The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 24, 1929, Page 3

eer DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JANUARY 24, 1929 Page Three PARTY PRE-CON STOP UNPRINCIPLED FA By PAT DEVINE Much of the benefit usually asso- ited with @: National Convention our Partyzis being nullified by e depths to’ which the discussion s sunk in many places and also ’ the fact that a big percentage of e active “factionalists” have be- me what one might call “biological positionists.” In Minnesota one sees this un-| incipled factionalism at its worst. mmrades when the Central Execu ve Committee had literally to kick to fighting Shipstead at the last action are now blatantly calling the E. C. right wingers. These com- des called the fight against Ship- ead “another example of the crazy aftism of Lovestone-Pepper.” When |these comrades convinced them- |selves (or were forcibly convinced) | that the “C, I. had gone completely to the left” they very smoothly changed their tactics and the “crazy boasting that tney ‘had the courage of their convictions when they sup- | fashion is not Communist discussion and should be very severely con- demned. A most important factor in blurring the issues facing the Party is the unanimity of the Amer- |ican platform of the Minority and |the renegade Cannonites, i. e., “The Right Wing Danger.” In our District (No. 9) the Trot- sky question is of paramount im- portance. Many erstwhile leading jcomrades, now expelled, are openly Leftists” suddenly became “ultra | ported Trotsky, while the C. E. C. right wingers.” Minority had not that courage. Discussion carried on in this | When one challenges that statement, the Trotskyites triumphantly point to “The Right Wing Danger” docu- ment as proof. Rank and file com- rades, good rebels, become confused. The C. E, C. calls the Trotskyites counter-revolutionaries . .. what are the Fosterites who have the same program? they ask. To the dis- credit of our Party the respective | theses are not discussed. It is com- non talk among the rank and filers that the theses don’t mean a thing. |“Why,” they say, “the thesis is only the smoke screen to cover the real | reasons for factionalism.” jIt its plethora of riches. Everything that has taken place in Latin Amer- ica from that time onwards has had as its purpose the still further estab- lishing of U. S. hegemony. Until the war, however, Great | might call the basic industries, steel, Britain was the dominant power. |€lectric power and equipment, auto- During and since the war, the U. S. | mobiles, and farm machinery, and has rapidly assumed the role of dic- |S@Y they are on the upward grade. jtator. From a secondary place in| Then they bury their heads in the Latin American investments it has |Sand and say, “What does it mat- assumed the role of oligarch. Brit- ain is being crushed out. The U. S. is still further entrenching itself, The Bolivia-Paraguay outburst is | | | jan important phase of this U. s.-| Real Marxist-Leninists don’t make British rivalry. The U. S, has come | deductions in this manner. This is jout ciearly in its role as aggressor, |ON/Y ancther proof of the fact that is absolutely corerct for the C. | the present factionalism is unprin- VENTION DISCUSSION SECTION | CTIONALISM. GIVE POLITICAL CONSIDERATION TO THE RESPECTIVE THESES. RALLY BEHIND THE C. I. AND THE C. E. C. thesis must be adopted by an over-;relationships and contacts, when whelming majority. We must rid|they determine one’s political stand ourselves of this incubus continually lin a Communist Party, become anti- ostrich is known for its character-; concentrate on building the Commu-|trought up by the Opposition com- | Communist. istic of burying its head in the sand jnist Party. when it sees danger coming. The Minority comrades are very like the} made on these oue: ostrich, They mention what one| stions that I don’t | here. Sufficient to say they are proof positive that the Right wing danger jis indeed the main danger confront- | So much explanation has beset Comrades must realize that being | ta i ‘ : lof independent Communist thinking. |strength of the Right danger call Pay Spee oie: team farther | either is it a sign that one is | for # closing of our ranks and the | against bureaucracy, rades. The war danger, the tremendous sks facing us, the ever-growing in the Opposition is not a-criterion|perspective of struggle, and the Bureaucracy | unifying of our Party under the |can be a part of an Opposition, just |leadership of the C. I. and the C. as a leade Personal feelings,|W. C. of the American Party. |ing the American Party. ter, we must be different from the The Labor Party. this upward development means in- Must lay down a very concrete line dustrial depression.” jfor our future policy regarding a labor party. The C. I. policy, and |the policy of the American Party, jcorrectly lays down the perspective jot a labor party in the United States. | |This is qualified, however, by the ‘Tanaka Mum on Chang | C. E. C., so we must conclude that| The forthcoming Party convention |Murder; to Intervene in Manchuria, He Says quest by Premier Tanaka t mention be made of the HAYWOOD’S BOOK— now running serially The DAILY WORKE! available in two editions 2.50 — Order your copy today from the TOKIO, Jan. 23.—Despite the re- inves ~ (eeccy eee : és dial PIS 1 t ive without some he death of Chang Tso-|| Source of All Rex W E. C., in its theses and discussion, |©!Pled and cannot survive without an |» : a tion into the death of Chang Tso. ree Of AL -oal, Steel orkers Almost | it is time the Party membership. |to point out this aggressive role of | @*tificial and therefore groundless patty fe eve an eee EPO lin, once dictator of northern China i | standing solidly behind the C. I. and |U. S. imperialism; otherwise the foundation. an organizational S which {Who was killed when a train on Unanimous Against Minority The Polcom of the Easton unit of 1e Workers (Communist) Party in- ‘oduced a resolution on the inner- arty situation for adoption by the ‘int meeting of the Party member- tip of Easton, Bethlehem and Al- ntown, At this joint meeting (Jan. 13), hich was called to discuss the con- antion theses before the Party, the 2presentative of the C. E. C. was omrade B, Herman; of the Opposi- on, Comrade Blakenstein. The resolution, which was carried y a vote of 28 to 0, with 2 absten- ons, is as follows: 1.—In view of the menacing war anger, of the growing attacks by ie government and all capitalist orees against the Party, in view of ie influence of social reformism in ie Party’s ranks, which makes the ight danger the main danger fac- ig the Party, in view of the split- ng attempts of the renegade Trot- kyist-Cannon group, in view of the iost urgent need of building the ‘arty, the membership of Easton, ‘ethlehem and Allentown calls upon ll Communist forces within the Vorkers (Communist) Party of imerica to unite forthwith to eradi- ate all factionalism, and to close he ranks of the Party against its nemies. 2—The membership meeting of Jaston, Bethlehem and Allentown, tates that there is no basis in prin- iple for the continuation of Zaction- lism in the Party. It fully endorses he instructions of the VI. World Jongress of the Communist Interna- ional that putting an end to the fac- ional struggle is the most urgent ask of the American Party at pres- nt. the C. E. C., put a stop for all time to unprincipled factionalism. Differences in Perspective. | 8.—The meeting of the member-| The respective theses very def- | ship of Easton, Bethlehem and Al-|initely lay down the perspectives of | lentown declare that the unification | the C. E..C. and the Minority. of all Party forces against the bour-| With Communist realism the Cc. geoisie, against social reformism,|E. C. points out that U. S. impér- against the Right danger and against | ialism is following a continued up- |the Trotskyist renegades can and|ward curve. While pointing this | must be achieved on the basis of the | out, however, the C. E. C. categor- |line of the Comintern. All reserva- ically repudiates the pessimism of tions to the decisions of the World! the Minority comrades who infer, Congress of the Communist Interna-| “If capitalism is becoming stronger, tional must be dropped immediately. | then the possibilities for a strong | The instructions of the World Con- Communist Party are small indeed.” | sress that the Minority must subor-| The contrary is the C. E. C. posi- \dinate itself to the Majority must be: tion. Because capitalism is becom- the extension of Party democracy, | ing stronger, they say, the perspec- the general proletarianization of the| tive yor struggle and possibilities Party and all its leading organs,| gor our. Party an : eicenae é e ‘y are greater than ever. | Leninst discipline and merciless self- |By its very strength, capitalism | criticism. | generates external and internal con- | 4.—The membership meeting of | Easton, Bethlehem and Allentown | states that in the present pre-con- | vention. period the most thorough- | going Party discussion is necessary, but that the decisions of the incom- | ing Party convention must be con- sidered as final, and that after the | Party convention all forces of the Party must be concentrated on the decisions of the C. I., without reser- vations, and on the tasks of the Party and not on its inner situation. 5.—The Easton, Bethlehem and | Allentown membership meeting | calls upon District Three, as well as the entire Party, to elect such pro- letarian delegates in the districts to | the National Convention, such work- |ers who will support the platform j of the unity of all Communist forces | within the Party on the basis of |the unqualified acceptance of the leadership of the Communist Inter- national. tradictions which are sapping at its | very foundation and bringing about | that crisis wherein the revolutionary | movement must be prepared to do its revolutionary duty. In our approach to this phase of imperialism we must not forget the words of Marx: “Every system con- tains within itself the seeds of its own desiruction.” The War Danger—U, S.-Great Britain Rivalry. | Very correctly the C. E. C. points | |out the pre-eminence of the war |danger. Seemingly all-powerful U. | |S. imperialism, with its octopus-like financial investments abroad, inevi- jtably comes into conflict with other | | imperialist powers, notably Great | | Britain. Latin America is an example of this, The Monroe Doctrine ex- pounded over 100 years ago laid jdown the U. S. policy for this! |wealthy section of the world with Support the Central Executive By ALBERT WEISBORD. I ‘apitalism leading to the imminence of imperialist war and greater in- | The first task before the Piety nembership in the present sletians | s to give such a signal defeat to | he. Opposition that it will be prac- ically liquidated. Present Tasks. 2 1. The tasks before the Party at| he present time are many and) creat. The sharp intensification of | he contradictions external and in-| ernal, facing American and world “Or take the American Party. Quite lately, at least so it seemed to all of us, the American Party appeared to be overcoming the in- ternal friction, but now we find that the controversy is flaring up again. The internal Party strug- gle has “revived” to such an ex- tent that attempts are being made to utilize the present conjuncture for the purpose of continuing the struggle in the acutest form. Are there any really big political dif- | tendency |mizing the war danger. Minority Thesis The thesis of the Minority |changed many times, | the apex of its growth,” is the basic | ment. follow. The cle. discussions (Al Smith, radicaliza- errors have |quire enumeration here. One point, | however, must be touched upon. jimperialism is about to commence a |downward trend, the Minority thesis says: “The curve of industrial devel- opment which in the middle of 1928 took a turn upwards, is again beginning to show downward trends. The persistence of the present industrial depression, ag- gravated by the critical situation in such basic questions of economy as coal, textile, shipping, oil and agriculture, points to the matur- ing of an economic crisis with the consequent misery and suffering for the toiling mass. “Only a few industries have shown increasing production in yecent months, These are auto- mobiles, steel, farm machinery, and electric power and equipment. This fact and the further indus- | trialization of the south (coal, iron, textiles) explains the slight upward trend of the last several months.” Surely, comrades, this is it of downright stupidity. the would be towards mini-| \line running through the whole docu- | Shipstead In setting out to prove that U. S. | |Party; therefore we must be real- Right Wing Danger. In face of the pseudo-Marxi jalysis being made by man: nm an- com- som. |7ades, the Right danger, correctly |rades is also very definite in its designated by the C. I. as the main | janalysis. This in spite of the fact danger facing the international, be- that the fundamental approach has |C™Mes accentuated for the Ameri s Party, Minnesota has numerous ex- “U. S. imperialism has reached |#™ples of this. First and foremost stands the rmer-Labor question. Starting from this* premise | From the outset the Minority com- party a whole series of errors naturally |rades fought been | the policy. ‘ly pointed, out in the C. E. C. as, for example: strenuously against Many questions arose, Which is the greater discipline, jtion, ete.) and therefore don’t re- that of the Communist Party or of the farmer-labor party? Is it permissable for the class war ;to be inserted in any Party state- ment in reference to the farmer- \labor party? Do we mean to build the F. L. P. ne Communist Party? What is a genuine F. L. P.? On all questions, the Minority. which then included the renegade Trotskyites now expelled, stood against the C. E. C. policy. They said: if we fight Shipstead, we divorce ourselves from the masses. ‘There- fore we must not fight Shipstead. If we insert the class war in our statements, we frighten away the masses. If we are honest in saying we stand for a farmer-labor party we must build it, even though it means temporarily submerging the Com- munist Party. There is only one genuine Labor Party and that is the Communist ©: ists and honest if we talk about a genuine labor party. That can only The (be if we destroy the labor party and ; {the farmer-labor party, but to de- |and farmers who still adhere to the jpresent F. L. P. and at the same is also correct. We must, however, show Communist courage and initi- ative in this labor party question. What do we man by saying agita- tional rather than. organizational? {Do we mean it is impermissible to |erganize or remain inside labor par- | ties or farmer-labor parties at the |moment? My contention is that on j@ national scale we cannot at the |moment attempt to build a labor | y. However, there are local in- | Stances where a labor party is an immediate organizational task. Min- |nesota, for example. | Nevertheless, the Minnesota far- mer-labor party has been correctly designated as a pseudo-labor party, | which must be broken up before a veal farmer-labor party can be built. What is meant by this? Do we mean the ‘Communist Party should existing farmer-labor party and set out to build another? I think this would be wrong. My contention is that the proper policy te be pursued by our Party in this direction is to continue inside leave the mand Communist affiliation as a Party. By this method we can re- tain our influence on the workers time point out, if the fakers deny us admission, that the present party is not fulfilling the function the workers and farmers expected. This would give us a better opportunity for pointing out the roie of the Com- munist Party as the only true fighter for working class intcrests. Support the C. E. C. Lack of space preverts further | elucidation on many points, The membership must stand fast at this convention period. The C. E. C. ary Publishers » NEW YORK CITY which he was riding was blown up, the matter has again cropped up in the Japanese diet. A member of the so-called oppo- sition party asked the government why it had not cleared up the “mystery” of Chang’s death which “reflected unfavorably towards Jap- }an.” Previously when asked the government has stated that the matter was under investigation and now, too, Tanaka answered that the government was still ‘“investigat- ing.” It has been charged, with proof, that Japanese tools in Man- churia had murdered Chang. Tanaka also indicated his inten- tion to intervene in Manchuria |should a “state of affairs rise in Manchuria which would disturb the local tranquility.” THE KRASSIN Maurice Parijanine WHAT HAPPE MALMGREN The heroism of the Rus- sian rescuers of the fas- cist explorers—an amaz- ing revelation—the inside story of the great exploit of the Krassin A New Pamphlet REVOLUTION IN LATIN AMERICA by Bertram D. Wolfe—ic The oppressed colonial peoples in revolt against imperialism are the allies of the proletariat of the capitalist nations. This pamphlet gives the eco- nomic basis of imperial- ism in Latin America— thg rivalry of British and American imperialism— intervention—class forces in Latin America—Pan- American Federation of Labor—the new wave of struggle. ILLUSTRATED . $2.50 Order from Workers Library Publishers 35 Easr 1251H SvrReer, Complete Sets of THE COMMUNIST for 1928 $1.00 Workers L. 35 Easr brary Publishers NYG, Workers Library Publishers 35 East 125th St., New York City 125TH STREET, |Right danger must mean a most} vigorous struggle against this petty |bourgeois, Menshevik, tendency of paralyzing the Party and trans- forming it into a loose debating so- lciety on petty differences. A ivigorous struggle against the Right danger means a_ struggle against lthis unprincipled, permanent, fac- jtionalism of the Opposition. This now becomes not a petty question but a very serious one. 6. Moreover, the Opposition dis- non simply symbolizes the degener- ation of part of the old Opposition forces. The theories of the Opposi- tion and their permanent factional protection’, are basic reasons why Cannonites and Trotskyites are pro- duced in the Party, especially at this time. 8. From the foregoing it is plain , that no Party member can correctly | support the Opposition, but has on ferences in the American Party? agree with and today fight the CI No, they are petty. Are* these ernal class conflicts, place upon our Party the greatest international | obligations. We must see to it that | n the coming very sharp period! differences so important as to war- vant the formation of factions? I believe they are not. yur Party as a Communist Party joes not “disgrace” itself. 2. If the Party is to be put in a position where it can live up to its duties in the present and coming periods, the internal friction and factionalism which have been gnaw- ing at the vitals of our Party for 30 long must be put an end to. We can not afford the luxury of fac- | tionalism for one day longer. The attitude of all responsible comrades must be to bend all energies to put an end to the factional strife that has become “revived” again. Factionalism Leads to Split. 8. Factionalism creates a party within a party. The logic of fac- .tionalism leads to split. Factional- ism is justified only when the Cen- tral Executive Committee is a Menshevik committee which, if al-| lowed to go oh unchecked in it: would in a critical moment, betray the masses and ob- struct the advarce of the prole- tarian revolution. tion to maintain their factions they must show that they have serious, yes fundamental, opinion with the Central Executive Committee. Slight differences are not sufficient, When the Opposition with Weinstone as their “leader” (!) then, tried, in the last factional fight in 1927, to maintain their fac- tions without any serious difference politically with the Central Exec-| utive Committee, they received a gevere rebuff both from the Comi tern and from the membership of our Party. At that time the Comin- tern stated that the worst crime . against the Party was factionalism without fundamental political dif- ference. To maintain their factions, therefore, the Opposition must maintain that their differences with the Central Executive Committee are very serious and fundamental. ‘World Congress On W. (C.) P. 4. On this very question Com- rade Bukharin, in his summary speech at the 6th World Concress, as follows: (Imprecorr No. 49, . For the Opposi- | differences of | For instance, take the question concerning the attitude of Ameri- can imperialism, Some say that American imperialism has grown stronger; others claim that their opponents, i, e, those who say so, are ADVERTISING American im- perialism. Such an_ expression should not be used. No good can come of it, and it does not help clear up the question, I must confess that I do not en- tertain hopes of a Revolutionary situation arising in the United States in the near future. I say this quite frankly. In no coun- try in the world is capitalism so strong as it is in the United States of America, where it has reached its zenith. Is it a terrible thing to say that there is little likelihood of an immediate revo- lutionary situation? It is if this is used to contradict the argu- ment that there is positively no ground for activity among the American masses. As far as I know, however no one has made such an assertion. Unemployment is a fact; changes in American industry are also a fact, and so is also the growing discontent among the un- skilled workers. Is there any ground for the growth of the American Party? Yes, there is. Does this furnish any justification for an acute factional struggle? Of course not. All steps must be taken to avoid such a struggle.” (words stressed as in original.— A, W.) This is what Bucharin says. The idifferences are petty. There is no ground for a factional fight in our Party. Thus when the comrades of the Opposition maintain their factions, they are fighting not only the CEC, but Bukharin (the CPSU) ‘and the Comintern as well. Most Dangerous Right Wingism. 5, This tendency to keep up a jfactional fight that paralyzes the Party when the differences are only petty is one of the most dangerous forms of Right wing tendencies in our Party. A struggle against the not only on the above question, but on many other principle questions: a. When the Opposition continue to maintain that the ‘reserve. powers of American capitalism are declin- ing, they go contrary to the facts jand fight the CI. b. When the Opposition continue ‘to maintain that there is a broad Jand general radicalization of the lgreat bulk of the workers at the present time, they fight the C. I. ¢. When the Opposition continue to fail to point out the achievements of, the CEC they go contrary to the ‘facts and fight the CI. d. When the Opposition continue to criticise and distort the point of view of the CEC they go contrary to the facts and fight the CI. e. When the Opposition criticise the CI itself for not criticizing the CEC of the American Party more (see Johnstone’s reservations to the CI thesis) they fight the CI. f. When the Opposition, in op- position to the CI, continue to call the CEC a Right wing CEC, they go contrary to the facts and fight the CI, which has said that that charge was unfounded. 8 to refuse to stress the fact that they initiated and shared in many of the Right wing errors that were made together with the CEC, and made many other errors which the CEC did not share, they fight the cL. d i. When the Opposition continue to refuse practically to fight in any adequate way against Cannonism and Trotskyism, failing to point out that Trotskyism is “really part of the Right” (Stalin), they fight the cI. 7. It is no wonder, then, that the Opposition should have produced Lore, Askeli, Cannon, and similar renegades, now exponents of Trot- skyism. These renegades simply carry the point of view of the Op- position one “step” further. (Al- though the “step” is a great one, it is true.) If the CI is wrong on American imperialism, if the CI is wrong how a Communist Party is to work, then the CI is wrong on the very basis of Leninism. If the CI cannot tell a Right wing CEC \ the contrary the duty to liquidate! the Opposition in the speediest man- ner and to support that CEC, which shows Right wing tendencies. Can-} will not be liquidated, for it will be{yet, because it is more than ever and ‘must be liquidated, but that/tied up with a general declining when war does break out. when the Opposition is liquidated the Right errors of the Opposition, | its growth checked and may be/only of what the situation is now, ‘merging with the Right errors of some present CEC supporters, will make the Right danger become more pronounced. We must not fear this danger too much, but it exists and must cause us to keep a critical at- | titude. Period of Worst Errors. Jn this conection we must bear in mind that the crassest Right errors Committee; Criticize Its Too Many Right Errors! {gin to analyze what will happen! b. The increased fascisation of |world imperialism, may soon have |thrown into the most violent con- tradictions. This is quite different |than saying that the reserve pow- ers of American imperialism is de- clining, which is what the Opposi- tion says (or, when it fails to say | it, really means to say). Secondly, the thesis of the C. E. C., while showing correctly enough that only sections of the working- for which the Party was criticized | class may be called redicalized, yet the CI has declared is not a Right wing CEC but a CEC leading a Party which has been “the stalwart was when there was _ so-called “unity” and when the Foster, Bittel- man, Cannon, and Weinstone groups When the Opposition continue. when it sees it, then the CI itself] leader” of the masses in struggle. IL. But while we must support the CEC we must be particularly cri- tical and wary to see that every- thing goes well. We must note and plainly state that too many Right errors have been made by the en- critical, the Profintern has been cri- tical and the CI has been critical. This must determine the attitude of the thinking members of the Party as well, We, too, must take a more critical attitude. 1, This is especially important and proper at the present time: a. We are in a new phase, the third phase of the post-war period of capitalism, a phase in which the external and internal contradictions of imperialism reach a very high |pitch. We’must see to it that the Party is fully oriented on this new | third period of post war capitalism. b, The Party itself is under- going a transition period from being @ propaganda group, which it has now passed, to a full mass Commu- nist Party, which it has not yet be- come, but which the coming strug- gles will give it ample opportunity to become, Opposition Will Die Out. ¢. The coming convention will see the rapid disintegration of the Opposition. If the Opposition will be liquidated, there is no doubt but that some of the bad tendencies in the Opposition may find expression in the policy of the CEC and em- phasize too much the bad tendencies existing within the Central Execu- tive Committee. To be more exact, while it is a basic immediate task to liquidate all factionalism and draw those elements who give up their factionalism into the leader- ship of the Party more and more, yet we must guard against the dan- ger that the Right tendencies of the Opposition will merge with certain Right actions on the part of cer- tain of the Central Executive Com- comes more acute than ever. The danger is not that the Oppos tire leadership. The CYI has been! mittee so that the Right danger be-| | were “united” with the Central Ex- | ecutive Committee. That was the | time when the Panken error was in- | itiated, the “Save the Union” slogan issued and extended, all the textile | unions over which we had control | sent into the U. T. W., although that | meant annihilation of these unions, }when the auto campaign was} jdropped, when the anti-imperialist | department committed great blun- ders, ete. With the liquidation of the fac- tional Opposition, then the members | will be far more free to criticize | generally, without being bound by |group lines and caucus discipline. When this is accomplished this will mean a great step forward. The whole Party membership must: take | advantage of the opportunity to dis- |cuss all important matters and ac- tually take a live decisive part in moving the Party forward, Expulsions An Advance. d. A good deal of pus is now being squeezed out of the Party. |The Cannon-Trotsky renegades are out and with them a good deal of the poison that has polluted our Party will be out and the Party will be in a much better position than be- fore to stand criticism and to carry out the correct political line. The loss of these renegades and traitors is not @ loss to the Party. It is not a sign of weakness of the Party. It is a sign of growth. These rene- gades and opportunists could not stand the pace of the Party, could not stand the sharpening of the struggle, could not take their place with the other militant fighters in the Party who were the “stalwart leaders” of the masses in struggle. ‘The fact that these yellow elements could not find a place in the Party any longer is a great achievement for the Party and shows our growth and increasing Bolshevization. Criticism of C. E, C. Theses. 2. The thesis of the C. E. C. can elso stand a good deal of criticism. in view of the situation just men- | tioned the potentialities of a quick jand general radicalization are pres- cnt. These potentialities (as shown | in the great Sacco-Vanzetti out- breaks) must be reckoned with in| cur present tactics even though the | radicalization may take, place in the | future. This is quite different, | however, from the point of view of | the Opposition that there is as pres- | ent a broad and general radicaliza- tion of the bulk ef the unskilled and semi-skilled masses. War Danger Not Focal. Thirdly, the thesis of the C, E. C. is defective in that it fails to make | the danger of war clearly enough | the central, focal, starting point of analysis for all phases of work. If |the C. E. C, thesis saw the im- | minence of war as clearly as the | C. I, then the thesis would be! framed quite differently. It would | show how near the war was, as Buk- harin does when he talks in terms of | months, one year, two years, three years, and moving ever nearer. (See | Rukharin speeches, Inprecorr, Vol. 8, Nos, 41 and 49.) | Again, the struggle against this | war danger would be the. central | poivté of every practical task laid down, In pointing out why we must | organize the unorganized, why we | must win the Negroes, the women, | ete, we should start from the ur- | gency of that phase of Communist | work from the point of view of fight- | ing the war danger. If we really estimated the war danger correctly we would be paying far more atten- tion to the youth question, to the anti-imperialist question, to helping the Latin-Ameican Parties, mater- ially and politically, to the task of building up powerful new unions in the basic industries and strong Left wing groups everywhere. If we! truly estimated the war danger cor- rectly, we would not tack on the “war danger” to other “dangers,” but would see that the danger of war is the central point from which to carry on all work. Our Party must have a perspective not government. The long and ; strikes of large but what the situation will be in the oe cy needle trades, very near future. We are not pre- ford). paring ourselves sufficiently. Cer- a tainly our organization ster- «. The great spontaneous move- ribly defective when we view it from Ment for the liberation of Sacco and the aspect of fighting the danger of Vanzetti. war. The sharpened danger of war England and other imperialist hard fought masses (Passaic, miners, New Bed- e. Fourthly, the present theses of with the CEC is defective in that it goes powe too far astray from the February theses. ‘The present theses pays too jostitity (China also). much attention to transient pheno- y mena and covers up, thereby, the 8 The ir basic trends which were laid down the Soviet U in the February theses of the Party.| h, The growth of the influence Fifthly, the self criticism is not | o¢ the Communist Party and the sincere enough, is not open enough, Comintern, and especially is not explained | 4 f enough. This is a very serious de-|_ i: The increased decline of the fect, since it means that it is quite imperialist system as a whole. possible that the Right errors al-| j, The general increased polar- ready committed by the entire ization of forces in America, tak- leadership may be reveated. (By the ing place as in Europe but at a way, I also am criticised and cor-| slower rate. Pati the CEC did not fight! The main difference between Trotskyism entirely correctly. It is America and other highly developed true that Trotskyism is “really part | C@Pitalist countries at the present of the Right” and the Opposition time is that the contradictions, both made a fundamental error in think- ¢xternal and internal, are growing ing that that brand of “Leftism” | Sharper in those countries than in known as Trotskyism had anything America and that when the social to do with such a “Left” movement revolution extends it will extend to as, for example, the “Left” German the other countries first, in all Communist movement in. 1920) probability, before reaching Amer- against which Lenin polemized. !¢@ Nevertheless there is a difference | Fresh Leaders Needed. between Trotsky and Kautsky al-| One final point. It seems clear though one leads to the other (and | that the sie leadership of tie degenerate to a phase of the! Party must ‘reshened up cons’ hen Similarly there is a differ- erably. It must be more prole' ence between such opportunism as, ianized and made more of a “mass” Cannon’s and plain and open Right | character. The proletarians added wing opportunism. While the Oppo- | to the CEC must be not pacific ones. sition confused Trotsky with oa quiet ee ene but. ones bb “Left,” the CEC too much can fig! ‘or their opinions. enisel ‘Trotsky with the Right | Premium must be put on mass work without stressing the necessary dis- | and those successful in carrying out tincti Further the CEC should | Communist policy among the masses inctions. Further | 8 m have shown more clearly that the rapidly aided in spite of their de- The increased Latin American reased popularity of on. “Left” can also be objectively fects. They too have the ri revolutionary. {to make mistakes and in all likeli- beta etek jhood their mistakes will not be qm. |worse than those made already. The essential part of any analysis! Some of our present leaders should’ today, it seems to me, can be best | be put into industrial work directly formulated as follows: |for a while so that they would be 1, Viewing American capitalism freshened up and get an all-round as part of world imperialism, we can experience. Some of our leaders say that while American capitalism | should be plainly removed and some is growing stronger, yet it is be-| firmly told to work in some large coming more and more part of a | factory for a while. Real attention general. falling imperialist economy. | to the basic industries and to the 2. Viewing American capitalism | Smaller industrial cities where those internally we can say that while} industries are mainly located—this American capitalism is growing] is the line that will proletarianize stronger, yet it is growing less|and Bolshevize the Party and pre- Finally, it is not sufficient to In the first place, this thesis doe: |not show sufticientiy that a capital- | show simply that way is impending, | “ut, since we ave sure that it is com- | ition | ism may be growing stronger and ing nearer and nearer, we must be- road” at p stable at the same time. This can! pare it for its tasks so that in the be seen from the following evidence: coming critical period the Amer- a. The economic “turn in the,ican sect'pn of the Comintern will ent (Feb. thesis). not disgrace itself.