The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 2, 1929, Page 6

Page Six . = \ Daily SQs Worker Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year $3.50 six months $2.00 three months | Address and mai! all checks to The Daily Worker, Union Square, New York, N. ¥. Published by the National Daily Worker Publishing Association, Inc., Daily, E: nd: 26-28 Union N, Y., 1896-7-8. £2, ROBERT MINOR WM. F. DUNNE*..... Ass. Editor Mussolini’s Peace with the Vatican ‘After several years of negotiations a treaty has at last been concluded between the pope and Mussolini; it is true that this treaty has not yet been published officially, but its exist- ence is no longer denied. The treaty provides for the resusi- tation of the sovereign papel church state. According to this treaty the territory of the Vatican, together with several other pieces of ground in and about Rome, is to be recognized as the papal state with the pope as sovereign. a Diplomats to the papal court will have to take up their residence within the territory of the papal state. The pope is to regain all the rights of a state ruler. In Geneva the ques- tion of admitting the papal state to the League of Nations is already being considered. This step would put the pope under obligation to co-operate in all the diplomatic and military actions taken by the League. There is a special treaty to cover the military forces of the papal state. The vatican is to receive from Italy a milliard lire as compensation for the papal property confiscated in 1870. Though the power of the new papal state may be but very limited, this reconciliation between the fascist state and the Vatican is not of mere symbolic political significance. The abolition of the papal state was an important act of the bour- geois revolution against the feudal powers of the Middle Ages. After the proclamation of the Roman Republic in 1798 the papal state was practically destroyed. In 1815 it was for a while restored by the Vienna Congress of the Holy Alliance upon the overthrow of Napoleon, only to be once more abolished by the bourgeois national revolution in Italy in 1860. After this revolution the papal state was confined to Rome until September 20, 1870; when the troops fighting for the national unity of Italy wrested Rome, too, from the papal power. Since that time the popes, who have never recognized this revolutionary act, have lived in “voluntary imprisonment” in the Vatican and have never entertained relations with the Italian State. The rise of the Italian bourgeoisie and the con- solidation of the united national state of Italy was effected through fierce anti-clerical fighting against the influence of the church. as In the beginning fascism adopted this anti-clerical na- tional tradition. But as soon as he had got into power, Musso- lini began to flirt with the pope and the catholic church, The alliance contracted between fascism and the Vatican repre- sents a confederation of the most’ reactionary forces of the day and symbolizes manifestly the retrogressive development of the one-time progressive national bourgeoisie in the period of imperialism. Mussolini’s reconciliation with the pope was effected out of considerations of a domestic and foreign political nature. In home affairs Mussolini hopes thereby to disarm the grow- ing opposition of the peasant and petty-bourgeois masses gathered about the low catholic clergy of the Catholic People‘s Party. In foreign affairs, by recognizing Italy as the “catholic power,” the pope will strengthen the positions of Italian im- perialism in the colonies, especially against France. Up to | the present France has been the patron of all catholics in the colonies and has therefore been supported by the catholic missionaries. Italy will now be able to exploit the catholic- missions ‘as agencies of its own imperialism and give a set- back to its French rival. This new alliance between popery. and fascism is de- signed to strengthen fascist imperialism against its rivals and fascist reaction against anti-fascist forces. The Unknown Soldier Speaks By GEORGE JARRBOE, You highlights of the social register, You top-hatted selection of diplomacy, You officers but faintly repressing sneers, And you, President, of raucous voice and harveyized heart, I speak not to you, But to the Infantrymen, The men with’ the rifles, The men here on sufferance, The men who fight the wars, ‘Whose comrades rot from Anzac to the Murmansk floe, The men of my class. ‘ Comrades, cherish me, love me, hold me above these here, For I am a symbol of all to you most dear, The father, bent with years, toiling for a crust, The green-gilled mother long years in merciful dust, The brother on the truck, The sister on the street, My comrades of the muck, Of merciless iron sleet, In your class-love Hold me above That gridiron flag halfway to the peak, For I am in your hearts and shall forever speak: 0 Infantrymen, study to take your part, | With valor and dispatch, When tocsin rings And the factory spews forth its old runts, And the mines send up their hunchbacks, And trucks groan with cartridges For the street-girls with rifles, Then you will lead The armies of your class _ ~ Down bloody avenues: to a stainless future, And top-hats, Presidents, diplomats, Shall be lucky to find graves, Mean ones, Bermenly, daanoed vorthaenly of slave | |be held in New York March 1, 93 | are industrial proletarians in their |origin. Sixty-eight of these come | directly from the mines, mills and | factories and twenty-five are Party | functionaries who formerly were in- dustrial proletarians. The Detroit made up of 98 per cent factory work- ers most of whom are working in automobile factories. This first convention of the Party where | the majority of the delegates are workers in industry and not Party functionaries. It is part of the re- sponse of the Party to the proposals should hasten the process of draw- ing proletarian elements” into the | leadership. Twelve of the delegates to the | forthcoming national convention are Negro workers, one is a Japanese jand one a Filipino. There will be fraternal delegates from the Com- |munist Party of Mexico, the Com- |munist Party of Canada and from tries. Voting in Industrial Centers. The voting for convention dele- | gates, after the most thorough dis | cussion in the history of the Party, | completely wiped out the Opposition |as a political force in all industrial |centers. The Opposition received no votes among the miners, steel work- district convention of the Party was} is the| Jers or textile workers. The vote on| | mittee, | The vote on the copper range was one hundred and fifteen for the Cen- | tral Committee, nothing for the Op- position. where the Party has led the Penn- vania-Ohio coal strike, the vote position, The anthracite coal region of Pennsylvania and the soft coal 2. The Opposition repeatedly re-| |coming convention of the Workers | gion) was one hundred seven against | Committee for the unification of the Out of 99 delegates to the forth-| the iron range (metz! mining re-| jected the proposals of the oan ‘ | (Communist) Party of America to|one in favor of the Central Com-) Party on the basis of the acceptance | Bloor, one of the oldest Opposition of the Comintern Decisions, all) other matters to be adjusted by mu-| tual agreement. This the Opposi-| tion rejected. However, the mem-)| In the Ohio coal fields| bership insisted upon the unification | to the Convention. By Fred Ellis Results of Elections to Sixth Party Convention 2% sexram p.woure sued a declaration renouncing their} Opposition and calling upon former followers to do likewise. Ella Reeve leaders, issued a similar statement. The convention was postponed for one month till March to give time} for the E. C. C. I. to send a letter The Central was one hundred fifteen for the Cen-| tral Committee, nothing for the Op-| of the Party. | Committee is using the period of 8. In the midst of the discussion, | ¢omparative calm after the election part of the Opposition bloc went|of delegates is completed to inten- over to Trotskyism (Cannon and his | sify the convention discussion still followers) and were expelled from|further, to develop self-criticism, the Party by unanimous vote of the | discussion of Party tasks and issues, of the Sixth Congress that the Party| | several other Latin American coun- mer Opposition stronghold) voted mittee. All textile, shoe, packinghouse and rubber centers voted almost |unanimously for the C. E. C. The Opposition received some support only in California (where only forty per cent of the membership are in- dustrial workers), and in New York | where the Opposition carried five {units and the Central Committee seventy-two and in Chicago where |the vote was about the same. Causes of Defeat. The reason for this overwhelming |defeat of the Opposition is to be |found in the following develop- | ments: | 1. The Opposition campaigned for | support on the basis of reservations to the decisions of the Sixth World Congress. , This was overwhelming- ly rejected by the membership of |the Party. |Minority members). After Can-| Opposition continued to fight the | Central Committee much harder} than the renegades who were trying to split the Party. This was re-| sented by the membership and} scores even of Opposition leading figures broke with the Opposition on this account and announced their support of the Central Committec. 4. The most capable leader of the} |Party Opposition, Comrade Foster, |was defeated for leadership of the | Opposition. by Comrade Biételman, |and his leadership caused the Op- position to lose support and to | adopt the reckless line which called ‘forth the rebuke of the member- ship. e The drift of former Opposition | |supporters to the Central Commit-/ tee continued after the voting. | Fourteen leading Opposition sup- | porters in New York have just is- fields of Illinois (the latter a for-|Central Committee (including the|strengthening of the apparatus of the Party, especially the illegal ap- unanimously for the Central Com-}non’s attempt to split the Party, the} Pparatus, and to intensify the Party’s anti-war activities. The agenda of the Convention is as follows: 1. Report of the Central Execu- tive Committee (Economic and Poli- tical Situation. Activities of the Party and Tasks before the Party). 2. Report of the National Execu- tive, Committee of the Young Com- munist League. 8. Report of the Sixth World Con- gress of the Comintern, 4. Report on the Right danger and Trotskyism. 5, Report on Trade Union. Work. 6. Party Organization Problems, 7. Negro Work. 8. The War Danger and the Struggle against American Imper- ialism, 9. Election of the Central Execu- tive Committee and the Central Control Commission. From the nickels and dimes paid by workers and their families, the F, W. Woolworth Co. coined profits of over $35,000,000 in 1928. Net earnings reported for this vast chain store business have been over $20,- 000,000 a year for the last five years. Spreading a network of five and ten cent stores, with their red trim- mings and gay window-dressing, over the United States, Canada and Cuba, Woolworth’s does not confine itself to the western hemisphere. In Great Britain, Germany and France, the same name attracts those who have least cash to spend. All told, this octopus.operated 1,725 stores in 1928, nearly 200 more than in the previous year. Sweatshops and Towers. The Woolworth Building, New York’s cathedral of commerce, tow- ers above the grim poverty so near it to the east. Millions of dimes and nickels. built the tower. Just 2 few blocks from this Broad- way castle, hidden away in dingy lofts, are some of the factories where cheap goods are made for the Woolworth trade, The writer once investigated one of these factories and remembers the rickety wooden stairs and the unbelievably crowded room full of Negro girls making ar- tificial leather objects. r Negroes Exploited. Only Negro workers were em- ployed. Wages were so low and sani- tation so bad that Negro women sub- mitted only because jobs were so scarce. The work was all done by the piece, and pay averaged only 15 cents an hour. It was literally a sweat shop. Such conditions in American cities and similar places = 5 an Hear crn a possi they excl ~ {cheapness of goods sold by Wool- | worths, ~ | If the profits of this corporation |for tho past year were divided among the 30,000 employes, it would |add more than $1,000 to each work- ler’s income. ~-rnings of Woolworth lclerks average about $572 for a | year’s work. Wages inthe com- Tom Mann, veteran of nearly two generations of labor struggles in England and one of the leaders of the National Minority Movement, has sent a letter of greeting to the sixth annual bazaar of the New York District of the International Labor Defense, which opens Wednes- day night in New Star Casino, 107th St. and Park Ave., and continues un- til Sunday night. Mann was presi- dent of the National Unemployed March to London which ended a few days ago, oss The letter, addressed to Rose, Baron, secretary of the New York! Section of the I. L. D., appears in fender, It reads: “Dear Comrade: “To you and to all the comrades’ of the International Labor Defense I send you greetings and good wishes from the revolutionary workers on this side. We know the work you are engaged in and we are strug- gling in much the same way over here. Seeing that you are organizing a bazaar to enable you the hettér to, cope with your great work, we hope LETTER FROM A FIGHTER Tom Mann Greets I.L.D. Bazaar Here the March number of the Labor De-, doi you to be entirely suc-| phd oat mts ah ok Woolworth Exploits Negro pany’s southern stores run from $8! to $10 a week. In Chicago and other large cities, Woolworth’s pays about $14 a week for a clerk who stands behind the counter for more than 8 hours a day, more than 48 hours a week. In Scranton, Pa., C. S. Woolworth, chairman of the corporation, dis- cessful in carrying this through. “We are familiar with such ef- forts: and know that much work is entailed, but it is for a glorious cause, that you may care for the vic- tims of capitalism in the great class struggle. With the large population and the many struggles, you have a great task, We-of the I. C. W. P. A., ‘the International Class War Prisoners Aid, have similar objects in view to your own. We must not allow the capitalists to ride rough- shod over the workers without the help of warm hearts and loving hands of helpfulness, so we congra- tulate you on what you have done and especially upon what you are ing. “May your bazaar in March be the biggest success you have ever had. May yoy relieve distress, comfort the otherwise helpless, and inspire to noble endeavor thousands of mili- tants for the emancipation of the workers. “In the name and behalf of thou- sands in England to our active com- rades in arms in the United States of America, ata (Signed) “Tom Mann,” Labor covered that girls in his stores and in other shops and mills of the town were ngt earning enough to pay for room and board. So he and Fred- erick Pratt bestowed a beautiful resi- dence building on the Young Wom- en’s Christian Assn., to house the girls who could not otherwise sup- port themselves. After paying dividends and de- ducting large amounts for deprecia- tion, taxes and other charges, Wool- worth’s. in 1928 still had a surplus of $19,500,000. Adding this to the surplus already accumulated, the company now has nearly $50,000,000 ina surplus account. Britten Wants More Millions for Building Cruisers Right Away WASHINGTON, March 1 (UP)— Chairman Britten of the house naval affairs committee said today the cruiser appropriation was — inade- quate and that the figure should have been from $20,000,000 to $25,- 00,000 instead of $12,000,000, “We hope to remedy this, how- ever, by having a deficiency appro- priation approved by the next con- gress in order to speed up the work,” said Britten. KHARKOV CO-OP FACTORIES. KHARKOV, U.S.S.R., (By Mail). —Several new large bakeries are be ing constructed by the Kharkov co- operative societies. One bakery, with an output of 24 metric tons of bread per day, and equipped with modern machinery is wr construction in the Plekhanov borough of Kharkov. Another bakery, with a daily output of 30 metric tons, is to be constructed ; in the Novaia-Ba | | | | | Smelter men began to complain that they were not Copyright, 1929, by Internationai Publishers Co., Inc. BILL HAYWOOD’S . BOOK A Pinkerton Spy and Union Dissension; Haywood’s First Encounter With Harry Orchard, Labor Spy All rights rese:ved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission. In previous chapters Haywood told of his early life as miner, cowboy and homesteader in Utah, Nevada and Idaho; of his work in the Western Federation of Miners from 1396 until finally elected as its Secretary-Treasurer; its fights in Colorado. He is now telling of the famous Cripple Creek strike of 1903. Now go on reading. * ® * By WILLIAM D. HAYWOOD. PART L, THe miners were struck a hard blow when the Woods Investment Company declared that all men employed by them must sever their connection with the Western Federation of Miners, Woods met the miners as they were coming off shift at the Gold Coin mine, and later at the Economic mill, and submitted the proposition to them. They. unanimously refused it. While this did not weaken the strike, it made hundreds of more members for whom we had to provide relief. I had been having some difficulty with the relief committee of the Denver smelter men. At first we had been giving out relief at such a rate that I had to tell the chairman that he was providing the smelter men with more than they had had while at work. Then he cut down the rations until the wives of the getting enough to eat. Years later, when his letters 2 were published in The Pinkerton Labor Spy, I discovered that the chair- man of the relief committee was a Pinkerton detective, who was carry- ing out the instructions of the agency in his methods of handling the relief work, deliberately trying to stir up bad feeli strikers and the relief committee. eT eee The American Labor Union had asked me to contri Voice of Labor, its official organ. I wrote articles on ie aa po the mining industry, and aphorisms which became very popular—“In- dustrial Unionism is Socialism with its working clothes on,” “The open union makes the closed shop,” “A shorter workday makes a bigger pay- day, and so on; I used to hear “soap-boxers” using my maxims. At about this time I wrote a brief history of the Western Federation of Miners that had-a wide circulation. President Moyer was going to visit the unions at Ouray and other places in the southern part of the state. I suggested that it would be a good thing to take a traveling companion along with him, as he might run across gunmen from Telluride, and two men could do better than one against them. There was a member of the Western Federa- tion from Cripple Creek who* had come into the office a few days previously. He came again that afternoon and Moyer proposed that he should go with him to Ouray.- I had asked Moyer if he knew him Moyer told me that he had seen him in “the Creek,” that he was an. old-timer from the Coeur d’Alenes. It was Harry Orchard, ‘ * * ASKED Orchard if he had a gun with him. He had, and pulled a six-shooter a foot and a half long out of his pants. I said to him: “That's not a very handy gun; you'll have to pull your pants off to get it in action!” He looked as though he did not liké thé criticism but he didn’t say anything. ? * It was the second night after they had arrived in Ouray that Moyer was arrested by officials from ‘San Migual county. He was charged with-desecrating the flag and taken to Telluride. Orchard came back to headquarters and told me the details of Moyer’s arrest, all of which rT had already hegrd through, telegrams and newspaper accounts. I didn’t like the way in which oyer had been arrested, with no resis! tance on the part of his supposed protector. ‘ Orchard. saw that I was angry and didn’t stay more than a few minutes. Perhaps I was not so angry. at Orchard as I was at the thought of Moyer’s arrest for “desecrating the flag,” as I knew that he had had nothing to do with that particular affair; he was not even in the office when the flag poster was made. Then I realized that it had his signature on it, which of. course involved him as much as though he had written it himself. , * é GOT word that there was also a warrant out for me on the same charge. .As John Murphy was not in the city, I went to see the law firm of Richardson. and Hawkins, to find out what I could do to avoid being taken to Telluride. Hawkins suggested that murder was a non-bailable offense, and if I should be charged with murder in Den- ver I could not be taken to another county. I thought that was a little too strong! Then he said: “Well, why not be charged with desecrating the flag, right here in Denver ?”. “But I want to avoid going to jail, and I want things so I can do my work in the office.” “Well,” he said, “if you. know a judge who will put you in charge of an officer while you look for bail, it can be done that way.” “I think I'can fix that up with Billy Hynes,” said I. “He’s a union man.” : “Let me know when the case is coming up,” said Hawkins. From his office I went to Pettibone’s store and told Gedtge that I wanted to be arrested on the charge of desecrating the flag. “Can you fix it up with one of the boys here?” ‘ “Sure,” he said, “Jake Wolf will swear out a w: Then I went to Judge Hynes’ court and told Billy the whole story. He made me no promises, but asked me if the case wa$.coming up in his court. I told him I wanted to arrange it that way iffd could. That afternoon the warrant was sworn out and served on me andthe follow- ing morning the case came up for trial. ? * ° * 3 R.- HAWKINS said that it would take him some time to prepare the case and asked the judge to fix bond, which he did to the sum of three hundred dollars. I told his honor it would take me some time ae that amount of bond together. Calling one of the constables, he Said: “Connolly, you go with Mr. Haywood and stay with him until he gets the bonds.” I left the court and took Connolly to the office. He stayed with me night and day, and when the time limit was up, we went back to the court and I asked the judge for more time, which he granted with- out hesitation. aN When my case came up: before Judge Hynes I came into court with all kinds of specimens of advertisements using the: American flag. Un- known friends had sent me these in every mail, I must have had twenty or thirty samples; tobacco sacks, cigar boxes, labels from tomato cans, the flag of a colored:men’s, political club with announcements written on the stripes, and the business card of the Pinkerton Detective Agency, with the all-seeing sre qircoanet with flags, the principal among them being the Stars and meee The case was dismissed. Some time later the use of the flag in advertising was prohibited by law. But befote my trial, Moyer had been released on bond and re- arrested two’ or three times, until finally the militia decided to hold him as a “military, necessity.” .I got Attorney Richardson to apply to the state supreme court for a writ of habeas corps, which was granted. Moyer was brought to Denver. os o ¢ '@ ee In the. next instalment Haywood will tell the account of one of his most violent personal encounters with the gunmen, militia and sluggers of the Colorado mine owners, in which he received wounds which he carried the remainder of his life. Any re who wishes to receive these thrilling memoirs of Haywood’s life in bound volume form, may do so free of cost with a yearly subscription, renewal or extension to the Daily Worker. Simply send the regular subscription — price and ask for. Haywood's bool, - pice ase o wh. Rsiri ihe