The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 2, 1929, Page 6

Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. —w Published b: Daily $8.00 a year $6.00 a Addres Herrick—“War Ambassador” Myron T. Herrick, United States ambassador to France, is dead on the heels of the jingo hysteria incidental to the Foch frenzy in which he participated as an outstandir figure. Herrick’s funeral will probably be another milita parade, with the French imperialist government offering its newest and fastest cruiser, the “Tourville,” to cart home his remains. Herrick was an energetic “war ambassador,” helping to rush America into the world carnage to save Morgan’s bil- lions. He worked closely with Herbert Hoover when the lat- ter was using American dollars to break the Hungarian Soviet Revolution, and to beat down revolutionary workers on the march in other European countr That Herrick was ever conscious of the class war in which American imperialism was engaged in Europe, was shown by his malicious attack on the Soviet Union at the very moment when a Russian emigre assassin shot down Voikov, the Soviet ambassador to Poland, in the railway sta- tion at Warsaw. He was notoriously vicious in resisting the demands of wide masses of French labor that Sacco and Vanzetti be released, allying himself closely with the Cool- idge-Fuller gang that murdered these Italian workers. Herrick was a spokesman of the new American imper- jalism, early schooled in republican party politics under the notorious Mark Hanna-William McKinley regime in the “G. O. P.” in Ohio, in the days when the United States was mak- ing war on Spain and seizing colonies as far distant as the Philippines. Himself a Cleveland financier, he faithfully served the money interests of Wall Street in the strategic position entrusted to him in France. The French workers, in spite of Herrick, made the Sacco- Vanzetti case their business. America’s workers, in spite of Herrick’s slanders typified in his reiteration of the “na- tionalization of women” canard, will make the interests of the Soviet Union their business. Thus the workers of America, of France, and of the world, through the crimes committed by such as Her- rick—the “war ambassador’—got a better insight into the real nature of Yankee imperialism. They will profit by the lesson. K Labor’s Viewpoint on Working Age Limit In Western Massachusetts, 350 local unions of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor are’ conducting a “survey” by ques- tionnaire, “to ascertain the attitude of employers towards the age limit for workers.” It has been sufficiently established that the speed-up, and rationalization generally, wrecks workers, physically and mentally, at an early age, the figure now being reduced to under 40 years. It will not be difficult for the A. F. of L. unions to get these facts. The big question is: what will they do with these facts after they get them? They will probably be pigeonholed. At most they will be used half-heartedly in some wage negotiation, or referred to a legislative commit- tee sitting on the steps of the state capitol seeking “friends” among the republicans and democrats who burned the lives By Fred Ellis _ | f The Uprising in Mexico By BERTRAM D. WOLFE. The uprising in Mexico was a de- velopment out of the campaign for the election of a president in Mexico to take the place of President Obre-| Shadow of Anglo-American Antagonism Tn the Background gon who was sinated. In the last two de all presidential elections in Mexico have been de- elements and modern landowners cided on the battlefield, and not injwho have been enriched in the the voting booth. course of the revolution. This is due to the lack of a power- ful national bourgeoisie with the consequent lack of parliamentarism, the rapid development of Mexican |candidate “Valenzuela are economy with the consequent insta-| called “men of the revolution.” They bility of class forces, the activitie of competing American and British imperialisms and their struggle for the rich oil and. mineral resources of Mexico, and the development of agrarian labor and anti-imperialist revolutionary forces. Mexico who enriched themselves in the course of the revolution after Reactionary Uprising. of the long revolutionary develop- The uprising is quite clearly re- actionary in character. Its leading going. old Obregon group is deep-goirg. | At the other pole the crystalliza- tion of class forces is manifested in The rebel generals and the former |the growing independent role of the |and have resisted all attempts of the | agrarian politicians, Manrique and workers and peasants under the lead-|Calles Government to disarm them. | Soto y Gama and the presidential |ership of the small but increasingly |Portes-Gil, forseeing the present up- | = all so- influential Mexican Communist ising has been trying to win peas- Party. The workers and peasants, of ‘all of the revolutionary movements |the fighting forces various |bourgeoisie that make up the ‘ment through which Mexico has been |bureaucratic and military apparatus | of the Mexican government. | will utilize its big and growing in-| fluence among the workers and peas- | ants to mobilize them as independ- | {ent guerrila forces against the jcounter-revolution and for the real- ization of their own class interests, | Peasantry Armed. | Already large sections of the peas- | jantry are armed. Some of them ac-| jquired arms in previous revolutions | jaunt support by distributing Iand and were revolutionaries in the early |partictilarly the latter (since Mex-|atms. The Valenzuela supporters stages of the development of the ico is predominately an agrarian have also tried this, but to a more bourgeois democratic revolution in|country) have formed the bulk of |limited extent, and it is even pos- |sible that the arms that General |Aguirre distributed in the State of coming to places of power in the from 1910 to the present time. But | Vera Cruz will be used by the peas- unstable petty-bourgeois government |they have until recently always ac-|@nts there, who are the most ad- |that resulted from the first stages |cepted the leadership of the petty Vanced in the country, against Gen- jeral Aguirre himself. | An important role in the struggle | jis, being played by American and |British imperialism. Both Central | Copyright, 1989, by Internationat Publishers Co., Inc. BILL * HAYWOOD’S All rights rese,ved. Republica- B OOK tion forbidden except by permissicn, Round the British Coal Fields With Mann, Smilie; Militant British Strikes; the I, W. W. and Syndicalism Haywood has already told of his life on the Rocky Mountoin labor fields, where he started as a child slave, became successively a farm laborer, homesteader, cowboy and miner. He has told of organ- izing men into the Western Federation of Miners, of leading great strikes, of becoming secretary of the W. F. M., of helping to create the I. W. W., of its campaigns and internal difficulties, of standing trial in a murder frame-up, of attending the Socialist Congress in Copenhagen, and of speaking through the English coal fields. He ts still in England, as you start reading below. Saar By WILLIAM D HAYWOOD. PART 75. N Lanarkshire I saw an appalling sight. On one side of the street was a four-story ramshackle brick building, in which lived about five hundred laboring men. They did their own cooking in a greasy kitchen. There was a slimy bath house. They slept in dirty wards, This was called, for some reason that I was never able to fathom, the Model House. Across the street from it was a sheer blank wall, as high as a penitentiary wall. Behind the blank wall was a great mansion with hundreds of rooms, in which lived one man, the Duke of Hamilton. I went to see the mausoleum of this noble family. One of the tombs was of black basalt and had been brought from Egypt. These aristocratic grave- robbers had dumped out the original owner, and had brought the sarcophagus to Scotland. When the Scot died, they found that his body was too long for the coffin, As it was impossible to lengthen the stone coffin, they had to double up the occupant’s legs in order to crowd him in, There he rested as com- fortably as such a crooked man could. I went to visit the homes of some of the coal miners. I t They were rabbit-warrens, built back to back in long rows, with one door and one window apiece. One room to a family, never more than two rooms at most. A bed was built into the wall, like a hole, where pots and pans were piled in the daytime, and dumped out on the floor at night to make room for the sleepers. This town was the birthplace of Andy Carnegie, and was marked with one of his libraries. Robert Smillie, leader of the coal miners, took me to his home which was little more than a “butt and ben.” He drove me around to the various mining camps and to Lead Mills, one of the oldest mining towns in Britain, with the oldest circulating library in the country. At the mine there was a big old water wheel that for genera s had operated the lift in the mine. After splendid meetings in Edinburgh, Cambushlang, and other places in Scotland, I went down into the black country in Enz speak at Manchester and Salford. * Ac Burnley Tom Mann, William Hyndman and I spoke at the meeting. Mann was a vigorous speaker and a fine propaga’ He was at that time much interested in the syndicalist movement was attempting to federate fhe transport workers along the lines wh he thought the syndicalist movement of France followed. Hov- syndicalism was not what Mann really wanted. Industrial ur was nearer to what he was striving for. Pottstown is the center of the manufacture of pottery, por enamel and similar wares. Here, when the weather is mu smoke from hundreds of stacks settles down on the towns | ket. I had some good meetings and visited some of the factories, wh I saw the workers dipping the wares into the lead glaze that, 2 firing, makes chinaware white. These men, after a very few become so poisoned with the lead and its fumes that their teeth fal out and their joints are locked as if with the worst attacks of r ‘sm. I was told that these workers did not live longer than twenty-eight to thirty-three years old. The sacrifice of their li only one of the demands of capitalism. I went to the coal fields of South Wales, Rhondda Valley and Merthyr Tydve}, speaking at Tonypandy in the Royal Theatre a + # figure candidate for the pres-| They have b land Workers Own Party. ¥ = . ‘ As 7 ; 4 a 7 : ey have become landowners on : |Govetnment and rebels angle for) or two before a strike was declared on the mines of that vicinii out of Sacco and Vanzetti. : idency is Gilberto Valenzuela. He is!» large scale and formed also the| The maturing of class forces, the | support of American capital. The| told the coal miners how the Western Federation was organized, ¥ The shoe and textile workers in Massachusetts know the supported by the rebel gene ginnings of a native bourgeoisie. |growth in the agrarian. movement, | present government of Mexico has| every man who worked around the mines belonging to the same un brand of trade unionism, alias “company unionism,” that the A. F. of.L. tries to foist upon them, under the white treason banners of surrender of the United Textile Workers’ Union and the Boot and Shoe Workers’ Union. It is onfy miiitant labor, under the banners of left wing industrial unionism that will make a real fight against the scrapping of workers still in their forties. It will do this through ceaseless struggle against the murderous speed-up; by combatting the attack of the exploiters against the work- ers, with the aggressive offensive of labor against the capi- talists. The period of greater rationalization in industry finds the craft unions growing weaker or disappearing, while industrial unionism gains strength with every new strug- gle. In this lies the hope of the working class, that must also realize the necessity of sending Communists into the capitalist parliamentary bodies to wreck the illusion that the old parties will grant it any legislative concessions, to build the Communist Party, the leader in the struggle for eman- cipation. Deterding’s Propaganda of Hate and Lies Sir Henri Deterding, now visiting with American oil barons in New York City, continues his malicious anti-Soviet propaganda of bitter hatred and lies. The abject defeat suf- fered by his Royal Dutch Oil Company, in the struggle with the Soviet Naptha Syndicate, has only served to increase Sir Henri’s bitterness and his appetite to fabricate additional anti-Soviet slanders and to repeat old ones. Deterding would like to make it appear that he was the victor in this clash. He argues intensely that the agreement made with the Soviet Naptha Syndicate provides for com- pensation to former owners of Russian oil fields. The Soviet government has already tried to keep Sir Henri clear on this point. The Amtorg Trading Corporation in New York City repeats the effort. But the head of “Royal Dutch” continues his hocus pocus performance, which convinces no one. Deter- ding did make this one of his chief demands in the negoti- ations between the “Royal Dutch” and the Soviet Naptha Syndicate, but he quickly dropped it, when, it as definitely and firmly rejected by the Soviet representatives. , Deterding’s false statement that the oil production of the Soviet Union is “too small to count” can only be intended as a red herring across the trail that is leading to American recognition of the Workers and Peasants Government. This Sir Henri fears, as it would increase the competition between American and British interests for Soviet trade. Deterding’s propaganda campaign has been worn threadbare. It defeats itself when it is rightly understood. The Jewish Daily Socialist Forward, in its issue of March 27th, republishes in detail the fabrications of the American Trotskyist organ, “The Militant,” concerning the recent Sixth National Convention of the Communist Party. Another cementing of the ties that bind Cahan and Cannon, yellow socialists with counter-revolutionary renegades, ¥ Escobar (military chieftain of the uprising), Manzo, and Aguirre, and apparently by the renegade agrari- They are capitalist and semi-cap- italist, in contradistinction to the older semi-feudal landowners. The ans, Manrique and Sotoy. Gama. His chief slogan during the “peace- ful” or propaganda period of the election fact that such a large number of the revolution” could have made an ,Compaign was “religious |ailiance with the older landowning freedom.” The immediate content |class and Catholic Church symbol- of this ‘slogan is freedom for the Catholic Church (which fs forbidden Mexican law to own land, par- pate pol on re- igious educ harpening of class forces irf§Mexico and the development of differentia- tions inside the unstable petty bour- is elements that have thust far ation for tk Behind the Church nd the big d the bourgeois-democratie revolu- landowners, particularly the older |tion and dominated the recent Ob- Spanish families of semi-feudal |regon-Calles government. landowners. They have been the | Classes Crystallizing. Calles himself, has symbolized his of support of the Central Government ‘ of Portes Gil by taking over the |Bloc, largely under Communist leaa- post of Minister of War. Rubio, ership, have already issued a c-- the candidate for president who was claration branding the uprising as|favored by the government, and counter-revolutionary. Saenz, the candidate who withdrew | Leagued with the landowners ap-jin favor. of Rubio, have both de- pear to be a larger proportion than |clared their support of the ventral heretofore of the rising capitalist !government. Thus the break in the backbone of all of the recent ¢ ter-revolutionary uprisi in ico. The Communist Party Mexico and the Worker-P< n- ne Mellon and the S. P. for ' the Coal and Iron Police By A. JAKIRA. | could not remain silent any longer. The brutalities of the coal and Ministers, labor misleaders, social- jivon police, better known as “Yel-| ists, liberals now awoke to the fact ‘low Dogs” and of the state police| that “something must be done in jof Pennsylvania, or the state “cos-) the matter.” | sacks,” are well known to every| Socialists in True Light. one interested in the labor move-| ‘The socialists, the liberals and the ment. Both the “Yellow Dogs” and high salaried labor officials were the state cossacks are powerful) compelled to come out in their true strikebreaking agencies in the hands | light as the agents of the bosses. of the large employers of labor.'Taetead of organizing a campaign | During the recent coal miners’! to arouse the workers for complete strike thousands of workers, their wives and children, were victims of | these bloody tools of the coal op- erators. The brutalities of the state abolition of the state police and the “Yellow Dogs,” these “representa- tives of labor” are making a feeble attempt to make the bills intro- |cossacks at the well-known Ches-| duced by the Mellons and Governor wick Sacgo-Vanzetti meeting on Au-| Fisher in the state legislature more ‘gust 22nd, 1927 are beyond descrip-| respectable and “acceptable” to the tion. | workers, The bloody activities of the coal, These misleaders of labor did not and iron police again came into the} hesitate to come to an agreement limelight recently after a miner was| with a bourgeois politician, Mus- murdered in cold blood by a group} mano by name, a tool of the Mellons of “Yellow Dogs” in the employ ee iene Governor Fisher, and had him the notorious union-breaking Pitts-| introduce @ bill in the state legis- burgh Coal Company near Imperial, | lature “regulating” the coal and iron | Pennsylvania, The methods used by | police. This bill met with the full these murderers in this particular| approval of the socialists, the Amer- instance were of such a beastly na-|ican Civél Liberties Union and a _. ture that even the capitalist press,number of A, F. L, officials. the growth }movement, the growth of the labor |movement, the development of in- dustry, the rift in the petty bour- former Obregonistas and “men of |ge0isie and the beginning of a larger ficient popular support, that the | |bourgeoisie, the vacillation ad treachery of the petty bourgeoisie, their attempts to block the agrarian izes the growing crystallization and |Tevolution, their violation of pledges, | survive, |their attacks upon the labor moyve- ment, their surrender of post after post to American imperialism, and jabove all the existence and growth jof the Communist Party, have all |served to disillusion the masses with the petty bourgeois leadership of velopment and to make them ap- ent force under the leadership of the |proletariat and the Communist For the first time, in the present presidential campaign, the workers an! peasants have had a. candidate of their own as the candidate of the Worker-Peasant Bloc which is large- jly under Communist leadership. Musmano, howeyer, as it was.to | be expected, soon “backed out” and left his “friends” flat. Communists Expose Betrayals. ers was exposed regently at a con- ference in Pittsburgh where this | question was considered. This con- ference was called by the American Civil Liberties Union to which the | officials of the socialist party, the United Mine Workers of‘ America: ‘the Amalgamated Associatitn of Tron, Steel and Tin Workers, ,the _Pittsyurgh Central Labor Union and a limited number of local unions were invited. Thg Communists served notice on the conference that any attempt to |patch up the bills “regulating” the coal and iron police means nothing but an endors¢ment of this strike- breaking agency of the bosses to which no clasg-conscious worker can agree, that the question of state police cannot be separated from the coal and iron police as both play the Same role as strikebreakers. In- steady the Communists, put up the following demands: To organize a state-wide campaign for complete abolition of the “Yellow Dog” sys- tem, for complete abolition of the state police, against the use of gun- men, sheriffs, national guards, state militia, ete., in labor disputes, etc. These demands were as it was to be expected from a conference of this kind, not accepted, despite » in the anti-imperialist | the past, to hasten their leftward de, Pear more and more as an independ-| Mexico at present is the shadow of Undoubtedly, the Communist farty- war. SR sat taacaeectr ae ee, ne ean TLABE SL SRR Ne ean ea AOS This attempt to betray the work- | made so many important concessions | |to American oil interests and finan- (debt payment) and | jhas demonstrated that it has suf-| cial interests |American canitalist interests find it | |profitable to support it as long as it |seems to show strength enough to | At the same time, American inter- | ests flirt with Valenzuela and | cautiously watch developments. Brit- | ish capital has been traditionally | allied with the Catholic Landowning | movements in Mexico, and Valen- |zuela was Ambassador to the Court | of Saint James. | Thus behind the developments in | American military intervention and | | the shadow of the Anglo-American | |antagonism—the dominant world an- | \tagonism inside the ranks of the ‘imperialists. The present develop- jments in Mexico involve the ripen- jing of the Mexican revolution. They | jalso involve the possibility of world | e the energetic fight put up by the delegates representing the rank and file organizations. The socialists and the representa- tives of the American Civil Liber- ties Union helped the high labor of- ficials defeat the: demands of the Communists. The rank and file dele- | gates withdrew from the conference |with a declaration that they could not possibly remain and be part to this open betrayal of the workers; that it makes no difference whether the miners’ heads are broken by “Yellow Dogs” under $2,000 bond as proposed by Governor Fisher or by “Yellow Dogs” under $10,000 bonds as proposed by the socialists and A. F. L. officials; that it makes no difference whether the workers ‘are to be murdered by “Yellow | Dogs,” citizens of Pennsylvania (as proposed by the sécialists), or by “Yellow Dogs” coming from any | ther state of the country. | + The workers must not allow them- selves to be fooled by the proposals made by the socialists, American Civil Liberties Union and the A. F. L.. officials to give their endorse- ment of the “Yellow Dog” system and must give thsiv full-hearted support to the demands of the Com- munist Paro Spr the complete aboli- \tion of the “Yellow Dog” system and the state police ond for the right of the workers to organize, | strike and picket without interfer- ence on the part of the government. and that when we went on strike every man quit at one time. I said that when the pump men were pulled off, as the water came up in the mine the spirits of the owners went down in the office. The min- ers of Tonypandy seemed to think that this was good advice. When the strike started they pulled out the engine drivers, the pump men, the pony drivers and stable tenders underground, and the mine owners were in a real dilemma. In the course of a day or two the King of England sent a telegram inquiring whether the mine ponies were still alive. He did not inquire after the health and welfare of the miners and their wives and children. There were a few scabs during the strike; they call them blacklegs in England. The women dealt with them. They got hold of them, stripped them, and put white’ shirts on them, with a sign written on each shirt-bosom—“I am a blackleg.” Then they put ropes around the men’s necks and led them through the streets. eee Av Liverpool I spoke in St. George’s Hall. Ramsay MacDonald pre- ceded me. After I had concltided, members of the audience, espe- cially those in the gallery, rose with a great shout, and throwing up their caps, they cried, “Hurrah! You've saved the meeting, Bill!” An industrial syndicalist conference took place in Manchester, which endorsed direct action, formed the Industrial Syndiealist Edu- cational League, and started a paper called the Syndicalist. Tom Mann did much active work under the auspices of the League. After speaking at local meetings of the Dock Workers’ Union, § was made an honorary member, and given an engraved charter as a membership card. Jouhaux, secretary of the Confederation, said that they were try- ing to get the Saturday half holiday. They were following closely in the footsteps of the British trade union movement. I came to the con- clusion that the union movement of France was built on about the same lines as the A. F. of L. It was a little more radical because its members were more class conscious. et te IN Paris I met William Z. Foster, who had attended the International Labor Congress that had met in Buda-Pesth, where he had gone as a delegate from the I.W.W. He had not been seated, because of the antagonism of James Duncan, who was representing the A. F. of L., but he formed a friendship with the French delegates and became very much imbued with the idea of syndicalism, which he thought should be introduced in America. When Foster returned to the United States he wrote some articles on syndicalism for the I.W.W. papers, and he ran for office as editor of one of the papers in which he was defeated. He later started the Syndicalist League and a paper. Many people have imagined that syndicalism and industrial union/ ism are one and the same thing. But they are two distinct schools of thought in the world labor movement. The I.W.W. had been organ- ized independently and separate from the movement in France. The two movements differed in theory, and the I.W.W. was as revolutionary in practice as the Syndicalists, It conceived the idea of organizing the working class along the lines actually existing in industry insteaé of in various crafts and trades, and in uniting industries intd one com: prehensive union, The syndicalists simply coordinated the different trades and crafts, as is done in the building trades of America. After a short trip to Italy I returned to England. Crossing the Channel on the same boat were Jaures and Vandervede, I shook hand: with the former, but did not make the acquaintance of the so-called Socialist from Belgium. 4 From England I sailed on the Mauretania for home. Oe Tomorrow we wjll print Haywood’s story of the Lawrence Strike, After that there will be days devoted to the trials that grew out of it, then the raids during the war, the great Chicago trial prison, and revolution. Why don’t you get a volume of Bill Hof- wood’s Book? You can have it free by sending in one yearly syb- scription, new or renewal, to the Daily Worker,