during actual hos- Soldiers in the colonies find them- tilities is far more difficult, The) selves virtually prisoners, subjected | first steps in the military prepara- to the most brutal treatment, and tion for war must be the strength-| used by Wall Street as tools for the | ening of the forces in the imperial-| |enslavement of the native workers | ist colonial possessions. and peasants. But as yet few of Nicaraguan Canal. them have realized the possibility) ‘The intervention in Nicaragua of uniting with the colonial masses | was closely linked up with the pre-| |in a common struggle against im- parations for war with Great Bri- perialist oppressors. tain. A sea level canal, with no| The colonies become of more im- locks to be demolished by bombard- | | portance in view of the ws: danger.| ments and no danger of landslides | 48 armed hostilities become more| resulting from bombing from the | imminent, the actual garrisons in| air, as exists at the Culebra Cui in| 1) colonies must be incressed. The| the Panama Canal, is absolutely es- National Guard, the students of the | sential for the purposes of United Citizens Military Training Camps. | States imperialism. The same meth- | Gov. Gardner: “Remember the Women and Children Are Also Strikers!” levidence of the approach of a new end the various reserve military or-|ods as in Panama were used to ob- | ment.) | It might be his mill next. tain political, economic and military | control of Nicaragua. The survey | of the Nicaraguan canal, for which | appropriations have already been! made, is positive evidence of the in-| creasing military preparations, Approach of War. The decision of the war depart- ment to advise recruits to go to the colonies instead of enlisting for the mainland is another very important imperialist war. This will mean im- mediate and tremendous increase in the strength of the colonial garri- sons. But there must be a mask for all of the war plans. Instead of sending soldiers already on the mainland to the colonies, which might make the purpose too obvi- ous, the increases of the colonial | armies is to be accounted for by the | “increasing popularity” of colonial | scrvice and the “wishes” of the re- cruits. (The second article will deal with the tasks of the Communists in| connection with the present inten- sive recruiting drive of the govern- Ford Fights General Motors in Europe— (By L. R. A. Service.) The bout for the championship in the lightweight, low-price motor car field is now in full swing in Europe between General Motors and Ford. The Model T and Chevrolet struggle in the United States is now being carried on in Europe as the pressure for expansion and more exports hits both companies. With the “new \buyer” market stationary at home, ‘and with replacement demands de- termined, the neeessity for selling lcars to Europe in a new way be- comes all the more vital to the De- troit manufacturers. But European countries have tar- \iffs on cars. Ford and Chevrolet jhave been getting an increasing | number of cars over the tariff walls. |But another method of beating the |game and selling cars to Germans, French and Belgians is now being vigorously pursued. Instead of re- ‘lying on the shipment of parts to |branch assembly plants in Europe ithe American rivals are taking over | European fabricating plants. Buys Opel. General Motors.has just delivered a powerful blow by purchasing a | controlling interest in the great |Opel Motor Works near Frankfurt, Cermany. Opel turns out about 45 per cent of the German cars and employs over 12,000 workers. Gen- cral Motors is putting $30,000,000 |mto the deal and will manufacture ‘ears that will cive Ford a hot run for his money in Germany. At the same time comes the re- port that General Motors will soon iake over the largest mass produc- tion plant in Europe, the Citroen | Co. of France, which turns out about | 80,000 cars a year. If this deal gcoes through it will make General Motors not only the world’s great- est distributor of nfotor cars, but jthe largest manufacturing company in Europe. Ford’s Flock of Firms. Ford takes another line, He cre- ates local Ford companies in every \country where he has, heretofore, had only assembly plants or distrib- uting stations. He is now floating stock in Ford companies in France, Belgium, Netherlands, Germany and Great Britain, where new factories are being built. Ford, the man who boasts that he has avoided» the + Workers Suffer. |clutches of bankers in the United the stock which these Ford com- | States und who has consistently re-|panies are now issuing. jected the embraces of Wall Street, Europe Organizes. finds himself selling stock through| In the face of “one of the keen- Furopean bankers to European est American trade struggles on banking interests. He may think | foreign soil that the twentieth cen- that Wall Street investors will not|tury has yet witnessed,” “this gi- take up this stock, but reports from | gantic struggle for the European European capitals indicate that the | markets,” as the capitalist papers radios and trant-Atlantic telephones | call it, the European companies ate have been kept hot with orders for | talking again of a possible cartel, The Masses By GUSSIE PERLMAN. Chained together here they stand, There is elbow room for all, If they would but lift a hand, They can make the order fall. But they stand beneath the sun, And their blood is turning white, 4 With the chains on they would run, If the master thought it right. - And the master stands on high, And he sneers at them and says: Oh, these slaves for me would die, And like the cow would eat the grass. When a child to them is born, In the chain it finds its place, From mother nature it is torn, And the smile fades froni its face. The heavy chain becomes so tight, And he is stifling for some air, But he is told that that is right, Because the lord has placed him there. Digging in the earth for coal, Working in the shop till late, Who takes possession of it all? 2 Is it the hand of unkind fate? * Oh, you, masses, stand up right, Draw the chains from you away, Show the masters you have might, i si That you too can win the day, ~” + = {organizers out of its plarts? Will %& it wilt 3 | just as seasily in Russelheim, Ger- am organization to resist the on-| sweep of American capital. “De- insive measures now press for adoption,” writes one correspond- ent, “but they seem feeble before what is described as ‘the American| concern’s (General Motors) care-| fully premeditated conquest of Europe’.” What Europe is witnessing is| simply an extension of the process of American penetration through the export of capital from Amer- ica. The 25,000 workers who now toil in the moter assembly plants of seven big American firms in the vicinity of Berlin and the 12,000 Opel workers will now be sweating for the same anti-union bosses that are cutting wages in Detroit, To- ledo, Flint, Lansing and Pontiac. And: workers in these American plants can look forward to increas- ing instability of employment, as Ford and Chevrolet continue their struggle abroad, Exports are not likely to reach any phenomenal rate of increase, as many motor experts have predicted, if the “Chevies” and Fords are turned out in larger num- bers in European plants. Ford and General Motors are na- turally indifferent to the steadiness of employment of workers in De- troit if they can exploit workers many, and thus strengthen what they call their “profit position.” Hereafter, the exploitation of work- ers im these European cities will contribute to the golden flow of profits to the treasury of this J. P. Morgan giant. U. 8. Wages Will Fall. Regardless of which auto corpora- tion wins in this battle of the mo- tor pugilists in Europe and Amer- ica, the real wages and basic work- ing conditions of the workers here will be depressed. Wages are now under the mark they reached in 1925, and speed-up is being achieved by new systems of wage payment. Detroit and Pontiac workers are wondering what open shop measures will be adopted by General Motors when it takes charge of the Opel works in Germany. Will it start cutting wages? Will it drive union | Socialist Party had then veered away from the industrial program | that were on strike. it ruthlessly “Ameriicanize” its European workers? Reports from Germany labor sources indicate that ss dhe — Min. sithen the Daily on thie great autobiography. i... Copyright, 1929, by Internati Publishers Co., Ine. All rights rese,ved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permissicn, Debating With Hillquit; Socialists Become Collaborationist; 25,000 On Strike In Lawrence; Press Views of Haywood Haywood so far has told of his working at his trade as a miner in the Rocky Mountain metal mines, after a childhood spent in toil in many industries. He has told of the life of a proletarian family and its vicissitudes under the mining barons. He has told a stirring story of revolt against the tyranny of the Guggenheims and the part played by the Western Federation of Miners in many hard fought battles. He has told of the numerous attempts to arrest him, and the failure of the scheme to frame him up for the murder of ex-Governor Stuenen- berg. He has told of organizinz the 1.W.W., and of speaking tours through Europe and America. As you begin reading below, he is just hing a tour through Canada and U. S., ending in New York. ieee ecg Ly WILLIAM D HAYWOOD. PART: 78. SHORT time after I arrived in New York, I took part in a debate in Cooper Union arranged between Morris Hillguit and myself, on the Sovialist Party and the Industrial Workers 6f the World. The of 1908, and had definitely adopted a platform of opportunism. The election of a congressman was then, to the mind of the Jeading social- ists, one of the greatest achievements of the party. During this debate I read the amended preamble of the LWw.W. The words that referred to political action had been eli- minated and other changes introduced, and the L.W.W. now stood as a revolutionary economic organization. ‘As amended the preamble now read: “The working class and the employipg class have nothing in common, There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of working people and the few, who make up the em- ploying class, have all the good things of life. “Between these two classes a struggle must go on f until the workers of the world organize as a class, take possession of the earth and the machinery of production and abolish the wage system. “We find that the centering of the management of industries into fewer and fewer hands makes the trade unions unable to cope with the ever-growing power of the employing class. The trade unions foster a state of affairs which allows one set of workers to be pitted against another set of workers in the same industry thereby helping to defeat one another in wage wars. Moreover, the trade unions aid the em- ploying class to mislead the workers into the belief that the workers have interests in common with their employers. “These conditions can be changed and the interests of the working- class upheld only by an organization fornied in such a way that all its members in any one industry, or in all industries if necessary, cease work whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus mak- ing an injury to one an injury to all. “Instead of the conservative motto, “A fair day’s wage for a fair day’s work,” we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary watch- word “Abolition of the wage system.” .It is the historic mission of the working class to do away with capitalism. The army of production must be organized, not only for the every-day struggle with capitalists, but to carry on production when capitalism shall have been overthrown. By organizing industrially we are forming the structure of the new society within the shell of the old. “Knowing therefore that* such an organization is absolutely neces- sary for our emancipation, we unite under the following constitution.”* ee y I POINTED out that although the I.W.W. would not affiliate with any political party, this action did not make them anti-political; that I was as much a socialist as any other member of the socialist party. I remember that after the meeting, Hubert Harrison, a colored man, said to me that while Douglas had won the debate, Lincoln had car- ried the country. I took this to mean that Hillquit had won the debate, but the workers of the nation were with me. When I got to Lawrence, Ettor had the situation well in hand. There was a General Strike Committee organized, composed of one or more members from every mill or large department of the mills The legislature of Massachusetts had passed a law reducing the hours of labor in the textile industry from fifty-six to fifty-four a week. The cotton and wooden companies announced that when this law went into effect wages would be reduced in proportion. The work- ers declared that wages were already lower than they should be. The average weekly wage was eight dollars and seventy-six cents, the women getting an average of only seven dollars and forty-two cents. This was the average for all workers, including the skilled. The aver- age for the workers who conducted this strike was six dollars a week. These wages were only for time at work; there were no vacations, and all the holidays were deducted from the weekly pay. It was impossible to bring up families on such wages. The workers went on strike. ae ee Qn my arrival in Lawrence a reception committee met me, composed of ten ten or fifteen thousand strikers. A parade was forme: as we marched to the common, as the public park of every New England town is called. This, the Lawrence Jribune said, was the greatcst demonstration ever accorded a visitor to Lawrence. On the common I spoke to the strikers. . I spoke many times to the strikers, and left Lawrence to go out and raise funds and create sympathy for the strike, until on February second, Ettor and Giovanitti were arrested under a framed-up charge of murder. Anna LaPiza, an Italian girl striker, had been killed by a policeman, but the charge was laid against the leaders of the strike. I returned at once to Lawrence and became chariman of the strike committee, which was composed of fifty-six members. Back of these were another fifty-six members ready to take the places of the strike committee if any arrests were made. A writer in the Outlook, a conservative weekly which reported the strike, said: . *. ad “AAewoop does not want unions of weavers, unions of spinners, unions of loom-fiers, unions of wool-sorters, but he wans one com- prehensive union of all textile workers, which in time will take over the textile factories, as the steel workers will take over the steel mills and the railway workers the railways. Haywood*interprets the class conflict literally as a war which is always on, which becomes daily more bitter and'uncompromising, which can end only with the conquest of capitalist society by proletarians or wage workers, organized industry by industry. “Haywood places no trust in trade agreements, which, according to his theory, lead merely to social peace and ‘put the workers to slecp.” Let the employer lock out his men tvhen he pleases, and let the workmen strike when they please. He is opposed to arbitration, conciliation, compromise; to sliding scales, profit sharing, welfare work; to every-, thing, in short, which may weaken the revolutionary force of the work. ers. He does not ask for the closed shop or the official recognition the union, for he has no intention of recognizing the employer. i he desires is not a treaty of industrial peace between the +x tick / contracting parties, but merely the creation of a proletarian impulse which will eventually revolutionize society. Haywood is a man who believes in men, not as you and I believe in them, but fervently, un- compromisingly, with an obstinate faith in the universal goodwill and constancy of the workers worthy of a great religious leader. That is what makes him supremely dangerous, ° ‘ * Although Haywood may have remained at this time a political actionist, the change in the preamble was brought about at a general convention of the I.W.W. dominated by a new group, the migratory workers, “the overalls’ brigade,’ organized and brought to the con-) vention by anarchist leaders. From that time on the I.W.W. has beer. militantly anti-political in practice, though the phrase meant really “anti-parliamentary.” . * * q ‘ In the next article Haywood tells vf the killing of workers’ child- ° ren by police in Lawrence. You can get a copy of Bill Haywood's Book free as a premium with one yearly subscription new or renewal to the Daily Worker. Might as well have it, for you can’t do without '