The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 5, 1929, Page 6

wae DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, MARCH 5. 1929 THE INAUGURATION 2 Worker orkers (Communist) Party Published b' Worker Pub only): six months ths w York): < months nths Stuyve : “DAIWOR: checks to 6-28 Union rk, ROBERT MINOR WM. F, DUNNE mail Ye all , New Fighting Fascism—An International Job The world congress to be held in Berlin at the end of this week for promotion of the struggle against fascism must be made to stimulate the aggr ctivity of the working class of the whole world agai orm of openly murderous terror of the bourgeoisie. F. n, with some variations of form, is a phenomenon to be found in greater or less degree in all countries where the pretenses of bour- geois. “democracy” no longer completely suffice to keep the masses deluded under capitalist rule. Italy, of course, as the classic scene of the most clear-cut forms of fascism, serves monstrous photograph before the eyes of the whole working class The 6th of February last was the first anniversary of | a heroic cham- iced his life for the death of Comrade Gastone So; He pion of the Italian working cla and sac the cause of the anti-fascist struggle. Gastone Sozzi was arrested and barbarously tortured by the methods of the inquisition. But he preferred to die rather than to gain freedom at the price of betrayal. It is thus that the true champions of the working class live and die. Many died before him, many since. And many yet will fall as vic- tims. The murder of Sozzi is not an isolated case; it is a system. Since his death Riva, Sanvito, Pirola, Landi, and others have like him, been. cruelly tortured and murdered: Della Maggiorre has been shot; many others died of tuber- culosis in the prisons of Portolongone and Pianosa; the lives of others are still in danger. Thousands of workers who fill the prisons are delivered over to slow death by starvation; the victims of the exceptional court are innumerable. The murder of Sozzi in the year 1928 roused public opin- ion against fascism, and the anti-fascist campaign set the working masses of all countries in motion against the dicta- torship of the dagger. What aims had this movement? an international investigation of the Italian prison regime and the tortures, by means of which it will be possible to ascertain the inquisitorial methods employed by fascism against prisoners during examination and in the prisons, as well as at the police stations and in the barracks of the fascist militia. Secondly, that all political murders committed in secret be brought to light; that all the facts be ascertained with regard to the murder of Sozzi; that the world proletariat defend the endangered lives of the political prisoners in Italy and expose the provocations of the police which were carried out after the events in Milan. As a result of the press campaign and agitation a great protest was raised against fascism. The workers of the whole world, especially their representatives in the anti-fascist committees in Paris, Basle, Zurich, Berlin, Brussels, Lugano, New York, ete. refused to allow that fascism continue with impunity the tortures and the murder of workers. This action was undoubtedly successful. The much advertised trial of Milan collapsed and the prison regime was improved. We must not, however, be satisfied with these first suc- cesses. We are only at the beginning of the struggle which we must not abandon. The prison regime in Italy still means death for the prisoners, and tortures are the customary methods of examination in the political trials. The proletariat of the whole world must raise its voice in order to put an end to this systematic murder, which has be- come a governmental system. There must be a protest find- ing expression in an organized mass action capable of success- fully defending the faithful fighters of the Italian revolution. The campaign initiated in 1928 must be extended and developed until concrete results are achieved. We must bring about the release of all the victims of fascism. But more must be done than to release the prisoners of the fascist murder-regime. Fascism does not decrease, but rather increases with the present rapid piling up of the con- tradictions of imperialism which brings every day a sharpen- ing of the class relationships and the certainty of imperialist war, Fascism can be overthrown only with the complete over- throw of the bourgeoisie, the overthrow of the rule of the capitalist class and its state power. Fascism must not be passively resisted, but must be aggressively, militantly fought. And the program which must be adopted by any who sincerely desire the end of fascism is the program of the Communist International. Those who hate fascism must study that program. Describes Conditions in Riffian War, Nicaragua By R. M. NEY. In the Daily Worker of Decem- ber 5th, there appears an article by Comrade Wolfe which criticized Comrade Nearing’s article of De- cember 4th on the impotence of Latin America before the onslaught of American imperialism. It is very astounding that a man like Comrade Nearing should take such a mechanical, nay, metaphysi- cal attitude toward the power of re- sistance of the Latin-American coun- tries to the might of the United States. His views amount to the mountains and jungles in Nica- ragua, and a sickly climate which inflicts losses upon the invader. There are no jungles in the Riffian country, and the mountains are open to invasion from every point. Sec- ond: Our armaments consisted most- ly of antiquated single-loading rifles (French models of 1870), a few Mausers and pistols, hand grenades, and two machine guns. These “modern” arms we captured from the Spaniards; later we captured some modern rifles. Our supply of ammunition was. very limited; we Before all to initiate | belief that the battle is always to him who has the biggest gun. Hence, why struggle uselessly. Comrade Wolfe’s criticism is his- torically correct, and nothing could illustrate his views better than the never had more than sixty rounds per man, and at times we had ten and twelve rounds. To get ammuni- tion we attacked the Spanish con- voys. Sometimes a band of twenty or thirty of us ambushed a convoy protected by three or four hundred Riffian War. From February, 1922, to Septem- ber of the same year the writer took part in the Beni-Aros cam- paign against the Spaniards, and after that on the southern front against the French. I will limit my- self to the Beni-Aros, or Taza-Rut (the objective of the Spaniards) Spanish infantry with machine guns, routed it and captured two or three mules loaded with ammunition and a few rifles. Then, supplied with ammunition, we would start an of- fensive against the Spaniards. The Spanish press would then yell aloud about the thousands of Rif- fians (Moors) that were attacking their forces, the heroism of their troops, etc. Those of us in the Rif- fian camp who could read the cap- - Let us first make a comparison ' the objective conditions under 9 we fought in the Riff, and| tured newspapers would have a good ‘those under which Sandino is fight-|laugh. For it was exactly the same ‘in Nicaragua. First; There are band which atta Serene amen tea | The Birth of the Communist By G. ZINOVIEV. The I International—the Interna- tional Workingmen’s Association led by Marx and Engels—was formed in 1864, and practically ceased to exist in 1872. Chartism in England, the events of 1848 on the contin- ent of Europe, particularly the events in Germany and France, the European crisis in the ’50s, the Ital- ian war, the Polish insurrection, the Crimean war, the emancipation of the peasants in Russia, the Austro- Prussian war, the Franco-Prussian war and the Commune of Paris,— these were the principal historic events which prepared the ground for the formation of the I Interna- | tional, which conditioned its birth, jand which gave the contents of its | activity in the course of nearly a |decade. Chartism in England and the events of 1848 furnished a sort of prelude to the activity of the I International; the Commune of Paris constituted its swan’s song. Second International. The II International was born in 1889 and broke up in 1914, having {existed in its original shape exactly a quarter of a century. At its cradle was the German social democracy which played in it the deciding role, properly speaking, during all those 25 years. The triumph of the Third Republic in France, the Bismarckian period in Germany, the Russo-Tur- kish war, the Anti-Socialist Law in| | Germany, the first stages of capital- | st development in Russia, the Anglo- | Boer war, the Boxer war, a series \ {of local colonial wars, the Russo-| | Japanese war, the Russian revolu- | tion of 1905, the revolutionary move- ments in Turkey, Persia, and China, the Tripoli war, the Balkan wars which foreshadowed the world war, | |—such is the historic background jupon which the II International emerged and developed. | The gigantic and rapid ascendancy | of the German social democracy, and | the vicissitudes of the first Russian | revolution—these two facts have put |their indelible seal upon the whole | period of the II International. | The gradual growth of opportun- ‘ism in the German social democracy |served both as a symptom and as a | factor of the gradual opportunistic | regeneration of the II International, |having paved the way for the for- | mation of a revolutionary wing with- |in the II’ International, for a split in the II International, and, there- | fore, to a certain extent, for the for- |mation of the Communist Interna- tional. First Russian Revolution and C. I. The ten-year period of 1905-1914 |may be conditionally put down as’ the “inception period” of the Com- intern. Already the first Russian re- volution in itself had unquestionably planted the seed of a genuine prole- tarian, militant International. The defeat of the first Russian revolu- positions on the same day, and kept the general staff of the Spanish army in constant suspense as to where we would attack next, and what was our strength. fs According to the imperialist press, our strength ran into thousands. Ac- tually, at the apex of our strength, in the valley of Beni-Aros, in the battle before the walls of Taza-Rut, May, 1922, our forces exceeded two hundred fifty men. Of these, six were foreign revolutionary workers, forty professional Riffian fighters, and the rest the people of the sepa- rate villages, who fought only when the Spaniards attacked their terri- tory. Outnumbered twenty to one, we fought tirelessly and would have won but for the treachery of Rai- Suli, that sowed the seed of the sub- sequent surrender of Abd-el-Krim. cked the separate However, the Spaniards may well | (To Be Continued) ‘ International | tion, and the consequent triumph of the world reaction, prevented this seed from rapidly thriving, neverthe- | ‘less it was not lost, and it sprouted {some ten years afterwards, | The year 1905 in Russia; the revo- |lutionary events in China, Turkey, | jand Persia, connected in their turn | quite closely with the events of 1905/| in Russia; the local imperialist wars} |which constituted the prelude to the | |first imperialist world war; the| world war itself with all its vicigsi- |tudes, notably the intensification of | the national question, and the first spasmodic attempts of the colonial and semi-colonial countries to rise against their oppressors; the victory of the bourgeois revolution in Rus- |sia in February 1917 and the tri- umph of the great proletarian revo- lution in Russia in October of the {same year; the overthrow of the | monarchy in Germany and Austro- | Hungary, which was accompanied by the first big insurgent movements of | the proletariat in nearly all parts of Europe; the revolutionary events in Finland, in Hungary, in Turkey, and |in the Balkans; the civil war during | the progress of the proletarian re-| | volution in Russia; the blockade of | this proletarian revolution by Euro- | pean imperialism, and the successful jstruggle of the Russian workers against this blockade; the introduc- tion of NEP in Russia, and the big the USSR upon the basis of NEP; the revolutionary events in Germany jin 1919, 1921, and 1923; the General Strike in England; the gigantic re- | volutionary upheaval in China and |the intervention of world imperial- ism with fire and sword against the Chinese revolution, — these were the chief events which paved the way for the formation of the Comintern and which gave the con- tents of its work during the first decade. C. I. Boom of Russian Revolution. The Communist International is the International Workinmen’s. As- sociation of the epoch of imperialist |wars and proletarian revolutions. |This International Workingmen’s As- sociation stands fully and entirely upon the grounds of the teachings of Marx and Lenin from the very first day of its existence. The Com- munist International was born in the fire of the imperialist world war and of the triumph of the proletarian revolution in Russia. Imperialism became fully shaped towards the beginning of the cur- rent century. It will be considered in world history that the last sta; of capitalism begins precisely with this period. This has also been the date of the beginning of the epoch of imperialist wars and of the rapid maturity of ‘proletarian revolutions. ~ i say that they paid the price for every inch of Riffian territory. We sold it dear; witness the thousands of graves of the Spaniards we killed. The month of May, 1922, was an eventful one for us, The Spaniards had concentrated all their available forces and were advancing across the valley of Beni-Aros with Taza- Rut as their objective. From the west (Larache) General Sanjurjo advanced with two thousand Span- iards toward the same place. We fought the battles of Aman, Selalem, Buharat, and Taza-Rut. ’ Ral-Sul!, the temporal and ‘spir- itual head of this part of -Morocco, was already bargaining with the Spaniards for a subsidy to support his immense harem and his last days at ease. He succeeded in crip- pling our fighting power, For this he later paid with his life. * ~ & successes of socialist construction in| Shortly before the outbreak of the world war in 1914 it had been declared to the world by the recog- nized leaders of the II International | that the proletariat would reply to imperialist war by proletarian revo- lution. In a famous speech by Au- gust Bebel during the conflict in Morocco it was said: great world war stands the great world revolution. The twilight of the gods of the bourgeois system is approaching. . .one already per- ceives the knell of doom over the po- litical and social order of the bour- geoisie.” And Otto Bauer wrote literally as follows in his “National Question” in 1908: “No doubt, the future im- perialist war will entail the revo- lutionary cataclysm. The world ca- tastrophe of imperialism has cer- tainly introduced the ‘beginning of the world Socialist revolution.” Otto Bauer was not mistaken. The im- perialist world war did introduce the beginning of the world Socialist revolution. Yet Otto Bauer himself, and nearly all the other leaders of the II International, when this his- \toric hour was struck, were not found |in the camp of the revolution, but |in the camp of the counter-revolu- tion. These leaders had promised—and solemnly pledged themselves once again in the famous Basle Manifesto —that the II International would place itself at the head of the revo- | lution caused by the war. But since |this did not happen, since the II In- | ternational turned out a miserable bankrupt, history was bound to raise ‘another world organization whicn would take upon itself to carry out the inevitable. This organization was the Comintern. T. U. Hegemony in USSR. The hegemony of the international labor movement which had origin- ally belonged to England, and had subsequently gone over to France, was unquestionably in the hands of Germany, i.e., of the German social democracy during the epoch of the IL International.: With the triumph of the Russian revolution and the formation of the Comintern the hege- mony of the international labor movement went over to Russia—“of course, only for a short period.” (Lenin). When the proletarian revo- lution will win in the leading coun- tries of the world, Russia will be- come a “backward Soviet country” among a number of other, more de- veloped Soviet cuontries. In March 1919 the Comintern was formed. A few months after that historic event, in one of his most remarkable and inspired speeches (at the Congress of Communist or- anizations of the peoples of the ast), Lenin said: “Needless to say, the final victory can be won only by the proletariat of all the ad- vanced countries together, and we, the Russians, are starting the work which will be consolidated later on by the German, French, or English proletariat; nevertheless. we see that they will not be victorious without the help ofthe toiling masses of the oppressed. colonial peoples, and in the first place, of the peoples of the East. We should be aware of the fact that a single vanguard can- not accomplish the transition to Communism.” (Lenin’s Works, *Vol. XVI, p. 390.) East in World Revolution. “It becomes quite clear” .said Lenin in the same speech—“that the Socialist. revolution, which is ap- proaching throughout the world, will under no circumstances be limited to the victory of the proletariat in each country over its respective bour- geoisie. . .The Socialist revolution will not be only and chiefly the “Behind the) | struggle of the revolutionary prole-| |tariat against the bourgeoisie in each country; no, it will be the strug- | gle of all the colonies and countries | oppressed by imperialism, of all the! | dependent countries against interna-| ; tional imperialism.” (ibid. p. 388). | Turning to the advanced prole-| |tarians of Europe and America, and jat the same time to the hundreds | of millions of the oppressed peoples | of the East, Lenin told them already in 1919, amid the circumstances of | | the rapid victories of revolution, that | |the world revolution, “judging by| the start, would continue for many | years and would cost a great deal | of labor.” The Comintern celebrates | | today the first decade of its exist-| jence, having behind it a series of} |glorious victories and also a series | of severe defeats. | The triumph of the Socialist revo- | lution in Russia and the formation| of the Communist International are | insolubly connected with each other. | The new era will be counted by) mankind from these world-historic | events. The Comintern was born of | war and revolution and it is one of| its aims to prevent new imperialist | wars with the help of new victorious proletarian revolutions. “The emancipation of labor, being not a local nor a national, but a/ |social problem, affects the interests | of all countries in which the modern | system of society prevails, and its | solution requires the theoretical and practical collaboration of the more) progressive countries,” thus wrote | Marx in the Statutes of the I Inter-) national. The Comintern, founded in March |1919, in the capital city of the Rus- | |sian Socialist Federated Soviet Re- public, in the city of Moscow, sol- jemnly declared before the whole} |world that it takes it upon itself to | continue and accomplish the great cause which had been started by the first International Workingmen’s As- | | sociation. | | The Comintern sets to itself the laim: to struggle with all means,| even to take up arms, for the over-| throw of the international bour-| geoisie and the creation of an in-| ternational Soviet Republic, as the} \transition stage to the total abolition of the State. The Communist International con- siders the’proletarian dictatorship to be the only means which affords the possibility to emancipate the human race from the horrors of capitalism, and the Communist. International considers Soviet rule as the histori- cally given FORM of this proletarian dictatorship. These proud words, inspired by Lenin and pronounced on behalf of the Comintern by its II World Con- gress (see first Comintern Statutes) will be carried into effect in spite of everything. UNITED STATES EXPORTS. WASHINGTON, March 4.—There was an increase in the calendar year of 1928 of 5.4 per cent in the total of American exports over the calen- dar year of 1927. The trade to the Far East as a whole increased 10 per cent, although trade to Austra- lia, India and Malaya did not in- crease. The dominant factor of Far Eastern trade was the increase of 64 per cent in sales of American merchandise to China proper, an ad- vance made largely, however, dur- ing the jast half of the year, there being a marked tendency to stock some lines heavily in anticipation of new tariff levies, For example, shipments of American tobacco to China trebled, while cigarette sales nearly doubled. Sales of raw cotton to Japan fell off, though general exports there increased 12 per cent; construction work in Japan and China accounted for a 25 per cent increase in iron and steel to those countries taken to- gether, as for 22 per cent more wheat und flovr to. relieve food shortage in both countries, | AS Copyright, 1929, by Internation Publishers Co., Inc. HAYWOOD’s BOOK “Deportation of Death”, the Policy of the Min Owners and Citizens’ Alliance Against the Union Miners All rights reserved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission. By WILLIAM D. HAYWOOD. PART 52, : In previous chapters Haywood told of his early life as miner, cow- | soy and homesteader in the Rocky Mountain region of the Old West; of his working up from member to secretary-treasurer of the Western Federation of Miners; its battles in Idaho and Colorado. He has been relating the many events connected with the great Cripple Creek strike of 1903; how he and Moyer, the W. F. M. president, were arrested for “Desecrating the flag,” of Haywood’s fight with fists against the rifle buts of militiamen, and his landing finally in the custody of w friendly Denver jailer, who furnished Bill an office in jail to protect him from the militia. Now go on reading. * soon as the union men of Denver heard that I had been taken into custody by the militia at the station, they had started to organize. * 8 They appointed captains to gather squads and armed them to prevent " This was prob- the militia from taking me out-of the city of Denver. ably the reason that Governor Peabody issued orders that I should be turned over to the civil authorities. The morning after I moved in, I was in the office of the jail alone when the doorbell rang. I lifted the shutter of the peep-hole and recognized D. Cc, Copley, a member of the executive board from Cripple Creek. I let him in, and he said: “I thought you were in jail?” “I am. In this much of the jail!” He had come to bring me word that Moyer had been remanded back to Telluride. After being in jail about two’ weeks, I telephoned to Richardson and told him I wanted to get back tothe office. He said: “You know you're liable to arrest as soon as you step out of jail. You've got your office there, haven’t you?” “Yes,” I said. “I’ve got. everything. But it’s not like working at my own desk, and I’m willing to take the chance. I'd like you to fix it up with the sheriff.” He fixed it up, and I never again heard of that Telluride warrant. QNE of the first approaches that was made to me in the way of a bribe did not come directly’ but through the attorney, Richardson, who told me that Cass Harrington, a lawyer for one of the Colorado coal companies, had said that if I would “quit this Socialist nonsense,” I could have any office in the state. I told Richardson that Harrington had another guess coming. We filed an application for a writ of habeas corpus for Moyer, this time in the Federal District Court at St. Louis, before Judge Thayer. A short time afterward Moyer was released. He seemed to be no longer a “military necessity.” He was re-arrested, this time charged with murder, but as the warrant made no mention of the name of the person supposed to have been killed, nor of the date nor place of the murder, this charge would not hold water. Then he was arrested for complicity in the Vindicator explosion, which had happened some time before in Cripple Creek. This could not be fastened on him, and: before the order was received from the Federal Court, he had been released. =, * . Wile Moyer was in jail in Telluride, the 1904 convention of the Western Federation of Miners was held in Denver. Many of the men who had been arrested in different places were there as delegates. Pettibone got a letter from Moyer asking that Moyer’s picture should be hung on the platform over the president’s chair, and that when the photograph of the delegates was taken a vacant chair should be put in the president’s place. Pettibone came to the hall with Moyer’s enlarged picture, which was hung up as he had asked while the delegates were in session. It all happened without a murmur of applause from any one. Of course, the delegates didn’t know that Moyer had requested it; they thought it was just a tribute on the part of Pettibone. So many of them had been in the: bull-pens or in jail that they didn’t appreciate the impressiveness of Moyer’s incarceration. — - 8 oe “3 ANY of the delegates gathered in the hall early on the morning of June the sixth. Some had newspapers grasped in their hands, others had the papers spread out before their eyes: “A horror-stricken look was upon the faces of them all; they were reading about the explosion that had blown up the Independence Depot at Cripple Creek * * | the night before, As soon as the roll was called the explosion was taken up as a special order of business. There was not much that could be said, as no one knew anything except what they had read in the papers. It was decided to offer a reward of five thousand dollars for the arrest: and conviction of those responsible for the frightful disaster, and to send a committee immediately from the convention to Cripple Creek and to await the report before further action should be taken. At Cripple Creek, Sheriff Robertson with his under-sheriffs went to the scene of the explosion at an early hour. They put ropes at some distance from the depot to keep the curious from treading on the ground, and immediately sent to Trinidad for bloodhounds. * A Ff William Graham, the chief of police of Victor, and had said to him: “Billy, you and I have always been good friends, and you’ve been a good officer. You haven’t shown any partiality either for or against the Citizens’ Alliance. But we're going to ask you to resign, as we don’t want a neutral man in the position you are holding. Now I'll give you a hundred dollars and a ticket to Kansas City and you’d better get out as soon as you can. There is work to be done that you won't want to do.” : Graham refused to resign. Murphy, a boss of the Findley mine, was reported to have tried to hold back the men of that mine, telling them not.to go to the’ depot for at least fifteen minutes. The men were anxious to get home and wanted to catch a train that was about due, so they broke away and ran to the station, many of them to meet their deaths. What did Murphy know, Fa 3 The coroner’s jury found that “members and officials of the West- ern Federation of Miners were responsible” for the Independence depot explosion, (os committee thought that every act of. the atrocity had been pre- meditated by the Citizen’s’ Alliance, as all the mines were closed after the explosion, and the scabs and thugs were gathered in Victor and armed for the occasion. Hamlin, the secretary of the Mine Own- ers’ Association, addressed the great mob,, violently condemning the W.F.M, for the explosion, saying that fifty union men should be shot down and as many strung to telegraph poles, and the rest of them driven over the hills for the death of the brave men who had been blown up in the depot. One of the strikers asked: “Who do you mean by them?” Then the riot broke loose. Several scabs and non-union men were killed, and many union men who had taken refuge in their hall were seriously injured by volleys of bullets that were fired in the windows and down the skylights. When the sheriff came to the hall, the union men surrendered and were taken to the armory, the quarters of the militia, which was afterwards called the bull-pen. ‘ The furniture and fittings of all the union halls had been demol- ished. The hall of the engineer’s union was'a total wreck. On the « blackboards was written this motto: “For a union man, deporta- tion or death will be your fate. Citizens’ Alliance.” : s * * ™~ In the next instalment Haywood writes of the riot and violence in a dozen towns of the employers organized in the Citizens’ Alliance and the mine owners’ state militia; of blacklict and deportations and rob- berics and murders of the Colorado capitalists—and the silence of the A. I, of L. at all this. You can get Haywood's book in bound volume frec for the asking with ayearly subscription, renewal or extension to the Daily Worker. * 'EW days before the explosion, Carlton, the Victor banker, had met