The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 18, 1929, Page 6

Page Six DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK: MONDAY, FEBRUARY 1 Baily SH: Worker Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party ‘CRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year 50 six months $2.00 three months 1 all checks to Worker, 26-28 Union New York, N. Y, Published by the National Worker Publishing Associ: Inc., Daily, 26-28 Union Square, v. Telephone and ma ily Square, The New Union in Action The big strike in the dress industry of New York, led by the Needle Trades Workers’ Industrial Union, will count for much more in American labor history than is usually the case with a struggle in a single branch of a light industry. This is a struggle of workers who have liberated them- selves from one of the worst set of labor fakers, traitors and professional strike-breaking “leaders” that ever fastened it- self upon the necks of organized workers. It is a strike against the coalition of garment-manufacturing bosses, allied with trade-union officials, the yellow socialist party and the | present-day national open-shop movement. It is a strike against the conditions in the dress industry which the coalition of yellows and bosses had established by systematic collaboration in breaking down union shop condi- tions in a series of long years—a strike against the 50-hour week, against starvation wages, against the autocratic right of the bosses to deprive any worker of his job at pleasure, the unmitigated slavery of the piece-work system and the sweat- shop. The response of the workers to the strike call of the new union proves that the time was ripe, that the workers were ready to make the fight for the 40-hour, five-day week, for the minimum wage scale, that they are ready to fight for the abolition of the piece-work system and the establishment of the week-work system, for the limitation of contractors, the abolition of discharge and the recognition of the union. In fact the continued spirit of struggle shown by the workers, their splendid defiance of the efforts of police, bosses, private gunmen and “socialists,” has compelled the New York bosses of the entire needle industry already to waver in their own fighting front. It is absolutely estab- lished that resolute fighting, continued without being fooled into a passive attitude, can win for the workers a very de- cided improvement over the old agreement which the bosses had flouted. That old agreement, drawn up by the faker- lawyer of high finance for private profits in the labor move- ment, Mr. Morris Hillquit, was long ago set aside by the bosses, and now it is set aside as well by History. The strug- gle and the attitude of the bosses already show that Hill- quit’s provision allowing the bosses under the old agreement to discharge a worker “by agreement,” within two weeks of his commencing work, will be cast into the discard and the strict rule of one week of trial can be established in the in- dustry—if the workers fight hard enough and don’t bend to the first soft words of the bosses. The right of workers to re- ceive full pay while awaiting decisions on questions of dis- charge, and the right to continue on the job while charges of “‘incompetency” are being investigated by the union, can be won if energetically fought for. Already it is clear that a continued fighting spirit of the workers can establish very.material advances in wages and a clean sweep of the working hours over 40 per week, The slogan of the 8-hour day and 40-hour week can play a tremendous role in the American labor movement at this stage, comparable to that of the 8-hour day slogan of 50 years ago. The fight under this 40-hour week slogan, together with the fight against the speed-up system—the | system by which the “rationalization” bosses are riveting chains of unendurable slavery upon the workers not alone in this industry, but throughout industry generally—coupled with the struggle for higher wages—cannot be confined to the dress industry of New York, nor confined to the needle industry as a whole. Once these slogans are crystallized by the example of a really militant struggle in the field of the new unionism, they will sweep large sections of the working class, organized and unorganized, and will play a large part both in the building of new mass unions and in the struggle against the bosses’ agents in the old unions. Too much of the old traditions.of the old craft unions still is to be found clinging to the-skirts of the present strike. Though they led the workers away from the old, treacher- ous, stifling “leadership” of the Sigmans, Schlesingers and Kaufmanns and made a glorious page of labor history in founding the new union, the present militant and loyal lead- ership of the needle workers has not yet sufficiently cast aside all of the narrow traditions of the old organizations. Since the duty of the Communists must always be to march ahead of all others in the struggles of the workers, this cri- ticism cannot be withheld from the Communists among the leadership of the present strike. There is not a sharp enough break with the old traditions of the “organization drive” which, in the case of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy was con- ducted with the sole objective of enlarging the boundaries of the union, although a big difference is found in this strike—for very substantial immediate economic gains for the workers in hours and wages are being fought for. The leadership of the strike, in many respects show- ing a splendid example, has nevertheless not put sufficient emphasis upon the broadening of the strike. A too quick readiness to accept agreements is indication of this. The outstanding fact of the present strike is its proof of the correctness of the left wing movement as expressed in the program of the Trade Union Educational League, which is, of course, supported by the Workers (Communist) Party. The present strike should be made, more than it has been thus far, also a tremendous means of popularizing the full left wing program. The workers in the New York dress industry and the members of the Needle Trades Workers’ Industrial Union as a whole are necessarily regarded as working in a pioneer role which marks the path away from the old, servile company-unionism .of the yellow leaders. More than ever they should realize that the struggle of the new industrial union under class-conscious leadership, as a break with the old craft unionism under treacherous, cor- rupt leadership, is an example for tens and hundreds of thou- sands of other workers. ‘ The militant, courageous conduct of the New York _ workers in the dress industry has already thrown a strong ray of light upon a better future for the workers’ struggles. ‘Let it throw a still stronger light by broadening the strike, continuing the courageous conduct of the picket line and aking impossible the scab dress shop in New York. _y ee im ww IN THE HANDS OF = S. QD > ~ © eS xn i) eS DM ee seb) ee — ©, Ou by Albert Weisbord, representative lof the Trade Union Educational | League to the recent Mexican Unity | Conference of Workers aind Pea-| |sants, was published in the Daily) |Worker Saturday. It dealt with| | political groupings in the Mexican |bourgeoisie and their relation to | American imperialism. The third article follows. * . By ALBERT WEISBORD Before we go any further it might not be out of place to present some statistical data as to the working | poptlation in Mexico. | In 1921 (unfortunately no later | figures are available, although in| the main they hold true today), jthere were from 14,000,000 to 18,-/ |¢00,000 in Mexico. The exact num- ber could not be ascertained because of the large number (several mil- lien) of Indians living in the moun- | tain wildernesses. At that time the |population was divided as follows: | | Indians 4,200,000—29°% Metis (mixed white and Indian) Creales (slightly } mixed white) ....1,400,000—10% | | Others 250,000— 2% | 8,500,000—59 % Total... 20520 4+. -14,550,000 \ Gainfully Employed In: Agriculture ....... = 8,500,000 | Industrial (approx.)..... 700,000 | |Mines and metals + 52,000 | Textiles + 66,500 | Transport 69,000 | | Postal, tel. and tel. 6,000 | | Various industries + 508,000 {Domesiic ..... + 240,000 | Commerce, etc. 271,000 | |Professions ... 80,000 |Government employ 119,000 Army and police. 54,000 Artisans 94,500 Housewives . Children to 10 Not determined . Unemployed .. 4,123,000 439,000 | 169,500 | 1 BEB TB | 14,290,000 | Agrarians. Today we find the agrarians,di- | vided about as follows: Agricultural workers (peons), 2,250,000; semi- proletarian, 750,000; middle pea- sants, (Accomodado ranchero), 75,- 000; poor peasants (ranchero), 250,- 000; haciendas (40% foreign), 6,000 (of which about 2,000 are very big latefundistas). Thus, we see, there are relatively few peasants, strictly speaking, in Mexico. It is the revolutionary semi-proletarians who have received small pieces of land through the rev- olution. But by these small pieces of land the land hunger of the agra- rian masses was not appeased, it was only aggravated. The cry for land is the big question before the agrarian toilers at the present time. Increased Exploitation. With the ‘increased invasion of American capitalism into Mexico the | conditions of the masses have grown | worse. The failure of the Mexican | Revolution has been: fully shown to | the masses, The 8-hour day is on paper. The’ number of unemployed | grows, with the continuance of the imperialist boycott. Unskilled in- dustrial workers get, on the average, 50 cents a day, skilled, $1 and $1.50 (maximum, $2) a day. Waitresses, for example, work 14 hours a day for $4 a week! The housing and so- cial conditions are very bad, even in Mexico City, and are much ‘Worn cutside. ae But it is when one deals with the agrarian masses that the full epic: | ture of slavery is seen. The 2,250,- 000 agricultural workers (peons) | toil from morn to night for from | 10 to 20 cents a day, often paid not | in money but in food. Here we see most clearly how the revolution in- ’ bitiated against feudalism and against" |where the revolutionary movement | activity THE ENEMY 2,250,000 Agricultural Peons Prove to Distribute Land Was Never Carried Out Promise the control of foreign imperialist | land only 8,000 had received any- capital has not realized the smallest |thing; in many cases where the part of its objectives. ‘agrarian masses with arms in their The large estates (latifundistas | hands had seized the land for them- | haciendas) remain intact. Of the to-|selves. ‘Today the Mexican govern- jtal capacity of workable lands only | ment is trying its best to disarm the | 6%4 per cent are used and of this|agrarian masses. This is resisted, but 4 per cent were given to the pea-|as it is well known that when the sants, and then enly where foreign |agrarians are disarmed the land is interests were not involved and|taken away again. This has already happened in countless cases. Strikes and Repression. Against these unbearable condi- SOVIET UNION WAGES WAR ON PROSTITUTION The struggle against prostitution is one of the tasks which the Soviet system is vigorously attacking in was strong. Of the 32,000 com- munes that had a right to receive way from the ordinary factory as regards strictness and precision of operating standards. During the} its steady progress toward a new| first six weeks of a woman’s stay in} standard of life. This fight is based | the “prophylactorium” some small | upon the vocational education of| leeway is allowed with reference to | homeless women and their cultural| required output, but as soon as the enlightenment. In many cities of| working routine and the collective the Soviet Union there are special! group effect have dislodged street sanitariums, called “phophylactoria,” | habits and capricious whims, the in- where women of the street are| ternal rules and regulations assert placed in healthful surroundings} their inflexible sway. | conducive to normal work and cul-}| Each woman earns 41 rubles a} tural recreation. month on the average. Living a com- The Bauman “Phophylactorium”! munal life with prepared meals fur- in Moscow may be cited as a typical| nished, she is spared many petty| institution of this sort. It was es-|cares. Medical treatment is provided | tablished four years ago and has/in a fully equipped department in| succeeded in extending its beneficial | i considerably during this; short time. At present in the clean, light rooms of the “prophylactorium” the merry whirr of eighty sewing ma-|is the sewing and cutting circle, chines and thirty-nine knitting ma-| which improves the qualifications of | chines may be heard. One hundred} the workers and prepares them for) and sixty-eight prostitutes have quit| future employment in outside fac-| the squares, stations and night lodg-| tories. ing houses to take up sewing. They| After a year of life in the “pro-) have come here of their own free|phylactorium,” by which time she will without compulson and without | has received adequate schooling and obligation, and they may leave at| good working qualifications, the wo- any moment. But they do not leave.|man is directed to outside employ- They have forever abandoned the| ment through a special commission. street life with its temptations. Experience has demonstrated that Most of the women in the insti-| the women sent to the mills and fac- tution are peasant and working girls.| tories make an excellent showing Three-fourths of- them are Victims|both in their work and in their so- of unemployment. cial behavior. Many former inmates During three years 646 peasant’ of these institutions have even work- and 109 working girls have been| ed their way up to elective positions, treated in the “prophylactorium.”| having become members of factory | Over half of them are single girls| committees and District Soviets. without family between the ages of| Such is the policy pursued by the eighteen and twenty-five. Soviet Union with regard to the re- The workshops connected with the | éducation of unfortunate women into “prophylactoria” do not differ in any | active members of the working class. men may devote their entire leisure time to social activity and self-edu- | cation. Each inmate participates in several circles. Especially popular} Presidium of the League |the proletariat really only exists the institution itself. Thus the wo- | ov \the word Compesinos literally. Lit- conference of Mexican workers and By Fred Ellis s are striking back. he strik 0,000 railwaymen in 1926, the constant und growing con- flicts in the mines (as in Jalisco, ete.), in the textile mills and oil fields shows what is taking place. These strikes are being violently repressed by the government. It is this mass industrial move- } ment which is frightening the gov- ernment and ieading it to attack even the CROM (the A. F. of L. of Mexico). We see that although the labor movement in Mexico is very young (the CROM having been or- ganized in part by the government itself, then calling itself revolution- | ary!) yet already the officials of | the CROM and the Pan-American Federation of Labor have become thoroughly exposed. These oificials are no longer ‘followed by the masses. They are hated as the whole petty-bourgeoisie, which has now broken with its revolutionary traditions and now follow in the wake of American imperialism, is hated. This move to the left on the part of the masses has caused the government to attack even the CROM unions and to start a policy of open fascism. Today the CROM, hit from the top and hit from the bettom, is rapidly disintegrating and new revolutionary trade union micvement is taking its place. Proletariat Young. We can appreciate the difficulties the Mexican industrial proletariat has to face when we consider that nce 1914, and that 50 per cent to per cent of the industrial prole- | tariat has an agrarian character. we must keep in mind that er cent of the proletariat) e. Yet, in spite of these s, under the leadership of the S. P. the industrial workers are forming a great powerful movement. However, up to now it has been} the agrarian masses who have) shown the mest acute revolutionary temper. Cheated in the last revolu- tion, time after time they have seized the land with arms in their hans only to be routed by superior federal forces. Their miserable lot has made them a_ revolutionary group. Different Categories. Today we see a National Agrarian League. (*Compesinos) of almost 40,000 and under the leadership of the C. P. These agrarian toilers have united with the industrial workers in two big movements, the Workers-Agrarian Toilers Bloc (Ob- yeros-Compesinos) and the National Assembly for the Unity of Workers and Agrarian Toilers. At the same time a new National General Con- federation of Labor‘has been formed. This is the masses’ answer to fas- cism and its preparation for the coming Civil War. * * (*Note:—I have not translated * erally it means those who are in the country. But that includes 5 categories—given above—and is very confusing. The Nationai Com- pesinos League, for example, con- tains mostly semi-proletarians, few agricultural workers and very few peasants. It is therefore very neces- sary that the word compesinos be dropped and an accurate terminol- ogy used.) * The fourth article, to be printed tomorrow, in the series on the recent Mewican Unity Congress of Work- ers and Peasants, will deal with the * * agrarian toilers: its composition, program, etc. A feature of the ar- ticle will be an interview with Triana, chosen by the congress as its candidate for the coming elec- tions, Copyright, 1929, by Internation Publishers Co., Inc. BILL HAYWOOD’S BOOK Governor Peabody of Colorado Encounters Judge Owners, Haywood’s Friend With a Taste for Satire Haywood in previous chapters wrote of his boyhood among the Mormons in Utah; as miner and cowboy in Nevada and Idaho; years as a union man; the rise to executive office in Western Federation of Miners; its battles in Denver, Telluride, Colorado City; he is now telling of a clash between Governor Peabody and Judge Owers, a sympathizer with the union, over the W. F. M. strikers. Now go on reading. All rights reserved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission. ee * By WILLIAM D. HAYWOOD. PART XXXIX. [A= Governor Peabody gave out an interview to the press in whict he insulted Judge Owers, A few days after this—it was the same day that the Cripple Creek strike was declared, I remember—Judg: Owers called me up on the telephone, saying: “Haywood, at your convenience I'd like to talk to you on a matter of some importance.” I told him that I would come over to his office at once, When I got there, the judge was stretched out on a long wicker couch. He looked tired and ‘worn, in bad health, but there was an inspiring flash in his eyes, “Pull up a chair,” he said. As I sat down, he went on: “I’ve been preparing to write a letter in answer to Governor Peabody, and I’d like to have you hear me dictate it. You may be able to offer me some suggestions.” He called in his stenographer and, referring to some notes, he dictated the open letter that appeared in the Rocky Mountain News. To his Excellency, Hon. James H, Peabody, Governor of Colorado; Dear Sir:— In the News of Saturday, August fifteenth, 1903, you are reported as having, in an interview on the labor troubles at Cripple Creek, spoken as follows: “I anticipate no trouble, however, either here or at Cripple Creck. The miners are beginning to understand that they cannot violate the law. They cannot assassinate men, neither can they destroy property. Not even if they do have the protection of District Judge Owers. For that reason I do not think we will have to order the militia out any place. But they must all understand that order must be preserved if they do not want the state to take a hand.” When I casually read the interview, I dismissed it from my mind as an error, on the theory that no man occupying the position of gov- ernor of this state could be so lacking in all sense of decency and justice as to make such a statement about a member of the judiciary... In the interview you directly charge the miners of the state as a body with violation of the law, assassination and destruction of prop- erty, and me, as a district judge, with protecting them in the com- mission of each and all of these crimes. The law presumes all innocent until proven guilty. I am not awarc and have not heard that any miner has as yet been tried, let alone convicted, of any crime connected with recent labor troubles in this state. I have not heard that any miners either as individuals or as a union or otherwise, have openly boasted of the commission of any crime or misdemeanor, or openly avowed responsibility for, or approval of the same in any manner, let alone by adopting and publishing resolutions approving thereof and offering to aid and abet the same. On the other hand, it is a matter of common knowledge that in Denver, Idahc Springs and elsewhere throughout the state, an organization has openly assumed the responsibility and boasted of its pride in the recent mot violence and outrage at Idaho Springs, and concerning which you have not so far raised your voice in condemnation or protest... . When the expelled men from Idaho Springs appealed to you to be restored to their homes, you were prompt with a denial of help, base¢ upon technical interpretation of your duty. You advised them with many platitudes to appeal to the courts for redress. They asked for bread and you gave them a stone, yet they followed your advice, anc when the court, appealed to, restored them to their families, deing in two days what you dared not attempt in two weeks, you hasten with charasteric vacillation to serve your masters by expressing your chagrir and disapproval of the action of the court by publicly insulting the judg« who presided, and who had the courage to perform the duty you recog- nized but shirked. I fear, had fate been so kind to Colorado as to have made me ¢ governor, I should be brutal enough to disregard the frantic appeals oi hysterical sheriffs for militia, wherever the destruction of a chicken house should be threatened, and I might even insist that the powers of county should be used, before disgracing the state by ordering the militia at enormous expense to climb a hill and then climb down again I might even, through lack of moral sense, were I governor, if appealec to by men claiming to haye been expelled from their homes by a mob feel it my duty, in defiance of precedent, to use the militia to restore them to their wives and children, and enforce the rights guaranteed my fellow-beings by the Constitution and the law. I might even, in suck event, be impolitie enough to disregard the fact that the expelling mot was composed of “our best and most prominent citizens.” ... In conclusion, may I venture to hope for a reply to this letter through the press as soon as you can get some one to write an answer for you, and will you kindly particularize your grounds of complaint against me? Respectfully, Frank W. Owers. * . . I told the judge that there was a difference between him and us We used a dull ax on our opponents, he used a rapier. My only contri- bution to the letter was the last paragraph, where I suggested that the governor would have to get some one to write his answer for him Evidently he could not find any one, as the letter remained unanswered After the letter had been disposed of, the Judge said: “The Miners’ Union at Leadville is having a hard time of it.” “Yes,” I answered, “and it’s getting worse. Since they’ve organizec the Citizens’ Alliance the bitter discrimination of the Mine Own Association makes it very hard for the union to get ahead. And it’s hardest on our best members, You know, to lose their jobs is about the worst thing that can happen to them, and that usually happens first to the most active men.” _ “I know they’ve tried several times to hamper and handicap the miners’ union,” said the judge. He added, “Next week I'll be filling a temporary vacancy in the Leadville district. The judge there is taking a holiday. I want to suggest that if a carefully prepared applicatior is presented, while I’m on the bench there, an injunction would be issued. John Murphy is a painstaking lawyer, talk things over wit! him, We want this injunction to be ‘iron-bound and copper-cornered.’’ After a little more talk, I left him, and went to see Murphy. _ “This is rather unusual,” said John, “but I’ll make the applica- tion, and if the injunction is granted and enforced it will give the miners full protection.” . * : In the next instalment Haywood writes more of the pungent polemic of Judge Owers and Peabody; how Haywood was warned once more that Moyer was not to be trusted. Readers who wish to get Haywood’s whole book in bound volume, for themselves or for others, may do so without extra cost by simply sending in a yearly subscription at the usual rate—no more. For a short period of time the Daily Worker is offering free of charge a copy of Bill Haywood’s book with every yearly subscription. This applies to renewals as well. you have already subscribed extend your sub for anothei year.