The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 4, 1929, Page 6

f t ' — 4 r ay — a San MUSED REL ah LOA: on Page Six Yee ™r DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1229, bya EN i ia aa axe WH THE > By Fred Ellis Copyright, 1929, by International Baily Sgi= Worker Tan co teeter Sore ile, be Sega Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Ts Published by the National Daily Dail er only): ) six w hs New York) y Worker, ak Hoover—“The Strikebreaker.” Herbert Hoover, hardly a month in the office of presi- dent, has broken his first strike. He did this very effective by issuing a “proclamation” creating a special board under | the so-called railway labor act, which automatically post- poned for 30 days the clash between the Texas and Pacific Railroad and the members of the four railroad brotherhoods that it employs. The strike order originally called upon the 4,000 shop n employes on this southwestern railroad operating and Louisiana, to quit their jobs at six on the morning of March 30. When Hoover issued his anti-strike order the officials of the four brotherhoods withdrew their strike order and the men remained at their jobs, under threat of expulsion from their unions. The great value that the railroad interests placed on Hoover’s action may be judged from the fact that President | J. L. Lancaster, of the Tex: ly pleaded with the chamber the road to support the company in its application to the president for the appointment of a “fact-finding committee. This shows conclusively how the railroad labor act oper- ates for the benefit of the great transportation interests and against the engineers, firemen, conductors and trainmen w and Pacific Railroad, persona way act, could not settle the dispute, so along comes the president and appoints a special board, a “fact finding” out- fit that will be packed by the railroad’s agents. Under this pro-employers’ law, the workers are not supposed to stri until 30 days after the “fact finding” has been completed, if they do not like the final decision. It is 100 per cent certain that they won't like it. But the railroad owners have won a delay extremely valuable to them. This means that the railroad has plenty of time to recruit scabs, hire gunmen and organize its whole strike-breaking machinery, the governmental end of which is so efficiently operated by the president himself. In this connection it may be noted that Allan, the former strike-breaker governor of Kansas, who tried to smash the miners’ union of that state through legal enactment,—the infamous Allan Law—is now being groomed to take the place in the United States senate made vacant by the election of Curtis to the vice presidency. The strike-breaker president wants a hard-boiled strike-breaking congress to support him. the “Terrorist Empire” of Coal. Kininch, Pennsylvania, where 47 miners were “officially” slaught2red in the coal pits of the Valley Camp Coal Com- pany, has all the characteristics of a festering sore of Amer- ican capitalism. Hardly had the detonation of the mine blast, that left wholesale death in its wake, died away, than the company’s “ambulance chasers” and other shyster lawyers began cir- culating among the widows of the dead, seeking to persuade them to sign away the few rights they were entitled to under the totaily insufficient liability laws of the state. The Na- tional Miners’ Union is combatting this condition which should receive thorough exposure before the workers in a widespread drive demanding that industry assume the whole burden cf its many hazards. Greater attention must also be centered on the claim that the death list was much larger than “officially” re- ported. :t is pointed out that 310 miners were really below at the time of the explosion. The company raises the claim that only 232 were in the diggings. This makes possible a death list of 115, instead of the reported 47, In practically every disaster there are similar discrep- ancies between the charges of the workers and the claims of the exp! s. The present blast at Kinloch has given the lie to the company’s claims of a year ago. Rescue workers this year found the decayed remains of two workers killed in last year’s blast. The mud and slime, after many months, gave up its ghastly possession to refute the frantic denials of the company last year that these miners were also among the dead. In the case of unmarried miners, without relatives, who have recently come into the district, there is practically no one to fight the claims of the mine owners that they are not among the dead. It is the duty of the Union to expose this revo'ting condition before the workers and, on the basis of a correct program, make an energetic fight against it. Greetings to the Cafeteria Workers! The Daily Worker greets the general strike call of the Hotel, Restaurant and Cafeteria Workers’ Union, to go into effect today in the garment center on the West Side. It piedges itself to exert every effort possible to give all assistance to the workers in this new battle; to help bring an early and complete victory for labor’s demands. The organization drive in the food industry is one of the important sectors in the campaign to bring the unorgan- ized under the banners of militant Left wing industrial unionism. Especially in New York City, with its tremendous, concentrated population, the food workers hold a strategic place. It is to be hoped that the drive in fhe garment center will soon take on new and greater proportions, to cope on an effective nation-wide scale with the bitter exploitation to which f.od workers are now everywhere subjected. In New York City the grocery clerks and butchers are also stirring, spreading the food workers’ efforts that must soon cope with the great food monopolies, especially the Ward Trust with its huge bread factories. The Left wing needle workers in the garment center will prove themselves to be a powerful ally of the food workers. This section of the metropolis must be made a really Left wing center, with militant unionism enlisting the garment, food and office workers of the district. The American Federation of Labor has always been an obstacle-to the organization of food workers in New York -and in the nation. It has completely surrendered this just as it has given up other industries to non-unionism. has become the common thing for A. F. of L. convention ates to stop at scab hotels and eat in non-union res- rants. The socialists in the A. F. of L. have made no pro- against this venal practice. ‘The strike of the food workers today marks a new step in the industry. All workers, while giving every aid ch all deyelopments with keen interest. of commerce in cities served by | Ke | ho | run the trains. The board of mediation, provided by the rail- | 10th Anniversary Appeal of CI |": (Continued from: Page: Ona) the horrors and destruction of war, returned home exhausted and in many cases mutilated by hunger, cold and disease. The eyes of the workers and exploited masses all over the world were directed to the country of the proletarian dictator- ship which had been born in the storm of the October Revolution. The workers of Russia were first to show by example how the workers should fight against im- perialist war. The great October Revolution made a breach in the front of world imperialism and turn- ed the imperialist war into a civil war in Russia, overthrew the power of capitalism and placed the dicta- torship of the proletariat in its stead. Under the direct influence of |the October Revolution the revolu- tionary movement poured in a broad wave over the whole world. In Eur- ope, Asia, America and Africa op- pressed classes and races revolted against their oppressors, the men | responsible for the imperialist world | slaughter. | The tragedy of the world prole- | tariat at that time was that outside | the frontiers of Soviet Russia there |were no organized and experienced |Communists Parties. The young Communist organizations which did exist, had to contend with strong social democratic parties which were allied with the bourgeoisie. In the |moment of revolutionary crises, |these social democratic parties hur- ried to the aid of dying capitalism and placed themselves at the dis- posal of the bourgeoisie in order to crush the revolutionary workers by |force of arms. The Communist International was created in order to organize and lead the workers and oppressed masses in the struggle against capi- talism, to smash the social democ- racy and to lead the workers of the world under the banner of the world October. ‘Based upon the les- sons of Marx and Lenin, the Com- munist International became the his- torical successor of the First In- ternational founded by Marx and as such it inherited the best traditions pre-war period, The First Interna- tional gave an ideological basis to the international proletarian strug- gle for socialism. In its best period the Second International provided a basis for the extension of the work- |ing class movement and the organi- zation of the masses, The Third In- ternational, which continued the work of the First International and took over the best traditions of the Second International whilst reject- ing the opportunism of the latter with all possible energy, commenced its task of establishing the dictator- ship of the proletariat. Terror Against Communists. Ten years have passed since the Communist International was found- ed. Those ten years were years of an unparalleled and heroic strug- gle on the part of the proletariat against capitalism, In those ten years the furious hatred of the ex- ploiters and oppressors all over the world was directed against the Com- munist International. In their strug- gle against the Communist Interna- tional the imperialists and their so- cial democratic allies used and still use the most brutal and unscrupu- lous measures. | There is nothing that the bour- |geoisie has not tried in its strug- gle against the proletarian revolu- tionary movement and against the Communist International, Fascist of the Second International in the| Calls for Mobilization of Workers and Oppressed Peoples Against War Danger | terror, white terror, coalitions with | | working class, hymns of praise in| favor of the glory and power of| capitalism, hateful slanders against | |the Soyiet Union and against the {Communist Parties, forgeries and} provocations, all these measures/ have been used and are still being used by the bourgeoisie in its strug- gle against the revolutionary move- | ment, All the efforts of the bourgeoisie, | however, have proved unsuccessful. | The Communist International con- |tinues to grow despite all difficul- ties and to win more and more the} | sympathies of the exploited and op- | pressed toilers all over the world. Growing Crisis of Capitalism. The past ten years have exposed and destroyed the illusions concern- ing the stability of capitalism. In the years of the first imperialist war, the imperialists and their so- | cial democratic allies told the whole} world that it was a war to end war and that its conclusion would bring about a purification of capitalism, jan era of permanent peace and the |fraternization of the peoples, In reality, however, the war to end war presented us with the old contradictions more intensified than ever... The antagonisms between the imperialist countries are growing. The conditions for a new imperialist war are accumulating, particularly in connection with the struggle be- tween Great Britain and the United States for world hegemony. Arma- ments are greater than ever and behind the scenes the diplomats are} organizing new _ politico-military agreements, The revolutionary movement in the colonial and semi-colonial coun- tries is growing. Unemployment is extending and the class struggle in | the capitalist countries is intensify- ing. The Soviet Union is growing and strengthening and threatening the basis of world imperialism. Neither the League of Nations nor the lying pacifist propaganda of the social democracy, neither the capi- talist rationalization nor the at- tempts of the reformists to estab- lish industrial peace, will be able to abolish the growing crisis of capitalism. Capitalism is approach- ing a new world war which must end in a catastrophe for it. The first world war ended with the breakdown of the imp:-ialist front and the es- tablishment of the first proletarian dictatorship. A second imperialist world war and an_ interventior against the Soviet Union will give the system of world imperialism the last and final blow. Socialists Aid Capitalism. In its struggle against the grow- ing revolutionary crisis, the bour- geoisie has found a loyal ally in the social democracy. The last ten years have confirmed beyond all doubt the fact that the social democ- racy has finally broken with Marx- ism and developed into a bourgeois workers party which is appointed to maintain and consolidate the capi- talist system. Upon the field of for- eign politics the social democracy operates with pacifist phrases but in reality it is actively as@jsting in the preparation of new imperiatist wars and the organization of a cru- the | the social democrats against the | sade against the first workers’ state. At home the social democracy as- sists capitalism in carrying out its rationalization and placing bonds upon the working class. Because of this we are able to observe the pro- gressive process in which the work- ing masses leave the social democ- raey and, because of a strengthen- ing process of radicalization amongst the masses of the workers swing to- wards the Communist International. The Communist International is the only representative of Marxism and the only power which is capable of leading the proletariat in its strug- gle for the overthrow of c>~italism. The Communist International was) born in the struggle against the re- | formist social democracy. The Com- munist Parties in the capitalist coun- tries grew and strengthened in the struggle against the social demo- cracy. In the fire of this struggle the Communist Parties have become the mass Parties of the revolutionary proletariat, united in one Communist World Party. The Communist International did not only grow and become strength- ened in the struggle against the so- cial democracy, but it grew and developed also in the against vacillations and confusion in its.own ranks, in the struggle against Right wing deviations, i, e.) deviations towards open opportun- ism, and against Left wing devi- ations, i. e, towards opportunism un- der a cloak of revolutionary phrases. The history of the internal develop- ment of the Communist Interna- tional during the last ten years, is the history of the liquidation of deviations and of conciliation to- wards them in its own ranks, The last ten years have shown that the systematic struggle against rthese deviations and, above all, against the Right wing deviation as the chief danger of the present period, is the indispensible method the peaceful intentions of those ca- of Bolshevizing the Communist Par- ties. Without this Bolshevization the Parties would be unable to cleanse themselves of the remnants of so- cial democratic traditions, unable to educate their members in the spirit of Bolshevism and unable to produce real Bolshevist Party leaders who are capable of leading the masses in the coming revolutionary struggles to the establishment of the dictator- ship of the proletariat. Forces of Revolution Growing. The Communist International is celebrating its tenth anniversary at a moment when the antagonisms of capitalism all over the world are in- tensifying and the conditions for a new revolutionary period accumulat- ing. In the capitalist countries the working masses are developing from defense to attack. In the colonial and semi-colonial countries a new wave of the revolutionary struggle is rising. In the Soviet Union the working class, supported upon the village poor and in alliance with the broad masses of the toiling peasants, is building up socialism in a strug; against world capitalism and against the capitalist ements in the Soviet struggle | revolution are growing. The Com- munist International appeals to the workers of all countries and to the oppressed and exploited toilers all over the world to rally around its banner in a struggle for the world dictatorship of the proletariat, for world Communism. Working men and working women of all capitalist countries! Capitalist rationalization robs you of your strength, exploits your muscles and your nerves. Capitalism is turning you more and more into component parts of its machinery. It is suck- ing your blood and throwing mil- lions of you, sucked dry, onto the streets, Close your ranks under the banner of the revolutionary struggle for the unity of the working class and the oppressed peoples all over the world under the banner of the Communist International! Oppressed peoples of the colonial and semi-colonial countries! World imperialism is continuing its policy of brutal exploitation and oppression. It is turning your sweat and your blood into money. Remember! The hour of the proletarian dictatorship will be the hour of your emancipa- tion! Strengthen your national re- volutionary struggle! Long live the red flags of the Communist Inter- national! Working men and working women} !of the Soviet Union! Continue the work of socialist construction! Re- |member that every new workshop, every new factory, every new Soviet undertaking, every new collective | undertaking and every new step in the development of the co-operatives means the consolidation of the Sov- iet’ Union which was built up upon the heroic sacrifices of you and your comrades. It means also the strengthening of the whole interna- tional working class movement. Working men and working women! Exploited and oppressed peoples! Remember that the capitalist world is preparing a new imperialist war and a counter-revolutionary crusade against the first proletarian dicta- torship of the world, the fatherland of the international working class. Do not believe the liars in the ranks of the social democracy who wish to lull you into a sense of false secur- ity with empty phrases concerning pitalist states which are even at this moment preparing a new war. Prepare yourselves to turn the coun-. ter-revolutionary war against the Soviet Union into a war against im- perialism, into a civil war against the bourgeoisie in your own coun- tries. Workers of the world! Oppressed peoples! The Communist Interna- tional appeals to you to join in a joint struggle against capitalist ex- ploitation, against the yoke of im- perialism, against the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, against the pre- paration of new imperialist wars and interventions, against the paci- fist lies and against the social demo- cratic unity with the bourgeoisie and in favor of the class unity of the proletariat in its struggle against imperialist slavery, against the op- pression of the colonial and semi- colonial peoples, against reformism | months, but none of them were convicted. and against fascism, for the prole- tarian revolution! Long live the proletarian dictator- ship in the Soviet Union! Long live the proletarian world revolution! Long live the world dictatorship of the proletariat! Long live World Communism! —The Executive Committee of the Communist International. ui ’ HAYWOOD'S OOK All rights resccved. Republicas ~ tion forbidden except by permissicn. [Lumber Bosses Provide Southern Women With Husbands by Rotation; Spokane Free Speech Fight; Tour of Canada Haywood has told of working as a boy and young man in the old West, where he was several sorts of child slave, farm laborer, cowboy, homesteader, and miner. He told how he learned the story of the conquest of the Indians and of the class war, and how he be- came a revolutionist. He told of leading gigantic strikes, of pistol battles in the streets, of dynamite used by scabs and stool pigeons. He related the history of the Western Federation of Miners, which he led through this period, and of the I.W.W. which he helped to organize. \He told of the Moyer, Haywood and Pettibone trial, and of his going to Europe as a delegate to the International Socialist Congress, where he met Lenin, Mann and many other leaders. In last issue he was fighting race prejudice in Louisiana, and organizing the lumber werk- ers. Now read on. a ee By WILLIAM D HAYWOOD. PART 77. ] VISITED several of the southern lumber camps. At one of them, Graybow, offices, warehouses and post office were enclosed in a high lumber fence. The company store which provided all the supplies of the workers did business on the scrip basis; that is, the company issued its own money, made of paper and brass, called “batwings” and “cherryballs,” which was not good anywhere else. 2 In spite of all the surveillance at Graybow, a strike was declared against the Long-Bell Lumber Company, which rapidly spread to other mills and lumber camps. At Graybow some of the guards and company men were killed, as well as some of the strikers. Seven white and five black strikers were put in jail and held for seveal I was told of almost indescribable conditions that prevailed in the turpentine camps, where some of the workers were short-time prisoners who had been liter- ally purchased from the county in which they were convicted. These men were subjected to inhuman treatment, often terribly beaten. It was in such a camp that Martin Tabret, a seventeen-year-old boy, was beaten only a few years ago, The turpentine and lumber companies fastened their hold_on some of the workers, both black and white, more securely than by the steel bands of chattel slavery. They have deliberately cultiviated the narcotic drug habit among the workers. At every company store co- caine, morphine and heroin are sold. The workers, once addicted, cannot think of going away from their sure source of supply, even if they could scrape together enough money to pay for the journey. These workers move about from camp to camp, but never get away from the + district. The companies had women who lived in the camps in little shacks, The men moved from camp to camp, staying perhaps a few months, perhaps a couple of years, but the women stayed in the shacks and took the newcomers as husbands for the duration of their stay in the camp. I was at many of the married workers’ homes, rough lumber shacks, but kept as neat as a woman’s attention could make them. The boarding houses were like other !umber camp boarding houses, with the exception that the hogs rooting around the door-steps were here of the razor-back variety, slab-sided bony creatures. In Texas I spoke for the Farmers’ Educational League, which was also a mixed organization, . es # IN my return to Chicago I agreed with the Kerr Publishing Company to work with the International Socialist Review, and went on a tour. Each local for which I spoke sold tickets which included a subscription to the Review. I went through Duluth, Minneapolis and St. Paul, and had a splendid meeting in Butte, Montana.. At Anaconda, a smelter town, such an air of mystery prevailed everywhere that I dubbed the place the “City of Whispers.” The workers seemed to be afraid to open their mouths for fear of being fired. At Spokane there was a fine meeting. The workers there were still imbued with the spirit of the free speech fight which had been , carried on by the I.W.W. the previous year. The Spokane authorities had attempted to crush the I.W.W. and the spirit of its members, by crowding them into the county jail. For a time the jail was crowded that the inmates had no room to lie down, but had to take turns snatching a few minutes’ sleep. The windows of the corridor in which they were confined were closed and the steam was turned on. The heat became unbearable and for a while they thought they were going to be suffocated. This was only one of many free speech fights the I.W.W. was compelled to make throughout the country. But in each fight there was some unique development that gave the organization wide publicity and cultivated in the minds of the young migratory workers a sense of their importance and the strength of organization. They would no longer permit themselves to be driven from pillar to post by the police, and if they were arrested without cause, the branch to whieh they belonged always came to their rescue. When a free speech fight began, every footloose worker that heard about it headed toward the town where the fight was on, crowded the jails and made it so generally uncomfortable for the officials that the right to speak was established. In Sioux City the I. W. W.’s filled the jails. The authorities sent for some carloads of granite which they expected the I. W. W.’s to break for macadaming the roads, But in- stead of going to work the I. W. W.’s went on hunger strike. When they were brought into court, the judge said to one young fellow, “You're a worker, are you? Let me see the calluses on your hands.” The young fellow replied, “Take down your pants, judge, and let me see where your calluses are!” ~ #8 : jets the Portland meeting I got on the boat to go to Seattle. Fred Moore, a lawyer who had worked for the I. W. W., was on the boat. He came as a messenger from Clarence Darrow, who was acting as chief counsel for the McNamara brothers, then under indictment for murder in connection with the Los Angeles Times explosion in Cali- fornia, which had killed a number of scabs. My engagements were to take me through California, and Moore’s message from Darrow was to“ask me not to come into California until the MacNamara trial was over. As Moore put it to me, Darrow was afraid that my lectures in California would have a bad effect on the MacNamara case. I had been speaking everywhere on behalf of ‘ the boys, and the I. W. W. was working for them. Organized labor generally was inflamed over the manner of their kidnaping, which was a duplicaticn of the method adopted when Moyer, Pettibone and myself were taken from Colorado to Idaho. I had no desire to do anything that would be detrimental to the MacNamara brothers, and after con- sidering the situation carefully, I decided to cancel all my dates in California. Moore told me that Darrow had said that I should have no financial loss, but I replied that the financial end of it would be my contribution to the prisoners’ defense. I reversed my route and went to Canada. As I crossed the line the customs officer asked me if I was coming into the country only on short trip. I said, “Only a matter of a few days.” I did not tell hi that it was my intention to tour the country, but on that trip I it from Vancouver to Cape Breton, from coast to coast, speaking at al the towns along the road. I hope that other workers will have th opportunity to see all the gorgeous beauty that I saw on this journey ‘y smang. the Canadian Rockies. I was fascinated by the lakes and the glaciers. The train passed over the site of the town of Frank, which had been buried by a falling mountain. This had been a mining camp where hundreds cf members of the W. F. M. had lived and worked, and had lost their tives in the disaster. Not a splinter of the town remained; hd gia a desolate stretch of bowlders under which the town lay ~ ried. / On this trip I had a wide range of material to talk about. There had been my recent trip to Europe, there was the McNamara case, and industrial unionism, which had taken hold of the imagination of the workers everywhere. I came down the eastern coast to New Yor! speaking et different towns. - * *. * In the neat issue Haywood tells of militia bayoneting workers in uf the Lawrence strike and of the committee going to Washington from the strike zone. Haywood’s stirring autobiography is published in book form. You can get a volume free for one new or val st scription to the Daily Worker, causeeanaeeiiaaie