The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 13, 1929, Page 6

oat Six DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1929 Baily 325 Worker | Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party |HAYWOOD’S BOOK The Citizens Alliance, a Nest of Conspirator: Sending Militia Against the Colorado City Strikers In previous instalments Haywood told of his boyhood among the Mormons; his youth as a miner and cowboy in Nevada and Idaho; his rise to the head of the Western Federation of Miners; the strug- gies of the W. F. M. Now go on reading, ° * By WILLIAM D. HAYWOOD. PART XXXV. | 'HEREVER it existed this Citizens’ Alliance was a nest of venomou conspirators, with a banker at its head, a well-dressed, soft-palmec white-collared parasite. The tough gambler, the lazy preacher, th nasty pimp, and others of the business element were found among it members. This body was fostered by the Mine Own- To the workers who look each day at this space for a cartoon by the proletarian artist, Fred Ellis, we offer the explanation for the temporary absence of those cartoons Tieton nae that can be found in the following note: York only): six months ths r 0 three mon All rights reserved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission. “Daily Worker, Dr. Photo-engraving plates ew York): 0 six months ceceeeees S81L619 Address “Please remit.” The and n Daily Work Square, New checks to Union WM, F. DUD York, We are sure that the funds that are being contributed to save the Daily Worker in its present ¢ will soon be sufficient to enable us to clear up this item as well as the many others which must be settled to enable us to continue publication of our “Daily,” the only Bolshevik daily paper in the English language in the world. From Lincoln to Hoover—From Bourgeois Revolutionary W ar to Bourgeois Imperialist War Yesterday American bourgeois society celebrated Lin- Send your own contribution and that of your organization to | coln’s Birthday. The Daily Worker, One hundred and twenty years ago, on February 12, Abe 26-28 Union Square, New York. Lincoln was born in a one-room log house of a miserable | farm in the backwoods of Kentucky, as the son of a “shift- less” carpenter who took to farming when work at his trade was slack. i This son of the “poor white trash” of the South, became | any ame rane ve met ewe! Pledge China, Filipino Workers’ Solidarity figures in history at a time when history was not standing still, During the decades of Lincoln’s maturity occurred the | cae Aepae ie nich likewise controlled and di- revolutions of 1848 in Europe, the abolition of serfdom ing, crisaNTO EVANGELISTA. | |the time being, form its members| through their ne. one copay sist sete Russia, the reactionary pro-slavery war of the secession of i | into industrial sections, such as com-| wanted. The constables and police of towns and (A speech delivered the Commemoration of the Chinese Revolution of 1911, held under the auspices of the Chinese Laborers’ Association of the Philippines, at Asia Theatre, Manila, on October z : = on mercial house employes’ section, cooks, waiters’ section, etc., and af-| | filiate each section to the industrial | |union where each section belongs. | If this amalgamation between the | never be able to cooperate with each | more difficult, if not impossible, any| Filipino industrial union and the | other, we cannot abolish race preju-| kind of class solidarity, understand-| Chinese industrial union is impos- Their Struggle Against Imperialism a Common | Struggle Against Oppressors from Mexico, the brutal war of conquest against Mexico by the United States as a slave power, the discovery of gold in California, followed by the opening of the West to settlement, the opening of Japan to trade across the Pacific, the beginning of railroad building in the West, and- finally, the tremendous drama of struggle of modern capi- mining camps as a rule were willing to do the bid- ding of the big mining companies. It would seem that these combined forces were strong enough for any legal purposes; but no, they must organize the Citizens” Alliance and employ ex-convicts, murderers and gunmen, such as Bob Meldrum, K. C, Sterling, Frank Varnick, D. C. Scott, Walter Kinley, Willard : g ; i 10, 1928. i i ar: ‘ i ct : talism, based upon wage slavery, against the semi-feudal ) dices, national or color barriers, re-) ing and cooperation between the aa poe of the language prob-| Runnels and many others of the same desperate character. With thes feuitiratvetenr based chattel: alavery-—the. drama esas laws, such as immigration| workers of the East and West, or) lem, there should be adopted @ plan’ piug-uglies the mine managers became close associates, and with thei agricultural system based upon chattel slavery— Gea (Continued) ws, etc., that weaken our class ties | between one colony and another. We for solidarity, understanding and co-) assistance villainous schemes were put into action. A. E. Carltor in which Lincoln himself became the pre-eminent actor. Foes i ,,;./and hamper class solidarity. With-) were very slow in perceiving the| operation for defense and protection.| }anker, was the head of the Citizens’ Alliance of Cripple Creek of As we see, there is a certain o4¢ this class solidarity, as you all|real motives behind this restrictive} 8—Adopt one standard of wages i f t The life of Lincoln is the story of the coming of age the capitalist United States. the “second half” of the Am banker was the prime mover of the Alliance in the San Juan districi Another banker was the leader of the Citizens’ Protective League a Idaho Springs, a small mining camp in Clear Creek county, a shor distance from Denver. E: parallelism between the Philippines and the Chinese political situation. In China, hundreds and thousands of are aware, it is impossible to con-|law. jane hours of labor in each industry | duct a real and successful class fight/ In the course of time, when we | for both Chinese and Filipino work- |against our exploiters and oppres- witnessed the capitalist invasion in| TS: This must be understood, how- Lincoln became the leader of ‘ican bourgeois revolution—the Revolution of 1776 against England having been only the sO! | Chi ever, that neither the Philippine Chi- x s a a : ie ° volutionar: ina, we came to understand what) * shieveiae® sph r vail first half which left the bourgeois revolution uncompleted. oy Serb oe A | Now to begin with, China and the was the real issue involved in this|°S¢ Laborers’ Association nor the tite ee Re eek the, ae Sei ewes ae For this reason it is perfectly true to say that Lincoln’s part “°?Ke?S and peasants, are killed by | philippines, geographically | speak-' restrictive legislation in. white capi- | COn&teS0 Obrero de, Filipinas shall) <cives around my desk, two or three sat on the sill of the big half the reactionary leaders of Kuomin-| ing, are neighbors; racially, they are tang. Why? Obviously because they | related to each other. In history and fear the rise into power of our class, | customs, Filipino and Chinese have | the working class. much in common. In color or com- |talist countries, or colonies of im-|{0¥mulate or promulgate this stan- perialist countries, The Western | dard but it shall be fixed jointly. “ capitalists tacitly or actively support | 4—In case strike oF boycott | 2 immigration laws barring the en-| declared by any industrial SO OF : | plexion, with the probable exception | trance of Asiatie workers in white |S@ction, the declaration of which is I greet you with my heart and/of their eyes, there exists no dis-| countries, posing thereby as cham-| #PProved by both the Congreso soul, for a people who has in its tinction between the two. No one | pion in safeguarding the high stan-| Obrero de Filipinas and the Philip- midst a class of courageous fighters | can easily distinguish who is who | dards of living of white. workers |pine Chinese Laborers’ Association; such as the militant workers and| between the two if they would be! put at the same time they brought | both Chinese and Filipino organiza- peasants of China, can never be placed under the same condition and | their surplus capital to China India, | tions should abide by this declara- suppressed and enslaved! We are circumstances, as to garment, etc.| ete., in order to monopolize ie ex.| tion or decision, with you in your class revolution. | The only traceable difference is their | 5.—When this understanding is - ; 8 ir ploitation of inexhaustible cheap la- We admire the courage of the Can- Janguages. But what of it? We! hor in those countries, and in order | reached between the Philippine Chi-| ton workers who, because they really | FiJipinos, also, speak many different | x aon to compete with advantage by its nese Laborers’ Association and the! wanted to be free from imperialism | gialects. jour caee manufactured ohode vith] Congreso Obrero de Filipinas both and exploitation, pbaitadl class and those produced in their home coun-| organizations shall invite the Japan- gt Decemhs Fever pouical tries, with one inevitable result, such| ese Workers’ Union in the Philip- eee See ae : - cae Rov | as the increase in numbers of white pines to join as one member of this Now, after discussing the Chinese mStances the Chinese workers work workers unemployed in the qld white Labor Understanding for common er Filipino nbiitcal situation, | 2° lower pay than Filipinos; they | imperialist countries, forci there- | defense. laiaein aeesnlas Thkcahin ck trace | 27@ used to work longer hours and by their white workers to accept, Under this Labor Understanding Aetisik similarity oie catwenand: ita under such conditions as the Filipino | lower and lower wages and at the| between the Chinese, Japanese and probable consequences, 1 would take workers cannot accept. These, how- | same time exploiting the cheap labor | Filipino workers, I earnestly believe cid alia ciety asad pas se py | Cver, are mere details of the isstle,| of Orientals, accumulating by this! that there is no valid reason why che officer: of the Philippine Chi. | which, I believe, can be satisfactorily | simple speculation enormous profits! they cannot unite in one common ele” Laborets’” “Axsouiation: ‘The solved in due time. for themselves. purpose, why they cannot strengthen ‘question that these acuieadaa: put to| _ Because of this economic problem | Now that we understand fully the) their class ties, and why class soli- that affects the standards of living | ™eaning of this imperialistic tactic, | darity between them is not but na |me is: “Why should the workers of Sa a get = the "Philippines cana China, ats | of both races, ve, the workers of the| it is for us to devise some effective | tural and possible. circle window, and asked me various questions about the strike a Colorado City. I talked to them in detail, and they published the in terview. “The occasion of the strike was the refusal of the mill manager at Colorado City to treat with or recognize the union. Our men wer discharged because they belonged to the union, and they were so in formed by the managers. We asked the operators to reinstate thes men and consider a wage scale. They would do neither. We claim : constitutional right to organize as do the operators, and we wan wages that will enable our men to move into houses and not rear thei families in tents. During the bitter cold weather the wives and childre of many of the men were huddled together in tents because the wage paid would not suffice to pay house rent and provide other necessities The scale we ask is lower than in any milling or mining camp in Col orado. The minimum scale paid is one dollar and eighty cents a day out of which one per cent discount is deducted, and five cents take: off for compulsory insurance. We object to compulsory insurance Checks are not drawn in favor of the men, but of the merchants wit! whom the men trade.” When the mill owners and representatives of the Mine Oymers Association realized that the strikers were masters of the situation, : picture was drawn by the corporations to present to the governor, tha would justify the state militia being used to break the strike. The gov ernor, in his message to the legislature, after having taken the oat) of office, was emphatic in his assurance that he would uphold law an order. Such words coming from the chief executive of the state wer wisely interpreted by the capitalist mill owners, who knew that th: governor would never call out the state militia to prevent them fron working men at starvation wages. in history was to a large extent that of a revolutionary leader. Because it was a bourgeois revolution, and because the civil war of 1861-65 was so quickly followed by the brutal- izing effects of the release of capitalist forces for unrestrained exploitation and expropriation of the toiling masses, with the quick transformation of the forces of “liberation” into forces of the worst enslavement—the revolutionary aspect of the part that Lincoln played in American history is generally underrated among the present-day revolutionary workers. But in that time this revolutionary aspect was recognized by the great founder of the modern Communist movement, Karl Marx, when he wrote, on behalf of the First International, a political letter to Lincoln upholding his struggle against the slave power. Lincoln’s historic work showed neither the boldness, nor the clarity of vision, nor the frank articulation that is found in a great leader of proletarian revolution; but Lincoln was a bourgeois revolutionist and necessarily showed the char- acteristics of his class role. To whom can Lincoln be compared among the other great political figures of this country and his time? Only to one other. This other was also born in a miserable cabin on a farm in the South, but not of the “poor white trash.” He was the illegitimate son of a Negro woman slave and an un- One thing that we have to settle, ‘is the economic problem involved in this mutual understanding. In many known white father. This man was Frederick Douglass, who grew to maturity as a slave in Maryland, escaped from slavery and became, before and during the Civil War period, the greatest of the leaders of the emancipation movement. Douglass was perhaps a bolder man than Lincoln, and more consciously revolutionary in his prime of life, because Doug- lass, the Negro slave, could not and did not become to the same extent an expression of bourgeois aims. No one knowing exactly on what day of February, 1817, Douglass was born, because of the complete illiteracy of his mother and his fellow-slaves, it became the custom to fix Douglass’ birthday on the same date as that of Lincoln—ahd so it is well for the revolutionary workers who are reminded that this is “Lincoln’s Birthday” to recall that it is also the anniversary of the birth of the great Negro leader who played also his mighty part in the history of the Civil War. Because he was a Negro, American bourgeois history does not recog- nize Douglass, but plays up comparative weaklings. The “free” republic that came out of the Civil War with the abolition of chattel slavery has become today the most power- ful force for reaction, the most dangerous enemy of the liberation of enslaved peoples and classes. The hegemony of the most parasitic form of capitalism—imperialism—shifts to the United States. Imperialism is the last form in which capitalism appears—a form of decaying, reactionary, world- wide slavery which in the present epoch rushes headlong from war to war and to its doom in proletarian revolution. The political party that Lincoln led through civil war— what is it today? It played a part that can be described as at least to a degree revolutionary, in its prime. But can anyone think of a more violently counter-revolutionary party than the Republican Party of today? Lincoln, the republican president of a young capitalist society, played a role of pushing history forward to the ex- tent that the Southern slave power was destroyed and the Soe of a more advanced method of production were re- leased. Hoover, the republican president, of an old, a decaying, parasitic, predatory, imperialist society of capitalism, plays the role that can be better compared with that of the slave power itself. f Lincoln led a bourgeois revolutionary civil war. Hoover is scheduled to lead in bourgeois counter-revolutionary, im- perialist war. Marx and Engels, founders of the revolutionary Com- munist movement, called upon the workers of the world to support the war that Lincoln led, while the Negro ex-slave, Douglass, agitated for the enlisting of the Negro masses into Grant’s armies fighting to destroy the slave power. But in the coming imperialist war, what must the revolutionary successors of Marx and Engels do? They must and will rally the hundred-million fold masses against the imperialist war which is a war for slavery. Whereas the Communists, Marx and Engels, in 1861-65 did all in their power for the success of Lincoln’s armies against the slave power, the class-conscious toilers under the leadership of the Commu- nists of today in this country will and must do all in their a to defeat the imperialist government of the United The coming. war of imperialist powers puts before the workers and farmers and colonial peoples of the world the task of transforming the imperialist war into a civil war against the bourgeoisie and for the overthrow of capitalism. _ Such is the lesson to be had from the memory of Lincoln nd of the great Negro, Douglass. their mutual understanding?” I am | Philippines, committed a great blun- very glad to discuss this subject.| der in weleoming into this country It touches the very problem we, the | the introduction of the immigration workers of the Philippines, are very |!aw passed by the United States Con- much interested and are now try-|Sress. Since the beginning of our ing to find some acceptable proposal labor movement in the islands, which to solve. is now more than 26 years ago, we When I met your leaders inChina, Unconsciously defended this piece of during the last conference held by Testrictive legislation barring the the Pan-Pacifie Trade Union Secre-| Asiatic workers—as if we are not tariat, I ventured to put before them Asiatics—from entering freely into} this same issue but, unfortunately, | the country. we did not reach a definite resolu-) We unfortunately believed that tion on this subject. We were of, one of its main purposes was to the opinion, however, of the need of | protect the Filipino workers from mutual understanding first, between;cheap labor competition imported | workers of China and the Philip- from your country. We did not see; pines; second, between workers of in it that Machiavellian principle) the Pacific area; and third, between devised by the imperialists in order workers of the whole world. We were fully aware that, without foster race discrimination and in-| Congreso Obrero de Filipinas as an| our chains. But we have a world this mutual understanding, we can. equalities in such way that it makes ' entity, or if this is impracticable for | to win.” Ford Resorts to Stool Pigeons in Enslaving Men initiation fee and instructed him;structed to join the independent how to join so that no questions} Auto Workers’ Industrial Union, to By ROBERT W. DUNN. DETROIT, (By Mail).—Henry| | Ford, idol of liberal economists and “human relations in industry” pro-| fessors, is again caught using one} of the dirtiest weapons in the strug-| | gle against unionism—the labor spy. | Walter P. Chrysler is also caught | with the goods, Fifteen men, all members of the) Border Cities Local of the Auto-) mobile Workers’ Industrial Union of | Canada, were discharged from the plant of the Ford Motor Co. of Can- ada. After some investigation, Harvey Murphy, secretary of the union, decided that the president and vice president of the local were responsible for the discharges. A “surprise conference” was arranged | across the river in Detroit on Jan.| | 22 attended by members of the De- | troit local of the Sheet Metal Work- lers, Electrical Workers, Musicians and the independent Auto Workers’ Union. In the presence of these union executives the two suspected officials made detailed statements of their services as labor spies for the nationally known espionage agency, the Corporations Auxiliary Co., known in New York as the In- ternational Auxiliary Co., the East- ern Engineering Co., and by a half dozen other aliases. Three Faced Fake. The first spy to confess was one I. J. Scarbury who came to Detroit in May, 1928, and worked first in a Chevrolet axle plant, then at the Graham-Paige plant. But finally, on being discharged from this plant, he answered a “blind ad” in a De- troit paper, offering a stock room job, if he would report at 406 Hoff- man Bldg. This took him to the Corporations Auxiliary office where his name was taken, and he was to breed hatred among our class, to or two, Next day he was called back to the same building to an of- fice with three different entrances and three different names on the door—the usual Corporations Aux- iliary practice, Met Another Spy. Finally he was accepted and sent over to Canada to the McCord Ra- diator Co., a large auto parts manu- facturing concern, with instructions to join the A. F. of L. auto workers’ union, They gave him $2 for the exploitation of white and colored our proposal, I may venture to sug- gest to you the following points of understanding: 1.—The Philippine Chinese Labor- jers’ Association and the Congreso Obrero de Filipinas represented in a Joint Committee shall draw a joint plan for an organization drive, in |order—a) to organize all Chinese Philippine Chinese Laborers’ Asso- ciation; b) to organize all Filipino workers under the Congreso Obrero | de Filipinas; and c) to form a united | class front for mutual defense. | 2.—Affiliate the Philippine Chi- nese Laborers’ Association to the would be asked, by speaking to one Manville, president of the local and evidently another spy. At the Mc- Cord plant he found that although |a new man he was getting 60 cents an hour while others hired before were receiving only 45. Later he earned $50 a month more by sending in reports of union meet- ings and activities, signed by his code number “T-400.” He was in- League Has U. S.S.R. Communist Youth 10th Birthday THe tenth anniversary of the foun- dation of the Communist Youth League (“Komsomol”) was recently celebrated in the U.S.S.R. In this connection the following figures, showing the development of that or- ganization, were published by the Soviet press: By the end of 1917 Socialist youth associations in Russia totalled 15,- 000 to 20,000 members. At the first congress of the Communist Youth League called in October, 1918, 22,- 000 members were represented. A rapid growth of the society fol- lowed. In September, 1919, the num- ber of members amounted to 96,000, and a year later to 482,000. After a number of “clean-up” campaigns and re-admission proceedings, 247,- 000 members and 13,000 applicants on probation remained in the League by October, 1922. However, since then the Communist. Youth League shows a constant growth. In Janu- ary, 1928, the League numbered 284,544 members and 19,400 appli- rose to 406,000 and 94,040, respec- tively. had doubled numbering over one million (1,020,456 members and 120, 250 applicants). By January 1, 1926, the one and a half million mark was passed (1,640,107 members and 129,- 412 applicants on probation). In July, 1927, the membership of the Communist Youth League ex- ceeded two millions—2,039,114 mem- bers and 117,469 applicants on pro- bation. Figures given out recently by the Statistical Bureau of the League, as of July 1, 1928, show that the total number of members throughout the Soviet Union amounted to 2,042,245, not including 81,277 applications on probation. Girls make up 22 per cent of the total. Members (and ap- plicants) of the Communist Party of the U.S.S.R. constitute over 20 per cent of the membership. With regard to their social posi- tion the members (and applicants on told he would be looked up in a day|cants. One year later the figures probation) of the Communist Youth * means to counteract this phase of | workers. To be more concrete in| workers in the Philippines under the | By January, 1925, the membership | | | Having this understanding in ac- | tual fact, with one strong class tie that bind it, then and only then, , we, the Chinese workers, the Japan- | ‘ese workers, and the Filipino work-! {ers as a class, organized for our | class defense, can face bravely and without hesitation organized capital, | | organized exploitation, and finally | | restrictive laws that breed hatred between workers and bring defeats to their common cause: the final} emancipation of labor. | | Comrades: I should say, in con- clusion, that we must hurry and | ,conclude immediately this under- | standing, because without it we can-| not offer an effective fight against | jour exploiters. “We have nothing to lose except “cultivate” Murphy, became active in its affairs and nominated an- other spy, Calloway, to be its vice president. Still, he was disgusted with his job and wanted to quit. The C. A. came across with a raise of $25 a month making $75 over and above his wages in the plant. He was told in letters from the C. A. whom to vote for in union electior=. Laurel Calloway was his fellow spy who also confessed. He beer ne} “L-287” on Aug. 4, 1928, They sent | him to Walkerville (one of the bor- der cities) to. Chrysler plant No, 2 to report on the union men who had pulled a small department strike there last summer. He was in- structed to join the independent union and turn in a full list of its members to the C. A. His daily reports followed the usual style of C. A. operatives. With its nest of under-cover men holding offices in both unions the C. A. could sell its information not | only to Chrysler and McCord but also to Ford, and doubtless also to Studebaker and other companies with plants over the Canadian line. Union men were discharged right and left, League are distributed as follows: Industrial workers—35.5 per cent; farm laborers 8.9 per cent; peasants (poor and middle peasants) 44.8 per cent; artisans and persons en- gaged in home crafts 1.7 per cent; other categories 9.1 per cent. On July 1, 1928, the Pioneer movement included 46,505 Pioneer detachments with a membership of 1,727,615. There is also an organiza- tion of children of under eight years | of age, called “Oktabriata” (October | kids) which includes 294,109 chil- dren, a. On the third of March, at the hour of noon, the governor who onl; a few months before had been living on usury, issued an order tha gratified the mill managers. Moyer and I at once drafted the follow ing address to the unions and the other workers of Colorado: The chief executive of the State of Colorado has ordered the militi: to Colorado City. The governor of this great commonwealth, afte giving audience for several hours to Manager MacNeil and the repre sentatives of the Mine Owners’ Association, men who are pecuniaril; interested in the degradation and subjection of labor, sends the arme: power of the state to aid the merciless corporations in demanding thei pound of flesh from the bone and muscle of men who have borne th: tyranny of greed until patience has ceased to be a virtue. Manager MacNeil acted as a deputy of the sheriffs and handed t: the governor the following letter: I hand you herewith a communication from the Portland Gold Min ing Company, operating a reduction plant in Colorado City, and fron the United States Reduction and Refining Company from which I haw received requests for protection, I have received like requests fron the Telluride Reductiop Company.* It has been brought to my atten tion that men have been severely beaten and there is grave danger 0 destruction of property. I accordingly notify you of the existence o a mob and armed bodies of men patroling this territory, from whon there is danger of commission of felony.” td TY; does not appear from. the letter of the sheriff that he made : personal investigation of the conditions existing in Colorado City. Th communication from the corporations to the sheriff of El Paso count; actuated the sheriff in placing in the hands of Manager MacNeil, : member of the corporations, an order to Governor Peabody, and upo the strength of this letter the armed force of the state is to be place: at the disposal of the corporations, to be used in intimidating labor t: fall upon its knees in mute submission to the will of the oppressors No word came from the citizens of Colorado City to the governor statins that there was a mob or insurrection. Depending absolutely on th: unsupported representations of the corporations and a letter from th: sheriff, an officer who from his own letter has failed to make a per sonal investigation, the governor of this great state has become « willing tool in the hands of corporate masters to place the armed ma chinery of Colorado in the hands of the corporations, ‘The governor listened attentively to the gory story of MacNeil the representative of the corporations. Why did he not summon the representatives of labor and hear their evidence as to conditions in Col orado City? Is there only one side to a story when the interests 0! corporations are to be subserved and labor humiliated? The Western Federation of Miners, through its executive officers appeals to the laboring hosts of Colorado, to denounce this unpardonabl« infamy of the governor by pouring into the present legislature av avalanche of protests. The hour for action on the part of labor is ai hand, and the voice of the producing class must be heard in thunder tones in the legislative chambers of the state, branding this shameless abuse of gubernatorial power with the malediction of their resentment. Charles Moyer, President, W.F.M. Wm. D. Haywood, Secretary-Treasurer. Feeling ran high in Colorado City when the citizens learned that the State Militia had been called out by the governor and sent to their town, This was resented not only by the mill and smelter men, but ir other and unexpected quarters. The mayor and members of the city council held a meeting and telegraphed a protest to the governor: Governor Peabody, it is understood that the militia has been or dered to our town, for what purpose we do not know as there is nc disturbance here of any kind. There has been no disturbance more than a few oceasional brawls since the strike began, and we respectfully pro- test against an army being placed in our midst. A delegation of busi- ness men will call upon you tomorrow with a formal protest of the citizens of the city. More than six hundred of the citizens of Colorado City signed petition which was presented to the governor, requesting that the militia pe recalled. The governor’s answer was: I will not recall the troops until the trouble is settled. There are no agitators running this administration. . . . If a man wants tc work he has a perfect right to do so, and the troops are there to sec that everybody’s rights are protected. ° * * In the next instalment Haywood tells of the determination of the miners to resist to the end the oppression of the operators and Gov- ernor Peabody; Haywoed gives voice to his determination in his declaration on behalf of the men.