The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 30, 1929, Page 6

} Page Six igh 5) AILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MARCH 30,1929 ™* os Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Published by the National Da Daily, except Sunda Telephone S er Publishing Assi 5 New York, “DA IWORE By Ma in New Yor 8.00 a year $4. months ; By Mail (outside of New York) $6.00 a year $ six months 3 Adéress and mail all checks to the ly Worker, 4 New Y6rk, N. Y. THE FASCIST ELECTION The Republican Party in “The South” President Hoover has announced a definite change of policy by the republican party in the Southern states, the object of which is to win the so-called “best citizens” and the “highest type of citizenship” to insure victory over the demo- cratic party in future elections in this part of the country. This is an open challenge to Southern labor, white and black. Hoover wants to hold the victory of his party in the last elections in this democratic stronghold. He intends to do this, very evidently, by having the republican party turn its back completely on the Negro in the South, thus hoping to win over sufficient white bourgeois el ranks to make the G. O. P. as purely a white man’s party as is the democratic organization. Hoover announces his party’s change in policy by de- manding that “respectable committeemen” must be appointed to handle patronage matters. Selection of postmasters, first, second and third class, especially. For “the welfare of the nation,” sectional lines must be broken down, and the two- party system established in the South, says Hoover. This is the usual capitalist political piffle, under cover of which new anti-labor campaigns are prepared. Corruption in its worst forms exists under the repub- lican and democratic parties alike. Under the republican re- gime in Pennsylvania and Illinois, in the republican north, the debauching of the electorate went to such extremes that two United States senators elected to office were refused seats as a result of the public scandal resulting. The two capitalist party organizations corrode every- thing they touch. When Hoover points his finger at the re- publican party organizations in South Carolina, Georgia and Mississippi, and tries to indict Negro national committeemen in these states for existing party evils, he is merely looking for scapegoats to cover up the real purpose his party reor- ganization plan has in view. Perry Howard, a Negro, for many years republican na- tional committeeman from Mississippi, is now awaiting trial in connection with some of the patronage evils that Hoover piously pretends to resent. The alleged crimes, however, charged against Howard could be registered against every national committeeman in both the old parties. Distributing patronage, “where it will do the most good,” is one of the recognized and accepted old party methods of buying votes. The republican organization is headed in South Carolina by Joseph T. Tolbert, a Negro, for many years national committeeman, while Ben Davis, also a Negro, formerly head of the organization in Georgia, saw his services abruptly terminated at Kansas City, last June, in the evolution toward a “lily-white” republican party. The republican party will get its main strength in the South out of the new industrial plutocracy and the petty bourgeois elements dependent upon it. Strikes in Tennessee, North and South Carolina, indicate the increasing radicaliza- tion of the workers. Republicans and democrats alike issue injunctions, order out the police and troops, and use every other possible method to crush the economic struggles of the workers. The republican party, no less than the democratic party, will support the disfranchisement of both Negro and white workers and poor farmers in the South, through the usual, long accepted_ methods. Under the camouflaged fine phrases of the best president | Wall Street ever had, one can easily see Hoover artfully seek- ing to transplant the labor-crushing republican regime of an old industrial tyranny, like Pennsylvania, to the newly in- dustrialized South. Both white and Negro workers will be educated to understand this through bitter daily struggles. | Negro workers and poor farmers, over the entire nation, will learn through this experience that the republican party, as much as the party of slavery, the democratic party, is their class enemy, and that they are the victims of its class rule. Build the Communist Party to win all power for labor in the South and throughout the nation. Hoover Talks About Children Herbert Hoover, president, who has organized a “medicine ball cabinet” to keep from getting fat, has found time to issue a proclamation designating May 1 as Child Health Day. The proclamation is chiefly interesting because it abso- lutely fails to mention the 3,000,000 children in industry, the millions whose health is destroyed before the machine, who image Hoover’s medicine ball and Coolidge’s electric horse only in their dreams. Such exercise is not for them. The torture of incessant, endless toil saps their muscles, so that a moment’s rest becomes the greatest aspiration. Hoover declares that, “The march forward of our coun- try must be upon the feet of children.” American capitalist “civilization” does march forward upon the feet of children. It cruelly exploits 3,000,000 of them as the foundation stone of its wage slavery. Modern | industry is an insatiable cannibal gorging itself ceaselessly on the working class youth of the nation. Child exploitation means bitter competition with adult labor, dragging down the wage scales of working men and women who could do the work demanded of children. Children who escape industry and get into school for a few years are prepared intensively both for the industrial and _ the military machine, fodder for the battlefields of the next war, or to stay behind to help man the war industries without which the waging of modern wars is impossible. Another May Day Proclamation has been issued. It is _ the call of the Communist Party to celebrate May Day, 1929, _ on an increased scale as International Labor Day. The May Day of labor will be signalized by a réal struggle for the _ children, for the youth of the working class. It wil be a call for the war against the imperialist war. It will arouse the workers against Hoover’s capitalist social system that children.” It will be a preparation f i by the day of victory of wiet power in America. Tn ements from the democratic | marches forward, but not much longer, “upon the feet of | by W. M. HOLMES. When the 800 “Hunger Marchers” {marched into Trafalgar Square Feb. 24, to be greeted by a tremendously jenthusiastic demonstration of 25,000 workers, two facts emerged with | striking force. Py One that the Communist was nemployed Workers’ Commiittee movement (N. U. W. C. M.), had single-handed led the march against the solid front of reformist sabot- jage—had scored a remarkable tri- jumph: for the demonstration in the |Square was easily the largest that had been seen since the great un- jemployed demonstrations in 1921- New Wave of Militancy. ‘The other was that the depression | that has overhung the working class \in Britain during 1927 and 1928 is |slowly but surely lifting; anew wave two facts are indeed not two sepa- rate facts at all, but two aspects of one basic fact. But the triumphant London dem- onstration was only the culminating |point in the march. All along their jline of route the half-dozen main con- tingents met with enthusiastic wel- comes from the rank and file work- ers—welcomes that were the more \tangible by reason of their contrast |with frequent hostility of the local reformists, who followed the lead of |the Trades Union Congress General Council not to “recognize” the march ror to assist the marchers |in any way. Just how complete was the bar- jrier that the reformists sought to |erect between the marchers and the working class may be seen frcm the experience of the Scottish contin- gent. In the course of their four hundred miles march from Glasgow to London, occupying five weeks, this contingent only once had an of- ficial reception from a local Trades Council and Labor Party, and that London, Coerce Reformists. The barrier was virtually com- plete; and yet experience showed that it was only a paper barrier. In some cases the workers forced the local reformist leaders to un- dertake the reception of the march- ers, as in Doncaster, where a special Council reversed the Executive’s de- coast contingent. N, U. W. C. M. branch and the Min- ority movement group to form a re- organizations ‘|called, at which a reception commit- tee was elected (Birmingham and Stoke-on-Trent). Practically without excepticn the marchers. _ bourgeois and petty-bourgeois peo- _\ple stood out in strong contiast to '|the sabotage of the reformists. ‘|was a frequent thing for managers jof cinemas to give the marchers a free show, or to allow collections to be taken; for mayors of towns to ive food and tobacco to the march- rs and to make arrangements for them to sleep in the town hall, and o have the use of the municipal aths, Militant Demonstrations. mall towns too, the marchers were reeted by large and spirited demon- trations. At Mansfield ‘two thou- nd attended a send-off demon- arty—which, through the National | . | Streets. to welcome the Scottish con- jof militancy is on the way. These | was at Watford, a few miles outside | delegate meeting of the Trades cision not to assist the North-East In other towns sympathetic work- ers either gathered round the local ception committee (as at Bristol), or else conferences of trade union branches and other working-class in the town were ‘Co-operative Societies along the line jof march were most generous in \their gifts of food, ete. to the And the, generosity of It At every large town, and in many |" on London | stration” to the Yorkshire, Notts and, were able to send up to the march Derby contingents; at Lancaster the | headquarters the sum of £ 40; and Scottish marchers “held the largest at Mansfield, where the Yorkshire open-air meeting ever seen in this|marchers gained entry to, and put town.” Reports like these came in|their case before a labor party day after day from the marchers. | meeting, they collected £ 4 on the Through the Durham coalfield the |*Pt miners and their wives came troop- ing to the roadside to call “good luck!” to the north-east coast march- ers, and through the Lancashire cot- ton area the mill girls lined the Reformist Sabotage, Owing to reformist sabotage the marchers frequently had to spend the night in the poor law workhouses; and the workhouse authorities often attempted to treat the marchers as “casuals” (i. e. vagrants). This move was scotched by the determination The amounts of money collected|of the marchers, who in one case themselves testified to the solidar-|left the workhouse and paraded the ity of the workers with the march-|town (Saffron Walden) carrying ers. The Scottish contingent alone|aloft the slabs of bread and mar- [And It Will Be Saturday Night By A. B. MAGIL, I. tingent and put their pennies in the |collecting boxes. | And it will be Saturday night. | And Angelo Morelli will be coming home from work. All day he has been digging in a trench, dumping out the earth for the gas mains out in Jersey. Now he will be coming home (it’s a long ride from Jersey), clumping up the stairs, Clump, clump, up five flights of stairs to the paintpocked door in the six-story tenement on Orchard Street-where the Jews live. The ghost of his breath will be dancing before him, shivering , in the halls, | Tiredness like an old pain will drag at his heart. One flight, two flights—clump, clump. . . all the longs hours of toil will be clumping thru his body—clump, clump .. « And it will be Saturday night. And the warm smell of onions frying will hover in the hall. Dirty yellow gas light will crawl thru the cracks in the door. And Angelo Morelli will hear voices, warm voices will caress him, warm eyes will rise in his mind like dark ‘eternal suns, warm hands will be thrown round his body, sooth- ing away tiredness and vexation and old burning ache. And Angelo Morelli will suddenly be standing in the doorway, standing in a flood of warm odors, kids’ cries, tattered yellowness of gas light. ‘ And he will be laughing with white teeth and looking down at Baby Marie clasping his big tired feet with small greedy hands, Laughing and fumbling in his mind: Where are all the toys I brought you in my dreams? Fumbling, forgetting .... And the joy of Saturday night will rise up like a great tide in him, flooding his body, pouring from his eyes and his speech and gesture. Fumbling, forgetting . . . With the week’s work over. Il. Beside him will lie Rosa. Rosa the mother, Rosa the wife. Rosa, a rose—the rose that is a flower, the flower that’is a body (sunlight sleeps in her thighs)—mother, wife. They will be lying beside each other like lumps of earth shoyelled out of somewhere, Dumped across the ocean into the lap of the Statue of Liberty, | Two dead lumps of earth touching each other five flights up in the six-story tenement on Orchard Street where the Jews live. By Fred Ellis The National Hunger March gurine which was all the workhouse authorities would give them to eat, thus carrying out a very effective demonstration. The reformist sabotage, and the encouragement thereby given to the workhouse authorities to treat the! marchers har:hly, had a sinister se-} qtel in one instance. At Birming- ham the Lancashire marchers were preparing to leave the workhouse because the authorities would not give them proper treatment, when the aid of the police was summoned, and a regular affray took place. Sev- eral of the leaders of the contingent were severely beaten up by the po- lice. Heroic March. A final word must be said about the truly heroic endurance shown by the marchers in covering hundreds of miles by road through the most terrible winter that has been known in England for over thirty years. With up to twenty and more degrees of frost, through blinding snow- storms, over roads impassable to motor traffic, their clothes: often frozen stiff upon them, the marchers battled their way to London. One need only quote the blunt re- port of the Plymouth (west of Eng- land) contingent which experienced some of the worst weather: “No casualties and spirit undaunted.” That is the spirit which has brought the marchers to London, determined to present their twelve- point charter of immediate demands to the government—they have al- ready handed in a request for an in- terview with Baldwin and the prin- cipal cabinet ministers—and, what is more, determined to rouse the whole working class to action for those demands. Article by Marx on American Civil War in March Communist Marx’s first article in the New York Tribune on “The American Questign in England” is an out- standing feature of the March Com- munist, monthly, theoretical organ of the Communist Party of the U. Ss. A. In this article, written in London, Sept. 18, 1861, Marx gives a penetrating analysis of the causes of the American Civil War and ex- poses the hypocrisy of the organs of the British ruling class. Another article of special im- portance in the March Communist is Stalin’s speech on the internal struggles in the Communist Party of Germany, in which he gives a bril- liant analysis of the problems of capitalist stabilization and proletar- ian class struggles. In conclusion of his reply (begun in a previous issue) to’ Max East- man’s “Marx, Lenin and the Science of Revolution,” A Chiik thoroly ex- poses this pretentious renegade’s “complete illiteracy on questions of Marxism and Leninism.” A timely feature in the March Communist is an article consisting of a series of extracts from Lenin’s various writings on the question of “The Party and Party Discipline.” Max Bedacht’s report on the war danger to the Sixth National Con- ventnon of the Communist Party, slowing clearly the role the Party must play in the struggle against the coming imperialist war, an edi- torial on the tenth anniversary of: the Communist International, an article on “The Eighth Congress of Trade Unions of the U. S, S. R., the last part of an article on “The ‘|Factory Farm,” by “Harrow,” and | And it will be Saturday night, | ‘linteresting book reviews by Jim Cork and Burn Starr complete the ; With a Monday morning whistle boring thru the brain, A March issue aj was lien one new or renewal year’s subscriptionsto the Daily Worker. burden bearers and wage-earners of America. Copyright, Publishers Co., Ine. 1929, by Internationat BILL HAYWOOD’S BOOK Reactionaries in the Western Federation of Miners Oust Haywood; Mooney on Debs’ “Red Special”; A. F. L. Kow Tows ‘After being acquitted of a frame-up charge of murdering a state governor, Haywood went on a speaking tour, Read about it below. s * By WILLIAM D HAYWOOD. PART 73. HERE was a fine meeting in Seattle, and from that city I had dates across the state of Washington. At Yakima I was arrested—for smoking cigarettes. After all the indictments I had been s bjected to, this was my first conviction. It was repeated in a string of other towns in Washington, where there was a law against cigarette smoking. There was also a law against giving tips; if I was not arrested for this, it was not because I did not violate it! My persecution and the publicity that followed it caused the repeal of the anti-cigarette law. When I arrived at Wardner, Idaho, I was almost worn out. I went to bed until it was nearly time for the meeting, and when the comrades came for me, T got up and had a drink and started for the hall with them. On the way I told them that they would have to find some one to speak in my place, as my head was in such a whirl that I knew I could not deliver a speech. 'They objected—“You’ve had a good rest. You didn’t have more than one drink, did you?” “No,” I said, “but there’s something the, matter with me. I can’t speak tonight.” When we got to the hall I went on the platform long enough to apolozize to the audience, end ask one of the comrades to sneak. Then I went back to the hotel and to bed. Thia was the only time, of the many hundreds of meetings I have held, that could be called a miss. I never missed a meeting, I never missed a train in all my travels. I liked speaking; I liked the way I could handle an audience, the way they responded. Up in British Columbia, in Canada, I spoke at a meeting under the auspices of the Rossland Miners’ Union. Casey, the secretary of the union, told me of the disadvantage I was putting myself under by drinking so much. “That is exactly what Moyer likes to see you do,” he told me. “At the last convention I know that Moyer gave members money and told them to go out and have a good time with Bill; get him good and drunk.” I said, “Is that so?” Casey replied, “Sure. It’s a fact.” T had a bottle of Canadian Scotch in my grip. As the train moved along the next morning, I got to thinking about what Casey had said. I told myself, “If Moyer wants me to drink, it’s a thing I shouldn’t do.” My friends and family had often begged me to stop drinking; I had made many promises which I knew I wouldn’t keep. But now I was mad; mad clear through, under the eyes, deep down in the stomach. I took out that bottle of whisky, walked out on the platform of the moving train, and dropped .it down between the cars. I did not touch intoxicating liquor after that for many years. Stopping the drink so suddenly caused a violent reaction which was hard to endure for a time. But I had a reason now that was greater in my mind than the desire to drink. I began to renew my energies and threw myself into my work with my old-time vim and more pleasure than I had felt in many months. * . * WAS in Chicago during this trip, in the early spring of 1908. Mahoney came there to see me and proposed that I should publish an an- nouncement in the Miners’ Magazine to the effect that I was not lec- turing under the auspices of the Western Federation of Miners. He did not explain why he proposed this, and I could see no reason why I should do it. Shortly after this a notice appeared in the Miners’ Magazine: “Notice. Executive Board of the Western terminate the services of William Western eer of aoa in i ril, 1908. 3 the eighth day of Apri TG. E, Mahoney, vice-president, W.F.M.” When Mahoney had left me in Chicago, it seemed to be in a friendly spirit. I could understand that the poisonous animus of Moyer against me had percolated through the executive board. But why Moyer had not signed the notice instead of Mahoney I never found ott. The ‘W.F.M. had withdrawn by this time from the I.W.W., and Moyer had announced that “if to be conservative meant to stay out of prison, he was going to be conservative.” They had probably gone over the re- ports of my speeches on the trip, and had found that they were too revolutionary for their liking. ae Although I was no longer an official, I did not at this time sever my relations with the W.F.M. But I was certain that this would happen eventually if Moyer continued as president of the organization. The convention of the Socialist Party that met in Chicago in May, 1908, adopted a platform that yang clear. The class struggle was its foundation. This was the most revolutionary period of the Socialist Party in America. ‘At this time the party had recovered from its early colonization schemes and measures previously adopted for the purchase of mining Jands in. the Cripple Creek district, and it has not yet degenerated to its later vote-getting policy of opportunism. Many of the delegates suggested to me that I should run for the nomination as candidate for president. This I declined in writing, mentioning the fact that I was in favor of Eugene V. Debs, who was nominated by the convention as the party’s candidate for president. That year a whirlwind campaign was inaugurated and a train was chartered, called the “Red Special,” to tour the country with speakers. It was estimated that Debs and the group traveling with him spoke to eight hundred thousand people on this trip, which lasted about three months. ; Tom Mooney, who is doing a life-sentence in San Quentin, framed up after the San Francisco Preparedness Parade bomb, was one of the literature agents on the Red Special. eh VES URING this vital period of the Socialist Party’s existence the Amer iean Federation of Labor was kowtowing, silk hat in hand, before the United States government officials. It was about this time that Gompérs, Mitchell and Morrison of the A. F. of L, had been convicted of violating an injunction. The judge scathingly rebuked the A. F. of L. and its principal officers, sentencing them to six months or a year in prison. This they never served. The A. F. of L. was a part of the National Civic Federation, an alliance of capital and trade union lead- ers for the purpose of class collaboration. Gompers was at one time acting president of the National Civic Federation for eight months following the death of the president. But this close connection ‘with capital did not prevent the many failures of the A. F. of L. to secure the passage of laws beneficial to labor. The A. F. of L. presented “Labor’s Bill of Grievances” to the President of the United States, the Vice-President, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives. A part of the bill follows: “We present these grievances to your attention because we have,“ long, patiently and in vain waited for redress. There is not any matter of which we have complained but for which we have in an honorabl and lawful manner submitted remedies, The remedies for these griev- ances proposed by labor are in line with fundamental law, and with. progress and development made necessary by changed industrial =| All rights reserved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission, To whom it may concern: This is to inform you that the Federation of Miners has decided to D. Hayweod.as a representative of the the field, the same to take effect on ditions. “Labor brings these grievances to your attention because you are the representatives responsible for legislation and for the failures of legislation. The toilers come to you as your fellow citizens who, by reason of their position in life, have not only with all other citizens an equal interest in our country, but the further interest of being the As labor’s representa- tives we ask you to redress these grievances, for it is in your power so to do, “Labor now appeals to you, and we trust it may not be in vain. But if perchancé you may not heed us, we shall appeal to the conscience and support of our fellow citizens.” This humiliating attitude of the labor leaders brought them noth ing from the politicians in Washington. { A at In the next installment Haywood tells of attending the congress of the Second International, and his impressions of the reformist unions of Europe. You can get a copy of Haywood's book free by sending in