The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 28, 1929, Page 3

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, J ARY 28, 1929 wage Three THE INTERNATIONAL SIT K UATION AND TAS (NOTE—Today the Daily Worker prints the eighth instalment of the theses of the Communist International on “The International Situation and the Tasks of the Communists,” adopted at its ions in Moscow in July-Sept., 1928. Publication of these theses will be continued until completed—EDITOR.) of ability properly to appreciate to larly big questions; weakness of tention on the part of a number 34 peasantry and aiiong oppressed na VII. A Retrospect of Work Done, Achieve- ments, Mistakes, and the Tasks of the Individual Sections 43, The Congress places on record a number of important achieve- ments in the work of the Comintern. Among these are to be included: the growth of the influence of Communism, which for the first time has extended its influence to the countries of South America, Africa, Australia, and a number of oriental countries (the strengthening of the Communist position in Japan, and the spread of Communism in China); the expansion and deevening of the influence of the Com- intern in the imperialist countries—notwithstanding the partial stabili- zation of capitalism and the relative strength of social democracy (Germany, France, Czechoslovakia, Great Britain); the growth of un- derground parties marching forward in spite of incredible police and fascist terror (Italy, Poland, on the one hand, and China, Japan on the other),—in China, this terror bears the character of unparalleled mass butchery. Finally, the growth of the Bolshevist Parties, accumulation of ex- perience, internal consolidation, overcoming of internal strife, recovery from the recent “opposition” crisis and the overcoming of the Trot- skyist Opposition in the Communist International. DEFECTS OF ALL SECTIONS. At the same time it must be stated that all the Sections of the Communist International suffer from a number of general defects. These are: the as yet weak development of inilitant international soli- darity; a certain amount of provincialism, manifesting itself in a lack * * contact with the masses, weak initi: animation in the work of the subor and theoretical level of the Party basis of factory nuclei is far from TASKS OF BR 44, The Communist Party of was judged by the VII. Enlarged new tasks. The sharp turn to the | zation of the apparatus, ete.); the Communist Party with the task of the Labor Party. The Communist Party of Gre: | to approach the trade unions and | appreciate the new circumstances a series mistake in advancing as th ability organizationally to consolidate the growth of political influence and to secure stability of membership of the Parties; inadequate at- of bureaucracy in the Party apparatus and methods of work (inadequate pose the work mainly upon Party functionaries); relatively low political dustrial enterprises, while the reorganization of the Parties on the the General Council of the T, U. C, and of the Labor Party; “Mondism”; the process of transformation which the Labor Party is undergoing into a social-liberal party on the continental social democratic model (the introduction of a corresponding political discipline, the growing centrali- lutionary workers generally from the trade unions, and the policy of splitting the trade unions inaugurated by the reformist (for example in Scotland)—while on the other hand the rank and file of the workers are displaying more and more Leftist temper,—has confronted the class position and of conducting a more determined struggle against number of separate practical spheres, failed, however, immediately to ment controlled by the Executive of the Labor Party. the full the significance of particu- work in the trade unions; lack of NEW LINE OF PARTY. In connection with the new situation in Great Britain the IX. Plenum of the HE, C. C. I. passed a resolution on tactics which implied a definite change in the whole work of the Party. Experience has shown that this tactical line corresponds to the new and special situa- tion in Great Britain and in the British labor movement. Complete class independence of the Communist Party; ruthless struggle against the Labor Party; energetic exposure of “industrial peace” with the fascist chemical king, Mond; exvansion and the organizational consoli- dation of the Minority Movement; to lead the strike movement; to conduct an active struggle against the foreign policy of the government and of the Labor Party; to fight against intervention in China and against preparations for war against the U. S. S. R.; to support the Indian Revolution—these are the fundamental tasks of the Communist Party at the present time. of Parties to. the work among the | tional minorities; a certain element ative in recruiting members, lack of ‘dinate nuclei, and a tendency to im- cadres; weak contact with big in- being completed, etc. ITISH PARTY Great Britain, whose past activity Plenum, now stands confronted by Right on the part of the leaders of At the same time the Party must take all measures possible increase its membership, to develop its work in the factor’ strengthen the Party apparatus, to establish closer contact with masses in the factories and workshops ,to abandon the narrowness from which it suffers somewhat in its ideological and political outlook, etc. The Congress of the Communist International instructs the Party to initiate a wide discussion on the tactical change in the Party policy and on the methods of carrying out the new tactics. to to expulsion of Communists and revo- THE FRENCH PARTY 45. A correct appreciation of the political line and of the work of the Communist Party of France was given at the VI. and particularly at the IX. Enlarged Plenum of the E. C, C. I. The latter found that a tactical change was necessary in the policy of the Communist Party | of France in connection with the parliamentary electio At the same | time the Plenum emphasized the necessity for changing the relation- ships then existing between the Communist Party of France and the socialist party of France and for completely eradicating from its ranks maintaining a much more definitely at Britain, while displaying ability capability in conducting work in a and at its last Congress committed e principal slogan: a Labor Govern- S OF THE COMMUNISTS the | ance the old parliamentary traditions and the tendency to link up the policy of the Communist Party with that of the “Left” wing petty bourgeois parties. The results of the elections proved that the line laid down for the French Party by the IX. Plenum was correct, In the course of the elec- tion campaign, however, a number of mistakes and defects v eV in the activities of the Party (election work was too superficial; this | work was not linked up with the immediate struggles of the proletariat; weakness of the average membership of the Party; inadequate work among the farm laborers and peasants), PRINCIPAL TA Hence, the principal tasks that now confront the French Party are | the following: to intensify the work among the masses of the industrial proletariat (particularly in the factories); increased recruiting of new | members; radical improv t of trade union work; greater activity in the leadership of strikes and of the immediate struggles of the | proletariat general ‘0 organize the unorganized; to establish wider ne rall. trade union democracy in the C. G. T. U., in all links of the organiza- tion, and the proper organization of the work of Communist in the trade unions, The Pe anti-militarist work, its colonial work vorker put up strong r ng more or less In internal Party life the Party to Right wing tendencies, ice to the new political line of anarcho-syndicalist erritorial bases of organi- must primar which are offe of the Party ( tendencies, zation). At the same time the P: cessive prominence of the P: ‘commanding’ titude of Co nists in the trade unions, repudiation | of the united front tact etc). In the sphere of organization, the Party must take measures to widen its base in the big enterprises, to strengthen the Party nuclei in big enterprises, to stimulate their polit- ieal life and to recruit new members for the Party. (To be Continued) PARTY PRE-CONVENTION By ARNOLD ZIEGLER. The draft theses on organization which appeared in the Daily Worker recently, rightly listed as one of the chief organizational tasks of the! Party, “Orientating the Party com-|an extreme poverty or complete! district, more than any other, should pletely towards the factories.” The lack of capable functionaries (Party|be used as a training ground and Discussion on the Draft Theses on Organization | which is also a small shop, employ-|! so-called “Furniture Capital of the ‘ing only 400 skilled and fairly well-| World,” 170,000 population, with tribution of Party forces; that is, if the slogan of “Orientation complete- DISCUSSION SECTION We are going to elect again a CEC | which we can feel sure will be able to steer the Party on a correct Len- inist course, but if we are going to allow the Party units in the impor- tant industrial centers, to be neg- lected or go to pieces, we will not Experience in Grand Rapids. In the afore-mentioned factory draft pointed out under this head, | members with theoretical and prac-|as a reservoir of forces, upon which | paid workers. s that “there is in the United States tical Communist training) in nearly;we can draw for use in industrial| ent time there are 8 shop papers in a very large number of ‘factory’|all of the industrial centers of the| centers. towns, consisting of large plants in | country, while the very object of our | To bring out clearly the results the basic industries, employing thou-| Party demands that just the op-|of this present disproportion in Par- sands and tens of thousands of work- | posite should be the case. There, ty forces, I will begin by quoting ers,” and stressed the necessity of are no Communist schools in these | from Gertrude Haessler’s article on colonization by Party members into ‘these towns. Martin Hankin, in a pre-conven- Worker of Jan. 12, emphasized still further the necessity for coloniza- tion and gave some execellent ex- amples which show the need for it} time these industrial centers do not contain within themselves the means | for overcoming this situation. Center In New York. centers and it is only two or three|“Shop Paper Problems” appearing | with cuts. times a year that a speaker is sent|in the Party Organizer of March-| tion and hard work on the part of |there, capable of drawing work-| April 1928, where she deals with) comrades responsible for it, to say tion discussion article in the Daily|ers into the Party, At the present) printing or mimeographing shop papers as follows: “Printing is by far the most desirable, but when one con- (Note: At the pres-|many big auto and furniture fac- tories, each employing 2-5,000 work- |ers, mostly unskilled or semi-skilled, at very low wages; (I have been working in a furniture factory there for 40c an hour, since August). In these factory towns where the industrial proletariat is concentrated in large numbers we find tremend- ously fertile fields for Communist work. The objective conditions for |New York district—Editor.) | The issues of the “Mascot”, the | Rolls-Royce paper, which I have | seen, consist of four pages of pep- | py, lively news, profusely illustrated It indicates close atten-| |nothing of considerable ability and \talent. Technically, it is an ex- | ample of the kind of paper we should | have in every factory, large or small in America. gle on class lines are getting ever more favorable. And yet the Party mobilizing these workers for strug-| ly towards the factories”, is going |to be taken seriously. Concrete Measures. Now for the question of concrete measures for putting “colonization” into affect. In the first place a thorough, ideological campaign is necessary. This should take place largely in the N. Y. district, as fol- lows: (1) The subject should be taken up in some of the study classes for Party members in the Workers |towns, ideological and disciplinary measures should be taken to see to it that valuable comrades already in those towns should stay there. Our experience in Grand Rapids in the last five years has been that younger workers who were drawn into the movement and retained to the point | where they began to be of some| use to the local movement in the way of initiative and leadership, sud- denly began to find that Party life, ete, was not interesting and big) |enough for them in this smaller have a Party worth steering as far as mass influence is concerned. Organizational Progress. The forward steps of our Party since the last convention indicate that we have a good CEC which merits the confidence of the rank The holding of the Na- tional Training School last year, in which 25 students from all parts of the country where given a three months training knowledge into or- and file. | | siders that most of the shops in the New York District, where present possibilities of issuing a paper exist, are shops like the Wright Shop, with about 500 workers, a printing bill of 25 or 30 dollars per month’ seems out quite clearly. Yet both, the draft theses and/ Hankin’s article, fail to contribute! or suggest any concrete measures | which might serve to translate the | “theorizing” on this pressing prob- Jem into some kind of action. Colonization. But on the other hand we find in| the light industrial, but primarily | commercial, center of New York City,—that here the best leadership | jof our Party is concentrated, that here are the best and largest work- I |ers school and forum; that the mem-| f. proportion.” |bers here have the advantage al-| But the real point is that in the most every day of hearing the best) N. Y. District with its 3-4,000 mem- speakers deal in a Communist man-| bers, with the largest and _ best task is a correct understanding of ner with world events and problems) workers school in America, and what “colonization” really means. of the working class. Because of wherein is centered the leaders of Scientifically, it means nothing else | these favorable circumstances, the | our Party, that in this fortunate dis- than a correct distribution of Party New York membership should be | trict there are only two shop papers, forces. \larger and of a highe: ideological} one in the afore-mentioned Wright The necessity for colonization| level and I believe that it is. In the! Shop and the other in the Brewster- arises out of the fact that there is| present stage of our Party, this! Rolls-Royce Shop in Long Island, The first step in formulating a program of action on this important forces here are numerically weak,! school. \the age-rate is older than the gen- eral Party average, about 90 per| (2) A speaker should study the cent are foreign-born and it seems | subject and then be sent to every that they are incapable of getting| section or unit of the Party in N. out even the crudest forms of shop| Y., where he should take the matter a 100 per cent General Motors town} Papers. . up thoroughly. |of 150,000 population and with plants) This contrast between the N. Y.| (3) Articles dealing with this like the Fisher Body where 5,000 | district and the Michigan district subject should appear in the Daily proletarians slave like madmen un-/ brings forth the query: “How long| Worker, the Communist and the der one roof. And only six or seven|is the Party going to play around Party Organizer. |foreign-speaking Party members! and use its best talents on the little| | Then Pontiac, the same thing only on! Rolls-Royces and overlook the Gen-} (4) Registration of volunteers for a slightly smaller scale. And Mus- | eral Motors?” While there is much | “colonization” should be taken and kegon with the big Continental Mo-| more to be said pro and con on this| turned over to the organization de- tor Works plus many furniture fac-| example, it should nevertheless be| partment of the CEC. In certain tories, and only 2 or 3 members of | sufficient to emphasize the urgent) cases members should even be the Party. Then Grand Rapids, the! necessity for a more scientific dis-'drafted for such work. Situation of Smaller Towns. On the other hand let us look at |the situation in some of the factory towns in Michigan (dist. No. 7). | Outside of Detroit, we have Flint, | | town, with the result that they emi- grated to the bigger centers such as Chicago, New York and Detroit.) During 1928 two of our best func- | tionaries moved to Detroit, two local Party leaders movec to New York City and the I. L. D. Secretary to |California. Previou. to that other | good elements including the city or- | ganizer, moved to Chicago. | ganizational use, and the establish- ment of the “Party Organizer”, are two indications that our Party is be- ginning to pay more attention to or- ganizational work. The orientation of our Party cgwi- pletely towards the factories will create a healthier spirit of real Com- munist work in the Party and will go a long way towards eliminating Every time a functionary or leader | moves, it means weeks of jumble and confusion before things begin to/|factionalism and building our Party | function right again. Therefore these | into a real mass Party of the prole- |seemingly small and avowedly per-|tariat, capable of defeating the most | sonal matters should have the seri-| powerful imperialist master-class in lous attention of our convention. ithe world. DENIES ANY CONNECTIONS WITH CANNON, TROTSKY To the Political Committee: Dear Comrades:—I desire to pre- sent to you the following statement in regard to the charge that { have heen supporting the Cannon-Tcotsky movement, which charge developed out of a report to you on the part of Comrades Stachel and Lovestone, that a receipt book had been found in which duplicate receipts appa- yvently showed that I have sub- scribed to The Militant and have donated $50 to the treasury of the Cannon-Trotsky movement. I know nothing of these receipts except what I was told in the Sec- retariat meeting by the comrades TIME TO PUT AN END TO FAC By the secretary of the railroad shop nucleus of Kansas City, Kan- sas: The Oppositionists in Kansas City feel hurt while the railroad and packing house shop nuclei have given unanimous support to the C. E. C. They say that we do not give them a chance to listen to the arguments of the Oppositionists. This is not true, The Oppositionists use the same arguments like the Trotskyites. The Trotskyites have the nerve to come and tell us that we are “blind,” that we, don’t know what Trotsky stands for. Well, we know more about the Trotsky platform than the Trotsky crowd in America +hemeelyes, When Trotsky started Opposition in Russia many of our comrades read the Pravda and wanted to find out who is right. We took real interest in the discussion of the Russian Party. We wanted to know, is the Revolution success- ful in Russia or not. We read all Trotsky documents and we know that Trotsky is no good, and. when we find out the truth, we come out and say so, Cannon and his crowd are not in- terested in revolution. Cannon for four years kept quiet in order to keep his job, He was interested in factionalism. The Cannon traitors jmaking the report. I have never jat any time subscribed to The jtant, or supported it in any way, nor have I ever at any time donated «ny money, not even one cent, to the Cannon-Trotsky movement, or to Cannon, or to the Trotsky move- | ment in any way, shape or form. I was never a member oi the} former Cannon group in the Party, but supported the former Foster group. Whoever put my name or address lon these receipts did so without’ my’| | knowledge or consent, and evidently with the idea of doing me 4n in-| jury by apparently connecting me TIONALISM jhate us. They are enemies of the |workers. They say we are like |sheep, we are not “intelligent.” But |we fight the capitalists and Cannon fights the Party and helps the cap- italists, The Oppositionists are wrong, too. They teli us that we should listen jto them and follow them. The Op- position come to us and say: “Listen to us, we have got something new.” The Opposition in America is no new thing. It is six years old. Every time they tell us the same story in different words. The Op- position don’t act like Communists. They call Party members all kinds of names. They say Lovestone is a misleader. We know this is a lie. Now they say the Central Executive Commitiee is Right wing. This is not true. This is not true. We dont believe anybody's words, We believe in work. The American |Party is a real Communist Party. All strikes in America are led by the Communist Party. The Party does lots of cther good work. Our Party is small. But every Party member builds the Party and makes the Daily Worker stronger. Don’t play in the Opposition with faction- alism. Politics is no plaything. Pol- ities for the workers means a real fight against capitalists. It is time to put an end to factionalism, =| }movement and the with the Cannon-Trotsky movement, I am against the Cannon-Trotsky Trotsky move- ment internationally, I regard its principles and theories counter-revo- lutionary and injurious to the work- ing class. The Cannon-Trotsky tac- \tie of attempting to split the Work- | ers (Communist) Party here and the | other Parties of the Communist In- ternational, or the Communist In- ternational itself, is absolutely a crime against the working class, a crime. which cannot be condemned \in too strong terms. I am fully in accord with the expulsion of Cannon and other Trotskyites from the Workers (Communist) Party. I have had no dealings with them since their expulsion, At no time, either in my work among the seamen or anywhere else, have I defended the Cannon- Trotsky movement or the Trotsky movement, by word of mouth, or writing, or in any way. I defy any- one, inside or outside of the Party, to prove that I have supported Trot- skyism, or been lax in my duty to fight it. I intend to continue strug- gling against Trotskyism. Some weeks previous to Cannon’s expulsion proposals were made to my by seamen to establish a Trot- skyist group here. This matter I took up with Comrade Weinstone, and: the proposals were defeated, I fully support the position of the Central Executive Committee Min- crity in their fight against the Right danger and Trotskyism. Under these circumstances, I re- quest the Poleom to declare me not guilty of the charges against me, and inasmuch as I have been pub- licly eharged in the Daily Worker, which stated that the Polcom had vemoved me from office, I ask for a public vindication, and also ask that this statement of mine be pub- lished. . Fraternally yours, GEORGE MINK, CAR KILLS WORKER CAMDEN, Ark. (By Mail).—Sam brown, a Negro chauffeur, was killed when a truck he was crank- ing ran over him, Sa \ Apply Org. Thesis Locall; Recommendations and suggestions put forgard at the Detroit Func- tionaries’ Class on the Draft Thesis of the Party on the Proletarian- ization of the Party: ; 1. Shop Nuclei: As fas as the shaping of policies is concerned, the street nuclei have a predominating control because of their num- erical majority in comparison to the shop nuclei. But when it comes to the practical execution of these policies, it is the shop nuclei, and not the street nuclei, that carry them out most effectively. This situa- tion must be changed, and the predominating factor of street nuclei niust be eliminated by a change in the system of representation to dis- trict committees, This would simultaneously reinforce the orientation of the Party toward the shop nuclei, towards the factories. This is especially im- portant in view of the bad percentage of about 12 per cent of the Party membership which are members of the shop nuclei. Moreover, especially is it important in Detroit where we have the most proletarian district and because of the auto industry which is a most important and concentrated industry in its connection to the war danger. 2. Fractions: In doing work in fraternal organizations, the comrades have a strong tendency to minimize the interests of the Party and overemphasize the sectarian needs of the particular organizations. Simultaneously, these comrades have a tendency to minimize the im- portance of trade union work, saying that work in the fraternal organi- zations is more important. This tendency is to be sharply combatted es- pecially in Detroit where the organization of the unorganized (trade union work) is the most important task of the Party. Against negli- gence of work in old unions. 8. Iron discipline: Absolute insistence of subordination of Minority to Majority in organizational work, organization of unorganized, or- ganization of shop nuclei, mass meetings, ete, 4. Negro Work: This is very important in Detroit because this city has more Negroes than almost any other city in the country, having over 100,000 Negroes. We must begin to do Negro work systematically, persistently and continually. But at the same time we must carry on a sharp ideological struggle, thru educational agit-prop and other ac- tivities, against white chauvinism. 5. Youth Work: In view of the increasing importance of the youth in the auto industry, as a result of rationalization, ete. the Party must pay more attention to youth work, in drawing more youth pro- letarian elements into Party work, building up the YWL as a mass organization, etc, A cultivation of better and more harmonious re- lationships between Party and League, 6. Womens Work: Like the youth, women, too, are becoming a bigger factor in the auto industry. More work in organizing the women into the Auto Workers’ Union is necessary. The Women Federation must re-orientate towards the women in the factories and away from housewives. —Functionaries’ Cless held Jan, 14, JOUN SCHMIES, D. O., District F. Detroit Functionaries Plan to WHAT ic THR TROUBLE WITH THE OPPOSITION IN THE PARTY? By A. RODRIGEZ. I have carefully read the theses | Right Danger. The opposition has no basis for its Bittelman opposition in our Party. I sight wing ¢ that the entire have heard Comrade Bittelman speak | Party leaders a right wing, an for the opposition at the member-|enemy of the working class. Well, ship meeting in Pittsburgh. All 1| We the rank and file, who have been find is that the opposition is full of | Watching the Party and its leader- sy ‘ ship, can say this much: History| contradictions (mostly inner!) It|shows, that it was the opposition| (Pittsburgh) have given the opposi- tion a warning when it voted 91 to 19 for the CEC position, I am sure that the district convention and the Party convention will put an end to the present unprincipled opposition in the Party. There is plenty of room in our Party for improvements. We are far from being a Bolshevik |Party. Our units are far from being well-organized. We have to improve seems, that the opposition itself is| group, that has always been the| Considerably the theoretical level of not sure of its ground, This is why|main source of the Partys right) our members. We have to teach our Comrade Bittelman, for example, at} wing deviations, that nearly all of|™members how to work in the shops the membership meeting in Pitts-| burgh failed even to mention the so-| called “apex theory”, which only al short time ago was their main argu-| ment in the Party ranks. This is} why their definition of Trotskyism | went thru, so to say, an evolution | since the Cannon issue was made} |public in the Party. | What Is the Reason? The main reason for this contra- diction in the ranks of the oppos tion is that their ana of the ob- jective conditions in the United States differs fundamentally from) the analysis made by the fifth con-! gress of the Communist siteens| tional. Every one of the opposition speakers at the congress took ex- ception to Comrade Bukharin’s re- port. Finally they publicly declared their reservations to the congress! main resolution. Bittelfhhan at. the! | membership meeting tried very hard! to show that the opposition has no! | reservations. But facts remain facts.) | Their reservations are written down| | black on white, and are creeping| lup during the discussion and in the! | actions of the opposition. Now, hav-| ing differences with the Communist | International, and yet trying to ap- pear publicly as being in harmony) with the C. I. main line, is the real cause of the zig-zag policy of the opposition as expounded during the discussion period. The opposition must fail, One can not stand for the “apex hteory” and yet claim to| be in line with the C, I, policy. The | opposition stands on a very :haky| foundation, which will be unable to! stand against the hard blows given| it by the membeship of the Party. | The opposition is now making its last, though desperate fight, which, let us. hope, will come to an end, with the coming Party conyr:iies, | the expelled right wingers come | and factories as Communists, All from the ranks of the opposition, this can be achieved if we do away! and not from the supp of the; with unprincipled oppositions, and majority of the Party. ngs sure-| Substitute this with sound construc- ly do not change over night. Noj tive self-criticism. miracle happened. I am sure that| beginning with the C. I, congress/17, §. §, R. ASBESTOS DEPOSIT the wheels of the Party history have} BAKU (By Mail).—Deposits of turned not backwards, that begin-| ning with the ¢ s, all the stos have been found at Kara- traditions of the opposition as a|Chay in the northern Caucasus. The source of right wingism, have not;Teserves have been adjudged to be disappeared and that suddenly the|of sufficient size for commercial ex- majority took over this old heritage|Ploitation. Construction of a con, of the opposition, Let us look at|centrating plant is planned. things right now, and we will find] that despite their left phrases the) SoVvrET FUR PRODUCTION re- comrades of the opposition a: sponsible for more right wing er-| VLADIVOSTOK (By Mail).—Th rors that anyone else. Take the|Soviet Kamchatka Company report: motion of one of the leading oppo-| considerable procurements of furs 01 sition comrades (Wagenknecht),|the Karaghin Islands off the Sovie that no mine Party units be or-!Facifie Coast. Blue foxes have bee: ganized during the strike, or the|cbtained from the Komando motion of another leader of the op- | Islands. position (Bittelman) to “declare the| miners’ strike off” at a time, when even Li did not dare to call off the strike. And then what more | serious right wing deviation can! there be than the one of keeping up| a permanent unprincipled opposition | in the Party for a number of years? The membership in district five proportion ns the honrgeoiste. fi » enpital, is developed, tim the same proportion is the proletarint the modern working class, devel-) oped, a class of Inborers who lve only so Jong as they find work and whe find work only so long at their labor increnses capital—-Kar Marx (Communist Manifesto). | ; YOU CANNOT BE A GOOD WORKER UNLESS YOU HAVE GOOD HEALTH, ond to have good health you must Hve on NATURAL and UNDOPED food products; uch as we deliver to your door—free within first 2 xones—nt moterate prices. _ Step Into our (open evenings) or send 2¢ postage for our Catalog and Decalog of Henith, HEALTH FOODS DISTRIBUTORS 113-D EAST 34TH STREET, NEW YORK CITY (Between Lexington & Park Avenue) Phone: Lexington 6926; TE ET A i