The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 11, 1929, Page 3

et etme scnntnentaonrmasntnan tm | =e eNO ene Oana 2 MR MR RNR ‘BAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1929 ARTY PRE-CONVENTION DISC By JAY LO MINTERN FIFTH PLENUM t the Fifth Plenum of the Com-| ist International the American tion received considerable no- | In estimating the differences veen the present Majority and ‘present Opposition, the Comin- Plenum Commission on the erican question declared: ‘The Minority of the Central ‘ecutive Committee (present jority) of the Workers Party s-right in having confidence in + vitality and future of the La- + Party movement. The Workers rty must now do its utmost to rther this movement.” nd Comrade Kuusinen, chairman the Commission, declared as fol- is: “In the opinion of the American mmission, the Majority (pres- t Opposition) based its policy this respect (labor party) too | uch on superficial, temporary, enomena. The Minority (pres- t Majority) is absolutely right its confidence in the vitality of e labor party movement.” [he Resolution on the American sstion, adopted by the Fifth Plen- | , further made the following dec- | ation relative to Lore, who at| it time was a member of the Cen- 1 Committee, member of the Ma-| ‘ity group of the Central Commit-| + (present Opposition) : “Lore represents a non-Commu- ist tendency of the Workers arty. Already the decicion of the iCCI of May, 1924, pointed out nat Lore’s ideology was the ideo- »gy of the second and a half in- ernational. Lore supported Levi gainst the Comintern. . .He ought against the necessary cen- valism of the Party in the name if the autonomy of the German ROM THE SIXTH AND SEVENTH PLENUMS OF THE ECCI. | VESTONE | (Continued) ON AMERICAN SITUATION. Federation. The ideological strug- gle against Lore’s tendency is es- sential for the Party. The ECCI | preposes to the Workers Party to | come to a definite decision on the | Lore question at its next Con- | gress. In any case, the Executive is of the opinion that the Central Committee of the Party is not the place for such an opportunist as Lore.” In this light, it is very important! to note that on December 4, 1924, | Fahle Burman, executive secretary of the Finnish Federation at that time, transmitted a long tirade to) all Finnish branches against the) then Minority (present Majority) and in behalf of the then Majority | (present Opposition) reading in| part: “The Central Committee Major- | ity (present Opposition) is com- posed of Comrades Foster, Can- non, Abern and the undersigned. Comrade Lore has been of slight- | ly differeat opinion but has nearly without exception voted with the Majority (present Opposition).” The comrades might say: what is the use of going into all this history of the Party? First of all, it is) time that we did examine the his-| tory of the Party a little. Secondly, | as has already been emphasized, the} Comintern decisions, the Comintern | attitude, the Comintern line and res- | Our Party’s Development and Growth tainly does not look like lack of con-| fidence. And at the Seventh Plenum, at the close of. 1926, the Communist International estimated the Party’s work under the leadership of the Central Committee, in the following way: “In spite of enormous difficul- | ties, the Workers (Communist) Party has achieved considerable — successes in the sphere of mass work. It has led a number of strikes, has made serious attempts to organize the unorganized, has penetrated into the miners’ union. It must also be placed on record that the Party has undergone an internal consolidation as a result of the considerable diminution of factional stru~~les. These create the promise for the further growth of the influence of the Party among the masses.” At the same time, the Organiza- tion Department of the Executive Committee of the Comintern estim- lated the Party’s reorganization as follows: “Thru the reorganization of the Pa:ty on the basis of factory and street nuclei, the necessary organi- zational promises for a real Com- munist Party have been created . . Despite the great difficulties which were even greater in the | United States than in other coun- tries. . . The reorganization has been a great achievement for the Party: The continuity of the Comintern’s line towards the American Party and its leadership, is shown in the following decision arrived at by the American Commission of the Eighth Plenum, in its resolution adopted by the Presidium: THE DECISION OF THE EIGHTH PLENUM AND THE SUPPLEMENTARY DECISION. “The Presidium recognizes that despite great objective difficul- ties the Party has recently made important progress in many fields of activities. “In the trade union field the Party has achieved quite a number olutions on the American question \are no accidents. You cannot separ- ate the Comintern’s decision of one | | year from that of the previous year. Nor of the previous year from the |one preceding it. There is decisive | continuity in the Comintern policies | jand attitudes. This continuity is} clearly noticeable in the Comintern | line towards the American Party. | of successes, expressed in the in- creasing influence of the Left wing in important unions (min- ers’ union and needle trades) and ated and led big strikes. The increasing influence of the Party has ealled forth an offensive of the corrupt trade union bureau- eracy, as a result of which there are made far reaching demands on the tactical adroitness of the lead- ership in the Communist Party.” This resolution was followed by| } in the past than the Foster group. On the other hand, the Executive | is of the opinion that the Ruthen- | berg group had not understood how to estimate sufficiently the full significance of the trade union forces in the Party and that Foster at that time was more correct on many trade union questions. “The line of the Comintern has been: On the whole for the politi- cal support of the Ruthenberg group and for bringing Foster nearer to the general political line | of the Ruthenberg group, at the same time, however, following the course towards the correction of the trade union tactic of the Rutn enberg group on the line of Fo3- tex thru cooperation in the Part; leadership. Now the previous po- “Amid an atmosphere o2 grow ing deep depression developing to- wards s and more acuse and aggressive policy on the part of American imperialism at home and abroad, the Workers Party, which has already played a leading role in the struggles and was able also to take prominent part in the min- ers’ struggle in Colorado, has now as its major task to mobilize and organize the workers under its banner against the capitalist of- fensive and against the reformist supporters of capitalism, namely, the American Federation of La- bor and the socialist party of America.” Obviously, while our Opposition haz no confidence in the Central Committee, the Comintern, though criticizing the errors and shortcom- ings of the Central Commitee and giving it correct political guidance, has continually expressed confidence in the main line of the Party as formulated and applied by the pres- ent leadership. And in the Theses on “The In- ternational Situation and the Tasks of the Communist International,” presented to the Sixth World Con- gress on behalf of the Russian Dele- gation, we find the following char- acterization of the American Party: “The Workers (Communist) Party of American has displayed more lively activity and has taken advantage of symptoms of crisis in American industry, the growth of unemployment (due to the ex- tremely rapid rise in the organic composition of capital and in the technique of production). A num- ber of stubborn and fierce class battles (primarily the miners’ strike) found in the Communist Party a stalwart leader. The cam- | | gress, have been made on the basis paign against the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti was also con- dueted under the leadership of the Party, within which is observed a weakening of the long-standing factional struggle. While record- ing successes, however, reference must be made to a number of light mistakes committed in re- gard to the socialist party, to the fact that the Party has not with surficient energy conducted w in the organization of the w ganized and for the organization cf the Negro movement, and thi ic does not conduct a sufficier strong struggle against the preda tory policy of the United States in Juitin America. These mistakes, i er, cannot be ascribed to the majority leadership alone. “On the question of organizias 1 Labor Party, the Congress re- solves: That the Party concen- trates on the work in the trade unions, on organizing the unorgan- ized, etc., and in this way lay the basis for the practical realization of the slogan of a broad Labor Party organized from below. “The most important task that confronts the Party is to put an end to the factional strife which is not based on any serious differ- ences on principles and at the same time to increase the recruit- ing of workers into the Party and | to lend a decided iinpetus in the direction of promoting workers to leading posts in the Party.” All other decisions of the Comin- tern subsequent to the Sixth Con- of the line of the Sixth World Con- | gress towards the American Party, | which line is the basic, guiding point | of the Comintern policy towards its | American section. | Here there is very much more to be Page Three ae The same holds true in a lesser|done in order to come up to the measure for the Party’s campaign| mark set for us by the criticism and against the imperialist war danger. | evaluation by the Sixth World Con- gress. PROGRESS IN ELIMINATION OF FACTIONALISM. The elimination of factionalism, the ending of the faction struggle. for which there is no serious basis in principle today, has also made considerable headway since the World Congress. Notice the over- whelming support the Central Com- mittee has in the membership. Even if the Opposition should decide, as there are some signs of some of its | followers doing, to continue on its part factional struggle after the con- | vention, to flaunt the convention de- cisions, to violate the decision of the World Congress to the effect that the Minority must absolutely sub- ordinate itself to the Majority, it will find its. factional hands paralyzed. The Party, particuarly after the convention, will not brook the| slightest factional act on the part of anyone in our ranks. The con- vention will deal a death-blow to factionalism. Those of the Opposi- tion comrades, particularly some of those enumerated by Comrade Browder in his article of January 29th, as the “nucleus of the Amer- ican Party leadership,” had better n indelibly imprint upon their | minds that the National Convention will speak in decisive terms against | factional manipulations, factional | campaigns—underground or over- ground. The incoming Central Exe- cutive Committee will be guided by the decisions of the convention. This is the determination of the Communist International. We must put an end to factionalism. We must liquidate all the groupings in the arty. We must abolish the fac- tions. In the closing remarks of the writer at the last Party Plenum, there was made to the comrades of the Opposition, a genuine, a sincere, offer for unity. This offer has since posite and more representative ma- jority—a Central Committee which will have even more support in the Party than the present one has. In the light of the brief historical review of our Party’s development and growth, from the angle of the Comintern’s consistent line towards the American P: its problems, its tasks, its errors, its shortcom- ings, and its leadership, one can clearly see that our Party is today more prepared than hitherto to car- ry out successfully two of the main tasks before us; one, the fight against the Right danger; two, the liquidation of factionalism and the abolition of all factions and groups. The unification of the Party is near completion. The Party will develop with greater speed towards a mass Communist Party. Since the 1927 convention, our Party has acted ever more fre quently as the ideological leader of basic sections of the American pro- letariat and has increased its influ- ence among the native workers. We have had real achievements in the furriers and garment workers’ strike, Passaic, in the miners’ strug- gle, the struggle in Colorado, the textile worker: rikes in New Bed- ford, Fall River and Paterson. T is only a partial list of the battles in which our Party has “for the first time appeared in the role of a Party of political action, capable of linking up the economic struggles of the proletariat and’ its political aims.” We may add that “the struggle for the organization of new unions which the Party had to carry on un- |der circumstances of raging terror | on the part of the avaricious bosses, of the powerful trusts, and the Amer- \ican Federation of Labor, is one of the best pages in the history of the USSION SECTION — a supplementary decision of the} then been repeated by the Political) work of the Party during the last litical and trade union differences And in the decision on the Amer- an Party question and the present arty leadership, made at the Sixth lenum of the Comintern, in March, 326, we find the following: “The Enlarged Executive calls | | ment. The Enlarged Executive | | finds correct the basic line on the | trade union resolution adopted unanimously by both.tendencies at | the last Convention of the Work- ers (Communist) Party. The En- Presidium of the Executive Commit- |tee of the Communist Internationa! | adopted July 7, 1927: | “The Comintern is categorically against the sharpening of the fac- have almost disappeared. Comintern condemns most cate- govically every attempt towards the sharpening of the Situation in the Party, especially in the THE AMERICAN PARTY AND THE SIXTH CONGRESS The Central Committee, the Party as a whole, the overwhelming ma- jority of the membership, have taken | portunist reactions, to the socialist party. The fight against the trade union bureaucracy, against the | year.” ‘Buf we must emphasize, however. | that “the Party is now making only its first steps in the new path. It is now only in the turning point Committee several times. This offer is repeated herein. We do not in- vite the comrades of the Opposition to join the Majority. We do invite the comrades of the Opposition who ‘or all members of the Party to larged Plenum of the Executive | tional struggle and under no cir- | present objective situation as ©x- the decisions of the Sixth World American Federation of Labor, has; are ready to accept the Comintern petween the old and the new. It : support the Central Executive | Committce of the Comintern de-| cumstances supports the statement emplified by the formation of a Congress of the Communist Interna-| been sharpened considerably. The | decisions without reservations, who has not yet passed the tarnine Committee, which in the short | clares that the complete and un- of the ‘National Committee of National Comuaittee of the Oypec- ional in earnest. The fight against | errors in anti-imperialist work, in are not waiting for changes in the mpink? : . time of its existence, has already | conditional abandonment of the the Opposition Bloc’ The Comin- sition Bloc. The Comintcrn con- the Right danger has been trans- Negro work, have also been correct-|jine of the Comintern six months With : ae fee succeeded in achieving substantial | factional struggle is a demand of tern recognizes that in many po- tigers factionalism without politi. formed by the Central Committee ed in large part. | from now or three months from to-| With united ranks and under the successes in the unification of the | the Comintern and that everyone | Vitial questions the Ruthenberg | cel differences as the worst ¢. froma struggle against Right errors The question of proletarianization | gay, who are not basing their poli-| Lika pas Be meatal \eies for the United States on di-| 5." aaa fier alt Tee ter ee the canika of the lead | Vik telZ-eriticiam, we ‘will abeod Up ership of any other mectiontof the | Ur. progress towards becoming the here and there to a systematic ener-|of the Party’s leadership and its getic ideological and organizational ranks, has "been met with the most ampaign against the Right danger welcome determination on the part who violates, this demand must reckon on the most serious con- | ‘FROM THE NINTH PLENUM TO THE SIXTH CONGRESS. Party. The Central Executive ‘Sense against the Party.” Committee has centralized, thru | group followed a more correct line energetic Party reorganization, sequences for himself.” | Pp iS ; the Party, which up to recently, | This estimate by the Comintern) s the main danger in our Party.’ of the membership and Party leader-| Comintern, or in the Executive Cons | Secisive political force in the cou.- was divided into eighteen langu- | of the present Central Committee|. Immediately after the Ninth jlelter to the American Party, on) Already the Central Committee has, | ship in a most serious effort to exe-| mittee of the Comintern itself, to| TY» the Party of the victorious age sections. The Party press also | only a few months after it assumed | Plenum, the Political Secretariat of | April 18, 1928, declared in part as practically speaking, eradicated the | cute the line of the Sixth World| join with us, to help create a new | American proletariat. shows decided ideological improve- ' the leadership of the Party, cer-|the Communist International, in a/| follows: loceurrence of wrong policies, of op-! Congress of the Comintern. majority in the Party—a more com-| (The End) The Opposition’s Declaration Against Comrade Foster AGAINST THE “DECLINING ROLE OF SOCIAL REFORMISM” set the tin dln onl se ee ”| makes the basic error of leaving the Communist Party and the Left wing ‘radicalization process masses. As a sort of “concession’ to the Minority, they are willing to| of the above! The implications | The February issue of “The Com- | yunist” carries an article by Com- | statemeat shows that Comrade Lael —THEORY OF COMRADE FOSTER public meetings in ihe district. | 4 1 ade Foster entitled “The Dectine of | ter adopts a line which in effect de- ‘ i | ties! : ae American Federation of Labor.” nies: (1) that the A. F. of L,, based admit that: : : jsompictely out. of account in con- " >iegaDha"s | a, a * “At the same time, the growing | Sidering the perspectives of growth 1 ; also carries an editorial state- | upon the corrupt aristocracy, is the N tradicti f° Ashieric api. | or decline of the A. F. of L. This : cent, which must be understood as | bulwark of social-reformism and s0-) (STATEMENT OF THE MINORITY TO POLITICAL COMMITTEE OF WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY OF AMERICA) contradictions ltably stirring up |i8 @ fatal error. This eliminates xpressing the position of the Ma-|cial-imperialiem in the U. S.; (2) — rppries Pod | precisely that factor which, in the é ority of the C. E.C. This editorial |that its role in the class struggle,| class. There it appears in the |® | Era” perspective of American im-| mass _ discontent and creating ee Ee cauistaueas A Hee i 4 es issue with Comrade Foster |therefore, the same as social-re-| garb of ‘class coliaboration,’ ‘the 5 4 rye | perialism. This denies, even more radicalization among ithe ranks of | 8 a. aan n and his associates in the Party,” | formism setae ie world, is to) higher strategy of labor,’ ‘La¥ol. | | Central Committee Will Answer Opposition; | |crassiy, the fact that the world hege- bed tig arr a -|__Im the ease of the Majority this d n several points in the article. serve as the bulwark against the| letism,’ petty-bourgeois socialism | ., ; mony of American capitalism means in short, the main picture 0f| error flows from being hypnotized In view of the basic importance working class revolution; (3) that | und reformism, pacifism, ete. The | Foster's Reply to Bittelman Tomorrow | its ever-increasing subjection to the | American capitalism shows growth, by its vision of ier power and | r { the questions dealt with in this aaa role e empha: and | labor bureaucracy, the seit | |shaky, Pecsesion decaying Hone lnereasing, Hegne we ested strength of American imperialism, . * oh ja dominating importance, wi e a PS i 4 +, a : | i itali i ase ribed, well-to-do, an AS- | wi i ile j pol bs nadarsigaed yee to} sharpening ie the class struggle and Br reniae eat nee otal Tomorrow, on this page, will be published a state- eee eetege Ce ia fad workers, with here and el toe er ae t ecaiiosrtecs saul gaa cn the development of a revolut.onary | masses to capitalist rationaliza- — ment by Comrade Foster in answer to the statement of | | Amer'can capitalism from the gen-| few “spotty” shadows, principally| case of Comrade Foster it flows * 1. We disagree fundamentally | crisis; (4) that the question of the| tion and war preparations. ..~ | Comrades Bittelman, Aronberg, Browder, Wagenknecht \leral crisis of world capitalism,| the “sick” industries, creating local | from his wrong analysis of the role . ith the analysis and point of view | growth or decline of the A. F. of} « | - 5 i pies i * |\Vhich is bound to become ever|and partial radicalization of unskil-| and basis of social reformism. : xpressed by Comrade Foster in the |{, will be decided in the course of i oR RG A | Costrell, Grecht and Gomez, | |deeper> Consequently the Majority led workers. From this follows the | : : Dn ee ee ae ce (Coc eeicion tar tho magento | PORN amet Gateahng. seers A statement of the Central Executive Committee | nsble fo ss that, because inate of out Majority that the| ir ‘eject. both of these wrong : ®. ‘The editorial statement of the | American: working class. eps among the working || on the two above statements will be published within | | contradictions, American capitalism | continues in the A. F. of L, | lines, which affect not only our ; Majority suffers from the same| From this wrong line Comrade : is incce || @ day or two—probably Wednesday.—Editor. |is ever less able to “bribe large sec-| Consistent with this conception, | ‘rade els Ne but also every J yasic defects as its general line, be-|Foster proceeds to the following Referring specifically to these | | tions” of the workers, and that the| and in line with the general orienta-| Phase of Party activity. o ause (a) it fails to put the main basically wrong conclusion as to the (questions, Comrade Bittelman wrote | ¢ ® | labor ‘aristocracy is constantly nar-|tion of the Majority, its editorial ‘ 3 ‘phasis on the favorable condi-| role of the A. F. of L.: on Jan. 6 (in article No. 3 in the nce rowing its basis. reply to Comrade Foster fails to (Signed): A. Bittelman ‘ jons for the growth of revolution: Ra Hei lean ce tbacemns se entitled ‘Lessons of the Party | new forces produced by the sharpen-| tunist line, It says: The Majority’s main thesis and| mention by one single word, the re-| E. Browder. Yr iry unions and does not place as| |) fi ene ver iscussion”): (To be printed in the | ing class struggle, directed towards| “Qn the basis of its world hege- | emphasis is, the growing power of | volutionary trade union center, the} P. Aronberg he basis of our strategy the devel- Pp eatin stor propege ae me ik Daily Worker in a few days.--Ed.) | strengthening the A. F. of L. as the) mony American capitalism may be | American imperialism and the proad-| key to the whole future development | C. Hathaway Y ypment of a revolutionary trade rm at aaah ie anes a4 “Another error, which the Party | main center of resistance to the tide in a position to bribe large sec- lening material base of the labor of class struggle trade unionism.) a, Wawentuecte \ inion center; and (b) it completely 44. 5. p. as their geek oy Page may easily siip into, is to assume | of radicalization and the growth of tions of the working class and | aristocracy. Only in passing, from| This exposes once more the purely | Lovaas 3 a yenies the decisive role of the Com-| ¢¢onomist-company-union pa that the A. F. of 'L. is already |new unions, that is, as the main crystallize a broad stratum of the | the corner of the eye, do they con- formal nature of its acceptance of} H. Costrell r nunist Party and the Left wing for) J otus. in thi si a lehouek tie | nee, of business because of | center of social-reformism. One of labor aristocracy” (our emphasis). |descend to notice the increasing | the R. I. L, U. line. M. Gomez 0 che successful utilization of these fa-| ("yy tL . dee ry & one 4 e | ftg evident transformation into an | these forces is the new policy of the ‘This is, once more, the “Golden| contradictions of capitalism and the| In common with Comrade Foster, R. Grecht. t vorable conditions, The second error| (i,4. by Moahiaees eae pt ae e- | instrument of imperialism, mili- Taylor Society (efficiency engineers) 4 n is common to both the article and erie ‘propaga re of reform- | tarism and rationalization. The | exemplified in the presidential ad-) - ; the editorial reply, although arising jist jllusions is on the increase.’ A. FP. of L. is not going oat of |dress of M. L, Cooke, on December T W R K E R S H O 7: Oil Baron’s Civil War “We have several hundred proxies n from different sources in the two This means that our principal| business. It is going even decper 6, 1928, which declared: 3 = from holders who originally voted cases: 5 struggle against Pathe “ and fis openly ita the peal, “Some status for organized la- | (Still in Doubt; Dead | for us,” this spokesman said. not the struggle against the A. F.| ness 0! serving as a social-reform- i OUT. OUST HENDER SON se “Sentiment has not yet crystal- ~ Failure to Understand the Role and | of L. bureaucracy. ‘This means that | ist and social-imperialist agency Teena aaa ly , Woman's Votes Divided |jirca' in tavor of one side or an- ¢ Baris of Social Reformism. the A. F. of L., having no function| of capital to break the develop- “If we should come to look upon |other, but we feel we have the 1] in the class struggle (neither as or-| ing radicalization of the masses | Some organization of the work- Col. Robert W. Stewart, fighting Jarger number of proxies.” In discussing the possibilities of | gan of struggle of the workers, nor | and to drive them to war. Asthe | e”s, such as labor unions, as a | (Special to the Daily Worker) ,form, referring to Henderson's no- | to retain control of the Standard Oil | 's Vi 4 growth or decline of the A. F. of L.|as bulwark of social-reformism) is| struggle Lecomes sharper, the deep social need, might it not | Gragcow, Scotland (By Mail). |torious career in the coalition war | Company of Indiana, held a consul-| Grab Dead Woman's Vote. Comrade Foster says: . doomed to decline and disappear.| capitalists are progressively mak- | develop that practices, however D ‘a sis fact that 17 1k ‘|ministry, his responsibility for a tation today, presumably over the| The fight for proxies has no re- — “This question of the perspec- This means io open the way for| ing more use of the A. F. of L. otherwise e fightened that may be, |'—Despite the fac! <i workers | trict espionage system among the fight, in the law offices of Kellogg| spect for dead or living. An at- r tive of the A. F. of L. becomes |stch slogans as “Liquidate the A.| for the imperialist and anti- | which withdraw any group of em- were arrested when Arthur Hender- |inions, his part in the murder of |& Emory on lower Broadway. | tempt to secure voting power led to i very important, because in it is F. of L,,” “the A. F, of L, is dead,”| working-class offensive. ployees from the support of such |son, labor M. P., tried to hold a|James Connolly, Irish revolutionary, A spokesman for Stewart, eis, a sharp conflict over the will of the a involved the question of whether etc. “From this point of view, such organizations may become anti- | meeting for the labor party in Shet- | and his present sell-out to the capi- declined to permit use of his name,| late Mrs. M. H. S. McCarthy, who e) at not there is a real basis for the | The above line of Comrade Foster | expressions as ‘the crisis’ of the social ? | Heston, he suffered an inglorious de- |talists and campaign against the pointed out that the proxy list was|died leaving $800,000 worth of D Gevelopment of the new industrial | represents a complete break with) A. F. of L., the ‘decline’ of the A. | The other now factor, is the'finall east: ab tte hands “of ‘the Commu: | Communists: “meaningless” as everything is in| Standard of Indiana to her young 2] union. movement.” the line of the Minority theses, of L., ete. are open to crit- | crystallization of the “progressive” |; : Kirkwood, enraged at the recep- | * state of flux” now. husband, Dr. J. S. McCarthy. si ‘The implications of this state- which say on these points: group of Muste, the “Labor Age,” nists, when he was jeered out ofthe lt: took off his spectacles and 3 ment are: (a) that the growth or| “In cil our trade union work “The social-reformist and so- |Norman Thomas, etc. Both of these hall. l rolled up his sleeves and jumped y VIN NS Annan piiiintnt decline of the A. F. of L. is decisive | we must especially expose the | cial-imperialist apparatus of the | new factors aim to strengthen the} Among the workers arrested were |from the platform, but a woman jfor answering the question as to| militaristic and imperialistic role | A. F. of L. is neither in crisis nor | A. F. of L. as the center of social Guy Aldred, a well-known Glasgow | worker effectively stopped him, SECTION q whether or not the revolutionary) of the treacherous labor agents of | in decline. It is adjusting itself reformism, in order to check the|Communist; four women and a blind Police Called. unions have'a real basis for devel-| American capitalism. continually to function more ef- |radicalization process and the|man. They were taken in “Black! ‘The labor officials then called for | s ‘opment; (b) that the A. F. of L. is “The yeactionary trade anion fectively as an agent of imperial- | growth of the new unions. The cor- Marias” to the police station, but! the police and they walked straight not the backbone of social reform-| bureaucracy (Green, Woll, Lewis, ism and militarism among the | rect conclusion from this is, to con-| Were later released after their |t, where Guy Aldred was sitting and al y or e ism and does not have its main base | etc.) has assumed full charge of working masses. The question of |centrate now more than ever upon’ names and addresses were Con-/orrested him. Workers came to the in the corrupt aristocracy of labor; | the political leadership of the cor- | Whether the A. F. of L. will grow |a struggle against the A. F. of L, | firmed. rescue of Aldred and a general (c) that the bese for the develop-| rupt aristocracy of labor. ... | ° decline in membership und in- | as the main obstacle in the path of “Spy, Murderer.” scuffle ensued, Seventeen workers iment of the revolutionary unions is| The reactionary trade union bu- fluence, and how fast the new | the American workers, directing our) fven before the meeting started | were finally arrested and taken ance not given by the growing readiness | reaucracy and the trade union unions will grow will be decided | main fire to expose the “Left” re-), large group of workers in the |from the hall. 4 for struggle and Vigepeene of ee eee controlled by them are et ie Maat heat one see formists. center of the hall began to sing| The workers then began to sing 4 unorgani unskilled and semi-| becom ever more organic parts in the head-on collision between i. i ® “ 4 9 . be suilled masses and the transfcrma-| of the capitalist industrial, and Communism and reformism, be- | Failure to Understand the Present| (orton appeared iat ihe Ente ehipea ida ean aay pl aakiaas Bee FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 22nd, at 8:30 P. M. ticn cf the A. F. of L. into an open} political machine, that is, organs | tween the R. I. L. U. and Amster- | Period and the Tasks That Flow | gether with Wheatly, labor M. P. | reformists, ‘eapaeball Then Lae (Washington's Birthday) organ of social-imperialism and an| cf capitalist — rationalization and bake the coming period in the Therefrom. from that constituency, and. David | hooted and jeered and cries of “Who | ee Y auxiliary of the capitalist war ma-| war preparations. ... _° . 8’ : Kirkwood, official of the local labor |inurdered Jim Connolly?” rang at Finnish Hall, 764-40th St., Brooklyn, Nak. ‘i " chine; rnd (d) that the base for “Through the petty“bourgeois Precisely at the moment when| The editorial reply of the Major-| party, there was a roar of derision |through the hall. The meeting was 5 i of the new unions is iden-| and jabor agents of big capital the |Comrade Foster sees the A. F. of, ity to Comrade Foster repeats and from ‘the body of the hall. | finally niet up. The same strat ADMISSION 50 CENTS tical with that of the A. F. of L.| poisonous bourgeois formism. L. declining as a center of social ve-emphasizes the basic errors at! Shouts of “spy,” “murderer” and ment has met Henderson in all his, ’ ae j finds its way into the working reformism, there 24) arising two’ the foundation of its Right oppor-! “traitor” were builed at the plai- sidisueassinatietds