The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 22, 1929, Page 6

@® DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, MARCH 22, 1929 three months e months $ Union Square, Ps An Epoch-Marking Communist Conference The recent Moscow Conference of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which is followed by a plenum of the Central Committee, is of historic importance for the whole Communist International. Our own recent Sixth Party Convention sent the greet- ings of the Communist Party of the United States to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, in which our convention expressed its confidence that the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union pursuing and will unswervingly continue to pursue a cor- + line toward the building up of Socialism in the Soviet r Union. And when a Communist Party sends greetings, it is not mere “flowers,” but a political act. Our greeting said in part: “The Communist Party of the Soviet Union is the Party of Lenin and the proletarian dictatorship whose leadership of the Comintern is the unshakeable guarantee of the revolutionary in- tegrity and unity of the Comintern. “The Convention greets the outcome of the Moscow Party Conference which is fruitful in its results to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. We are confident that the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union pursues and will un- swervingly continue to pursue a correct line toward the building up of Socialism in the Soviet Union: “1, The rapid tempo of induStrialization of the U. S. S. R. The development of heavy industry as the basis of social- ist economy. “3. The collectivization of agriculture and the building of Socialism in the village. “4, The unrelenting fight against all tendencies, no matter what quarter they may show themselves, to slow down the tempo of industrialization. “5. The uncompromising struggle against all tendencies to give concessions to the Kulaks. “6. The struggle against the Right danger and against the conciliators towards the Right danger which is throughout the world the greatest and the main danger to our revolutionary parties. “7, We greet all vigorous measures taken by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union with its Bolshevik leadership, headed by Comrade Stalin, against the Right danger, the conciliators with the Right and Trotskyism, pledging our continued relentless struggle against the Right danger and the conciliators and counter-revolutionary Trotskyism. ‘8. Our Communist Party of the United States of America in the present period of impending imperialist war between the capitalist powers and against the Union of Socialist Soviet Re- publics declares its revolutionary solidarity with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its unreserved loyalty to the Com- munist International.” The question of the tempo of industrialization is the fundamental, the root question growing out of Socialist re- construction in the Soviet Union today. The Communist Party of the Moscow District, at its conference, affirmed in emphatic terms that the Central Committee of the Commu- nist Party of the Soviet Union has correctly carried out the policy of “a rapid and accelerated tempo of industrialization.” The deliberations and decisions of the Moscow Conference attest the Leninist unity of the Party as a whole in defense of the general line of the Party of Lenin against right ten- dencies which attempt to divert the Party from the correct line, against opportunist deviations and conciliatory ten- dencies, which constitute the main danger in the present period. This holds good for every Communist Party of the entire world. The fight against the right danger in all the parties of the Comintern, the cleansing from their ranks of semi- social-democratic elements, such as Brandler and Thalheimer in Germany, strengthens our Parties and the Communist International. The struggle against the diplomatic defenders of the conciliators and of the Right wing must unhesitatingly be carried to its conclusion in the Comintern. The Moscow Conference served as an example for non- Russian Communist Parties in the degree of open self-critic- ism, the high political activity of the delegates, including numerous speeches by rank and file workers from the shops who joined not only in the merciless criticism of all short- comings but also in making concrete proposals. This was typical of the cultural and political growth of the Party masses in the Soviet Union; the closing of ranks around the Leninist line of the Party. Endorsing the peaceful external policy of the Soviet gov- ernment, the Conference emphasized the ever-threatening danger of the imperialist war against the Soviet Union, de- manding the growth and strengthening of the Red Army. It recorded the notable achievements made by the Party in the industrialization of the country, in this “peace period,” declaring that: “A slackening in the tempo of industrialization would in- cvitably lead to a weakening of the international position of the Soviet Union and at the same time weaken the position of the proletarian dictatorship and the socialist reconstruction of the country.” The right tendency leads to an underestimation of in- dustrialization, urging a slackening of its tempo, instead of seeking the strengthening of the forces of the Party, the working class and the working masses in the villages to over- come all obstacles. The Moscow Conference denounces the “panicky talk” of the rights about the alleged decline of agriculture, who used this charge as an argument for the slowing down of the tempo of industrialization. In this ques- tion, it is urged, Bolsheviks must preserve the greatest firm- ness and steadfastness, because “vacillation in regard to the tempo of industrialization is one of the most characteristic expressions of petty-bourgeois political lack of character.” The essence of the right deviation, taking a different, openly anti-party position in the question of the mode of development of agriculture, calls for less expenditure of money on collective economies and state economies, urges caution in the development of advance payment for harvests, in the organization of tractor colonies, in the development of an agricultural economy based on agricultural machinery and tractors. This right deviation, therefore, means, a loosening of the fetters binding kulak (rich peasant) economy, which . would Jead in the last analysis to a victory for the bourgeois elements and to the restoration of capitalism. The Moscow Conference declared that the execution of Lenin’s co-operative THE VALLEY CAMP MURDER ©” er eee MOSCOW (Inprecor, by Mail).—| | After Molotov’s conclud ech the Party Conference of the Mos- cow District unanimously adopted a resolution which fully and com- pletely endorses the political and or- ganizational line and the work of the Central Committee of the Com- The Moscow Communist Party Blow Against the Rights, Conference Demands a Decisive the Conciliators, and Those Who Diplomatically Shield Such Elements In the Comintern jmunist Party of the Soviet Union. The Conference holds the line of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the Comintern as entirely correct, and affirms that the esti- mate of the international situation of the past period by the Sixth Con-|™ , : gress of the Comintern has been tion declares that the execution of fully corroborated. In the period of | Lenin’s co-operative plan, of which new straggles the Communist Party | the collectivization of agriculture is must carry on an especially sharp |#” inseparable constituent, will rad- struggle against the social democ- |! lly improve agriculture and will |ture, and gives its full and complete endorsement of the support given to the poor and middle peasantry as jwell as of the unrelenting offensive against ments in the village. The resolu- the capitalist kulak ele-| racy, particularly its “left wing”; at the same time it must continue | the struggle against Trotskyist ten- dencies, and also carry on an irre- | concilable struggle against the right, opportunist deviations conciliatory tendencies as the main danger of the present period. The Conference endorses the peaceful external policy of the Soviet | ® government, but confirms the dan- ger of a war of the imperialists |against the Soviet Union. This dan- |ger urges upon the Soviet Union greater activity toward the growth and strengthening of the Red Army. The Conference records a series of great achievements by the Party in the industrialization of the country, calls special attention to the diffi- culties involved and affirms that the Central Committee of the Com- munist Party of the Soviet Union, |based upon the international and in- jner situation, correctly carried, out the policy of a rapid and accelerated !tempo of industrialization. A slack ening of the tempo of industrializa- | tion would inevitably lead to a weak- ening of the international position jof the Soviet Union and at the same time weaken the position of the pro- \letarian dictatorship and the social- ist reconstruction of the country. and |¢ |put an end to the exploitation of ‘the day-laborers (agricultural labor- crs) and poor peasants by the ku- The execution of this co-op- plan wili put an end to the old backwardness of the vil- compared with the town. resent period of Socialist ction, which in the final leads to the abolition of s, there is taking place an in- evitable sharpening of the class struggle. Whereas the Party in the first period of the New Economic | Folicy put into effect Lenin’s slo- | gan, “Learn Commerce,” and} achieved important results as re-| gards the suppression of the pri- vate trader, the greatest stress is now lait on the struggle between | Socialism and capitalism as to the| urther path of development of re- tail goods production. | 'The Conference endorses the mea- jsures taken by the Central Commit- tee in its struggle against Trotsky- m as a bourgeois, counter-revolu- tionary current, and at the same | |time calls special attention to cer- |tain effects of Trotskyist and semi- Trotskyist tendencies within the Party. The resolution points out the |necessity of an unrelenting struggle against the Trotskyists and against lage, The main danger is, however, the jopen OPPORTUNIST RIGHT DE- | VIATION, which in its essence is based on a renunciation of a rapid tempo of development in industry ing class in alliance with the pea- santry. In view of the sharpening | of the class struggle, vacillations be- tween the policy of an intensified offensive against the kulaks and the capitalist elements and the theory of a peaceful simultaneous growth ef the kulaks and Socialism are especially harmful; for this means in reality the renunciation of the| | offensive against the kulaks and leads to the restoration of power to the bourgeoisie. The Party must deal a DECISIVE BLOW to those elements, who in the period of sharpened struggle against bureaucratism, in the period of the |broadest development of self-criti- cism, repeat the Trotskyist siander about the bureaucratization of the | Party, as well as to those WHO DIPLOMATICALLY SHIELD RIGHT DEVIATIONS AND THE} CONCILIATORS IN THE COMIN- TERN. political formulation of the right ‘deviation as a special line and the line of the Party are radically dis- tinct, and that the strengthening of yacillations in the direction of this deviation at the present moment | and of the leading role of the work- | e Conference believes that the . By Fred Ellis A Firm Battle Front Against the Rights and Conciliators constitutes a direct danger of FRACTIONAL ANTI-PARTY AC- YIVITY ON THE PART OF THE KIGHT AND CONCILIATORY ELEMENTS, The Conference holds of especial importance the strict maintenance of an icon Bolshevist ipline by every Party’ member, in whatever {post he may be. This means that jevery Party member, including also members of the Central Committee, |raust unconditionally carry out the |work assigned to them under the} |Ieadership and control of the Party | and its Central Committee. The Conference confirms the growing political activity and the growing class-consciousness of the working masses, and considers neces- sary the firm execution of the di- rectives of the Central Committee ified recruiting for the workers and of day-laborers (agricultural laborers) and “collectivis' in the village, as also the simultsneous carrying out jof the next ensuing task, the gen- eral cleansing of the Party ranks. The “Conference declares to the Central Committee that the ideolog- ically sound and inflexibly Bolshevik Moscow Organization is the strong- st support of the Central Commi tee in the execution of the Bolshevik niain line of the Party and calls up- Jon the whole Moscow Organization for a decisive struggle against any leviation from the line of the XV Party Cong | * * (Tomorrow the Daily Worker Copyright, 1929, by Internati Publishers Co., Inc. panarernn weesere? 6) BILL HAYWOOD’S BOOK 'Darrow Thinks Haywood Is in Great Danger; Murder Trial Begins; Press Takes Interest; Labor Jury Sits Inv preceding chapters Haywood told of his early life as a cowboy, farmer, prospector and miner in the Rocky Mountains; of his election to head the Western Federation of Miners; of their struggles; of or- ganizing the I.W.W., and its internal struggles, including the secession of the W.F.M. In the last instalment he told of life in the Boise jail, waiting with Moyer and Pettibone to be tried for the murder of cx Governor Steuenberg. Now go on reading. , ig ee 3 By WILLIAM D HAYWOOD. PART 66. 5 ee second summer I was there, I cleared away a lot of lumber that was in the back yard of the jail and smoothed off a piece of ground for a garden. I had nasturtiums growing up over the wood-pile and sweet peas against the little fence, sunflowers against the outer fence, that grew eight or ten feet high with immense blos- soms. I had all kinds of garden truck, too, enough not only for ourselyes but for the warden’s family and the other prisoners. I was out in this garden one day when two nuns Passed by. Ras Beamer, a guard who was standing near me, said: “By God! Did you see that?” I asked him what he meant, “Do you know that nun nearest the fence,” he asked. “I don’t think so. Why?” “She turned right round and waved at you!” he said. I had not noticed her. ss 2 Z Moyer’s and Pettibone’s wives lived in Boise during our imprison- ment, My family came just before the trial began, and usually I spent an hour with them every day, out on the lawn near the rose bushes, One day I was surprised to see my mother step out of a carriage that had driven into the back yard. She saw me and called out, “Come here, my son!” When I got to her she met me with a warm embrace. Her health was not good, but she was in the courtroom until near the end of my trial, when she had to go to the hospital. Lass came by ones and twos until we had a strong array of legal talent. John Murphy, the regular attorney for the W.F.M.; Darrow and Richardson, senior counsel; John F. Nugent, a lawyer from Silver City who afterward became United States Senator, an old-time friend of mine; Edgar Wilson, ex-congressman; Miller and Whitsell. Some of them came to the jail every day. Darrow often came to the jail, down-in-the-mouth and worried. Pettibone would offer consolation, saying that we knew it would be hard on Darrow to lose this great case, but, he would add, “You know it’s us fellows that have to be hanged!” I suggested to Darrow that when things got gloomy around the office he should come to the jail and we would cheer him up. As the opening day of the trial came nearer, correspondents of many papers began to arrive; from the Associated Press, the United Press, the Appeal to Reason, this last a socialist paper published in Girard, Kansas, with Debs as one of the editors. The Appeal to Reason got out many editions in connection with our case, one of them called the Kidnapping Edition, of four million copies; the like was never duplicated before or since. The New York American, a Hearst paper, also got out a special edition in which there was nothing except articles about the Moyer-Haywood-Pettibone case. The prosecution decided to try my case first. Mw trial began on the ninth of May, 1907. William E. Borah, who had been elected United States Senator by the previous legislature, the man who had prosecuted Paul Corcoran, was a special prosecutor in this case. James Hawley, a one-time miner who had been the lawyer for the Coeur d’Alenes prisoners when they had occupied the jail we now lived in, was also a special prosecutor. Hawley was the man who had suggested to the imprisoned miners that an organization should be formed comprising all the miners of the West. The Caldwell County’ attorney was one of the assistant prosecutors. A suggestion was made that Eugene V. Debs should be invited to - come to. Boise to write up the trial for the Appeal to Reason. Debs was then at the height of his fame and was the spokesman for a vast number of working-class people, and a leader of the socialist party. This suggestion was discussed by Darrow, Richardson, my fellow pri- soners and myself. Moyer and Pettibone were not interested in having Debs. come to Boise, and Darrow raised vigorous objections, without giving any definite reason. His opposition could not have been because of Debs being a socialist. I, too, was a socialist, and Darrow himself, with Jack London and some others, had some time before issued a call for the organization of a society to promote an intelligent interest in socialism among college men and women, which resulted in the for- mation of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society. I searched my mind for Darrow’s reason for objecting to Debs’ presence, and could think of nothing but his desire to be recognized at the most prominent person in the trial. The attorneys for the defense sat at a table on the right of the courtroom. When my mother, wife and daughters came to court, they occupied a place inside the railing. Correspondents of different news- papers were back of the attorneys on either side of the courtroom. Judge All rights reserved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permissicn. will publish a detailed summary of Comrade Molotov’s speech to the Moscow Party Conference.) The Conference rejects the talk|any support of the counter-revolu- about an alleged decline of agricul-|tionary role of Trotskyism. SF plan, of which the collectivization of agriculture is an insepar- able constituent, will radically improve agriculture and will poor peasants by the kulaks; will put an end to the century- old backwardness of the village as compared to the town. The question of the present status of Trotskyism was also considered and the measures taken by the Central Com- mittee of the Party against Trotskyism as a bourgeois, coun- ter-revolutionary current, were endorsed. Comrade Molotov emphasized that there still exist ele- ments in the Russian Party who have not yet overcome their conciliatory stand as regards Trotskyism and are inclined to substitute for the struggle on two fronts. the one-sided strug- gle against the right danger. In the present ‘period, when the old petty-bourgeois parties—the Social-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks—. have now lost all support in the country, their place is now taken by the Trotskyist group, which represents in a certain measure a new petty-bourgeois party. Comrade Molotov cor- rectly pointed out that “This group is actually an organiza- tion of petty-bourgeois elements, who oppose the proletarian dictatorship with unrelenting hostility.” The Moscow Conference of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union will stand out as an event in the life of the whole world-party of the proletarian revolution—the Com- ; munist International. For it has deep significance to the welfare of the particular section of the Comintern which, founded by Lenin, has gone through the fire of three revolu- tions and eleven years of successful proletarian dictatorship, an dwhich therefore is and must remain the leader and guide of the whole Communist International. put an end to the exploitation of the agricultural laborers and... publies. Austrian Workers Prepare tor Fight Against Fascism By M. Schorr (Vienna) Up to the year 1927 Austria was | Snsidered to be the most democra- | ie of all the Central European re- It is true that the Austri- jan bourgeoisie and its Seipel gov- ‘ernment cherished a strong sympa- thy for fascist Italy in particular jand fascism in general. It is true \that armed fascist groups existed jin Austria as a_ supplementary |troop of the bourgeoisie, and it is |true that these armed groups often jcommitted mur”*-~ of workers and \were afterwards acquitted by the \bourgeois courts, but still, the gen- val policy of the Austrian bourge- \oisie could not be termed fascist. With the 15th of July, 1927, how- ever, the day on which the Vienna working class rose in protest gainst fascism and wer2 treated to \a terrible blood-bath, fascism con- solidated itself in Austria, This did not come as a result of > putsch from the right, by a coup d’etat or invany similar fashion. The rea- sons were very different. For this reason, the change of policy in,Aus- tria towards fascism has passed al- jmost unnoticed in the rest of Eu- jrope. When c=> speaks today of lfascism in Austria to circles out- side of Austria even anti-fascist circles, one meets with incredulity. We therefore consider it necessary ‘to draw the attention of the inter- |national anti-fas: front to the |situation in Austria. The main aim of the Austrian bourgeoisie, in common with the capitalists of all other countries, is to consolidate their dominance and jestablish a bourgeois dictatorship. |Fascism is to be used to break the esistance of the working class and enable the rationalisation cf? indus- try to be carried out without trouble. Fascism is particularly necessary in Austria in order to carry out the rationalization smoothly, because here this ration- jalization is a matter of wage-cut- ting and intensification of the pro- ductivity of labor and not of tech- nical improvement of the productive apparatus. These fascist organiza- tions are formed in order to form a part of the armed forces if neces- ary, are intended to crush the re- sistance of the workers. Further, these fascist organizations repre- se~* the nucleus of a large army © q 1 the Austria bourgeoisie be < ' unon to take part in a war organized by the international bour- geoisie av~* the Soviet Union. (To be Cont‘.iued.) The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these tight Woods presided, on an elevated platform behind the jury. I sat so near the first juryman in the front row that I could have touched him. My close contact with him during the weeks that we were together in the court formed an acquaintanceship. Although I never spoke to him until after the trial was over, I felt that I knew him. A labor jury of socialists and union men was seated among the audience, All the members of this jury attended every session of the court, and rendered a final verdict. The court was crowded every day. At this time a writer in McClure’s Magazine described me in the following words: “I place Haywood’s name first; he is a man of force in the Federa- tion. And a man who can rise to supremacy over such an organization must be endowed with not a few high qualities of leadershin. Haywood is a powerful built man, built with the physical strength of an ox. He has a big head and a square jaw. A leader is here judged by the very force of his impact. Risen from the mines himself, ‘from the bowels of the earth,’ as he describes it, this man has become a sort of religious zealot, and Socialism is his religion., He is a type of the man not un- familiar now in America, equipped with a good brain, who has come up struggling and fighting, giying blows and taking them, who, knowing deeply the wrongs of his class, sees nothing beyond; whose mind, groping hopelessly for remedies, seizes eagerly upon a scheme like Socialism which so smoothly and perfectly solves all difficulties. Take a character like this, hard, tough, warped, immensely resistant, and give him a final touch of idealism, a Jesuitic zeal that carries the man beyond himself, and you have-a leader who, like Haywood, ‘will bend his people’ to his own beliefs. And we do not expect to find such a leader patient of obstacles, nor far-sighted, nor politic, nor withholding a blow when there is power to inflict the blow, nor careful of means when there ave ends to be gained. What is a man, or a state, when a cause is to be served?” Pyee aon, was on the qui vive about the confession which they knew Harry Orchard had made, although it had not been published. /] Steve Adams, a Cripple Creek miner, who had been arrested at his ,uncle’s ranch in Oregon, had also made a confession which he later | repudiated. While the people who crowded the court were eager, there was to be some delay, as the jury had still to be selected. The examin- ation of the jurors was a broad education in the class struggle, In the panels selected, all the bankers of the county had been called as jury- men, but Darrow disposed of these in short order. He would begin by asking if they were acquainted with the case; if they read the newspapers; if they had formed an opinion; whether evidence would be required to change this opinion. Then he would show by his ques tions that there was little difference between a banker and a burglar; one worked in the daytime with interest and stock-juggling as the means of robbery, while the other worked at night with the jimmy and nitroglycerin. He would challenge them for cause, It was like against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence ns fractions of the middie clas They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative-—Karl Marx (Comm nist Manifesto). killing snakes. * *# #8 In the next instalment Haywood tells of the testimony against him of the famous stool pigeon, Harry Orchard. If you want a copy of - Haywood’s book, get one free by sending in a new o1 L rl} subscription to the Daily Worker. , patois bite