The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 22, 1929, Page 6

six months nths lew York): six months e months all Stuyves: DAIWORK ROBERT MINOR WM. F. DUNNE aaa Mr. Chernoff—‘Socialist” Agent of Imperialist War Makers. Mr. Chernoff of the in this country on business. Victor Chernoff. Revolutionary Party Russian Socialist is th His busin same that he and his party have been pursuing so many years—counter-revolution. He is there- fore welcomed by the United States authorities and, respect- fully: interviewed by all the big capitalist newspapers. Can we imagine the United States government permitting the free entry of a leader of “social revolutionaries” to this land of gold bonds and bonda: lf Chernoff vere really any- thing correctly described 2 cial-revolutio y” he would be thrown into jail on the orders of the immigration author- ities and deported on the next boat. But, being a counter- revolutionist in the complete sense of the term, Mr. Chernoff has the freedom of the country and his first two business engagements here will probably be with Calvin Coolidge and Morris Hillquit. Why does Chernoff come? This head of the counter-revolutionary organization of Russian emigrees at Prague says he comes “to study con- ditions and to country.” Of conditions und establish contacts with party friends in this course the conditions he will “study” are the er which he hopes to be able to shut off all possibilities of trade between the Soviet Union and this coun- try which would help to build up the economy of the Soviet Union; the “party friends” doubtless include his good old comrades of t ist party of the United States. But there is somet re than that. he social hing mo Mr. Chernoff and all the counter-revolutionary forces of the worid know that the new imperialist world war is draw- ing closer. Like ghouls they rush to the imperialist centers everywhere in the hope of doing some profitable political business in connection with the coming carnage. Chernoff, like Messrs. Hillquit, Berger, Oneal & Co., will support thé imperialist cause in the next war—the Ameri- can “socialists” supporting “their own” capitalist govern- ment (as they have already promised) and Mr. Chernoff, having been chased out of the Union of Socialist Soviet Re- publics by the revolutionary workers and peasants, will sup- - port whatever imperialist power may offer the best promise of drowning the Russian workers and peasants in blood and restoring the rule of the capitalists and grand dukes. This is Mr. Chernoff’s business here in the land of the most powerful and ruthless capitalist reaction. That is why he tells through the capitalist newspapers picturesque lies “caleulated to obscure the tremendous achievements of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. Maddened by the sight of the actual building up of the magnificent structure of a | new socialist economy in the Soviet Union, this “socialist” (i. e., this capitalist flunkey) declares that all is “chaos” in the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. Dismayed by the unshakable Leninist course of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which has shown itself strong enough to defeat and eliminate the disintegra- ting influences of capitalist ideology, defeating the petty- bourgeois Trotskyist elements and then defeating the right- wing influences of capitalist remnants in the Soviet Union— all this leaves the counter-revolutionists of Mr. Chernoff’s _ type in dismay. And so, for that very reason, they pretend to think of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as - “two groups,” one of which wishes to turn back from the upbuilding of the socialist society and toward the return to capitalism. But Mr. Chernoff does not seriously build upon such sand as that. What Mr. Chernoff wants is that which he has always relied upon—imperialist action against the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. The Kerensky govern- ‘ment of which he was a part was a puppet of Allied im- perialism. The whole of the counter-revolutionary aggrega- tion of “socialist” parties, including his own, is but an ap- - pendage and tool of capitalism against the working class and | the peasantry of all countries. | Chernoff and his kind know how to live in but one way—as paid flunkeys of the capitalist system, within the ranks of the working class and peasants if possible, but always ready to spill the blood of workers and peasants as ministers of either bourgeois or monarchist governments, The workers of this country should watch this prostitute of reaction—this outright counter-revolutionist, this “com- rade” of Messrs. Hillquit, Berger, Oneal & Co. ~The workers must learn from the actions of these enemies of their class. Where Mr. Chernoff comes, there is a counter-revolu- tionary plot in the making. Workers, redouble your efforts in defense of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics—the Socialist Fatherland of the workers of all lands! Hasten your preparations to fight against the imperialist war danger! Strengthen your revolutionary Workers (Commu- nist) Party. And you will hasten the day when there will be not a single country on earth upon whose soil such a one as Mr. ernoff can land. HIT MOONEY FRAME-UP Wisconsin Students Demand Release ISON, Wis. (By Air Mail).{ With the adoption of the resolu- mning the imprisonment of | tion the students formed an active Mooney and Warren K. Billings ¢ommittce, to be known as the “Free ious frame-up, the Liberal | Mooney and Billings Committee.” the University of Wisconsin,| According to the members of the last regular meeting, passed Liberal Club, this marks the open- n condemning the entire |ing of a determined drive at the the case and calling for | University of Wisconsin for the re- ec and unconditional | lease of these working class leaders. these two class war vic- | railroaded into the dungeons of Cali- The resolution is being sent fornia’s capitalist rulers; It will be or of California, toa base for the rallying of student t and to the iit against all class war per- DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, J? RY 22, 19 29 — THE TWO GRENADIERS By Fred Ellis The followng are extracts from | a speéch by Crianto Evangelista, | recognized throughout the Philip-| pines as the most able, militant and honest labor leader among his peo- ple. He is a member of the Execu- tive Council of the Congreso Obrero | de Filipinas (Philippine Labor Con-} gress), the oldest, strongest and only real trade union center in the islands. He was long its secretary. The speech was delivered before the So- cial Science Club of the University of the Philippines, following his two months visit to the Soviet Union,| investigating at first hand the con- ditions there. Not Like Green and Woll. It ean scarcely be claimed by the reactionary leaders of the American Federation of Labor, whose rabid at- tacks on the Soviet Union know no bound, that Evangelista’s speech is a “Communist trick,” since there is no Communist Party in the Philip- pines and even no socialist party. Colonial labor, different from the A. F. of L. leaders who are bribed and corrupted by U. S. imperialism, suf- fers the most bitter exploitation and oppression from U. §. rule. True, there are a few crooked la- bor leaders in the Philippines, the’ most infamous being one Balmori, who owns a “labor union” as a busi- ness. But Evangelista and many oth- \ers are true labor militants. Enough to state that Evangelista, when a ‘boy, had to live with his mother in| jeaves of the Luzon Mountains to escape the massacres carried on by |U. S. soldiery upon thousands of | his people. And above all, he is a |worker, a printer, and bears the sears of class struggle. We delete much of his speech deal- ing with detailed accounts of con- \ditions in the Soviet Union because |Daily Worker readers have been in- \formed on these from other articles ‘currently published. But we retain |Evangelista’s impressions and views. |.—Editor’s Note. | ee ae By CRISANTO EVANGELISTA. (Filipino Labor Leader) “As a worker delegated to visit |Russia through the kind invitation of the Pan-Pacific Trade Union Sec- \retariat—a labor center in the Pa- \cific with 15,000,000 members, whose aim is to unite all workers and op- \pressed peoples bordering on the \ocean, to fight for their political and ‘economic independence, to fight gainst imperialism and imperialistic ars, to raise the standard of living of all Pacific workers, etc., and to work for the solidarity of the work- ers and peasants throughout the world under the banner of a single International—my thoughts, my deepest interests were particularly centered on the question: “Is the Russian worker free, o: already emancipated from the yok of capitalist greed and exploitation? Is it true that the Russian workers are still subjected to long hours of work, low wages, and forced labor? And, what’s the difference from a worker’s point of view, not in the- ory but in practice, between a capi- talist government: and a workers’ | \ | | USSR ModelofFilipino Wo Leader of Oppressed Colonial Workers Tells Impressions of Soviet Union SSS ee and peasants’ government such as a single case of men, women and chil- that of Soviet Russia?’ {dren without homes and sleeping in “Such are the most important|porches of big buildings, such as questions that I longed to see an-|those I have seen in San Francisco, swered in a more satisfactory way.|Washington and New York, in the So you can judge the extent of my/|prosperous U. S. A., and those in eagerness to know the real condition|Shanghai, Hongkong and other Chi- of the workers at present in the'nese cities exposed to freezing on a U.S.R.S, % \chilly winter night. “I am a worker myself. During |Hits at Fake Filpino “Nationalists. my 89 years of struggling for an| “If you could see the utter misery existence, 29 years have already been|f the Chinese workers’ life in Hong- spent in service of industry, but de-|kong and Shanghai, on the one side, spite this long career my living con-|and on the other side the big, mag- ditions are still poor, always in need|Rificent buildings of commerce and of something to satisfy the elemen-|industry, palaces of wealth owned tary human wants and that of a|by a privileged few, you would in- large family of seven members in-|Stinctively turn your thought to the cluding myself. Why are my living future of the Philippines especially conditions so bad, like that of the at present when our leaders are of its short existence—its ten years | majority, the great bulk of our popu-|0penly ready to cooperate with of effort is but a short period in the/ lation? American imperialists in order rap- “Because of this interest to know idly to develop the economic resour- forced isolation, blockade and sabo-| the real condition of the Russian |¢es of the country. worker I did not lose any opportun-| The Russian peasants in rural dis- is proceeding at a gigantic pace along} ity that in any way would serve my tricts, although they live in log bun- | the path of human progress. It has| galows enjoy much comfort in their|given the world a fair example of | purpose. During my eight days) ‘3 ‘ 4 travel by train along the Trans-Si-|homes and much more in their social berian line I observed in their out-|relationships. ward appearances that the Russian - Comparisons. workers are not well-dressed like| “In new houses that are built those I found in the United States either through cooperative societies in 1919, but much better than thejor by the government, one may find average Filipino workers. still better comforts, probably ten “When I arrived at Moscow and|times better than our “bahay” lo- during my night strolls I did not{cated within the zone of workers’ have an opportunity to witness even| residential district in the city of Kellogg, Imperialist ;Manila, the capital of the Philip- |pines, and the “best governed city in the world,” according to its booster bureaucrats. Russian life, from the point of view of an oriental worker, is much better than that of his brethren in the Far East such as |Chinese, Japanese and Filipinos. | “I may say also that under the new economic policy, Soviet Russia is heading rapidly along the path of real, tremendous progress. When I say real I mean that its material benefits, its tangible results are not ‘confined to a limited few but dis- \tributed to the broad mass—to the} workers and peasants of the whole} \country. And with the political pow- jer in their hands the workers and |peasants of that republic no doubt \have the key to the door of Success. Conclusions. | “In conclusion I may add with full © nviction that Soviet Russia, in spite ‘life of nations—and in spite of its tige promoted by capitalist countries, iwhat the workers and peasants can achieve in the field of human ac- tivities. Soviet Russia is now far in advance. It leaves the capitalist world behind in many respects. In the sphere of government Sov- iet RuSsia refutes the age-old con- tention that workers and peasants can never lead successfully the af- fairs of their own government. In fact, no one but the workers and peasants run the Soviet Government, and they are running it with marked efficiency and tremendous success. “There is no government that de- pends for its stability upon the sup- port of the masses but that of Soviet Russia. If it were not for this whole- hearted support of its working class population it could not withstand the attack of the capitalist world. “In industry Soviet Russia is achieving what the workers and peas- ants longed to see accomplished, that is the elimination of exploitation in the system of production. In this re- gard Soviet Russia is now far ahead of the capitalist world. She is now head. 1 for the complete eradication of the exploitation of man by man, “In the field of education its sys- tem is far more advanced than our own, than our much-commended sys- tem of education in the Philippine Islands and the rest. of the capital- ist world. This is because in the Philippine Islands and the rest of the capitalist world very few are given a fair chance to secure a high- er education, while in Soviet Russia every worker and peasant with am- bition and ability has the right of free education to its highest degree. “In the domain of social life Rus- sia is also far ‘in advance of us and the rest of the world. Men and wo- men are placed on the same level. Minors are well protected. The gov- ‘ernment aid for the promotion of #ecial advancement, probably, is still ‘unknown to us and the rest of the described as ‘unparalleled in his- tory.’ ” \capitalist world. It fairly can be} Copyright, 1929, by Internationa Publishers Co., Inc. BILL HAYWOOD'’S BOOK "TODAY: The Unemployment Puzzle; Debs and the A. R. U. Strike; Jerry-the-Bum; Dealing Faro; Off to Silver City In previous chapters Haywood has told of his birth and boyhood among the Mormons at Salt Lake City; a miner at nine years; odd jobs; his first strike: from 15 to young manhood in a remote Nevada mine; hair-raising tales of the old west; a convert to trade unionism; marriage and baby; homestead hopes and utter loss; Haywood a cowboy; ranch life; jobless and broke; Haywood joins Coxey’s Army. Now go on reading —EDITOR. | All rights reserved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission. ae PART XV. ye was one of the greatest unemployed demonstrations that ever took |# lace in the United States, although but few in numbers finally reached | Washington. The various armies crossed the country in freight trains, | sometimes forcing the, railroad companies to furnish transportation, and the mayors of the towns wHere.they appeared in num- bers were compelled to provide them with the neces- ‘sary food, in order to get rid of them and send them jon their way. | At Wadsworth I met a railroad man whom I |had known Lefore. He invited me to his house for ‘dinner and that afternoon we went down the river ‘on a fishing trip. He caught a trout, one of such | trout as are to be found only in the Truckee River. |We had it for supper. j | That night I hustled around and found that there }was a trainload of cattle to be shipped to Chicago, |and I got a job going with them. There were four or five other men. It-was our job when the train stopped to get out with | prod-poles and jab the prod into any steer that happened to be lying down, This was to keep them from being trampled to death or smoth- ‘ered by the other steers. I dropped off at Winnemucca and went home more depressed than I had ever been in my life.; I could not understand the problem of unem- ployment, nor could I find the reason for thousands of men crossing the continent to go to Washington. My thoughts went back more and more to the talks I had had with Pat Reynolds. These panics in which the workers were the chief sufferers were the outgrowths of the capitalist system. But the cure or preventive did not then occur to me. I struggled along in mental darkness. Suddenly came a great rift of light. This was the strike of railroad men in 1894. Freight trains loaded with perishable fruit for the eastern markets were side-tracked, also train-loads of coal and other products going west. The strike of the American Railway Union was spreading. ‘The governors of several states had called out the militia. At Sacra- mento, California, in response to an order to fire, the militiamen jabbed their bayonets into the ground and refused to shoot. The militia of Winnemucca refused to answer the call to mobilize. Most of them were railroad men, to whom the militia was a social affair. = They did not feel inclined to shoulder arms to protect the railroad com- pany’s property. The town was flooded with oranges and other produce from the side-tracked cars, but it was better to eat them than to let them rot. Coal would be needed for the winter and the boys were not | going to kill each other for laying in a supply for cold weather. The members of the A. R. U. were aroused against the railroad interests. The federal soldiers had been sent to Chicago by President Clevelartd against the workers who were striking at the Pullman Car Shops. Eugene V. Debs had been arrested with others, charged with conspiracy to mur- der, and when this charge was dropped, they were sent to prison for contempt of court. The membership of the organization was indignant at the flagrant injustice. I listened to and took part in the many hot discussions. Here, I felt, was a great power. It was not the fact that produce had been removed from the cars and the strikers were that much ahead. The big thing was that they could stop the trains. It was a lesson of the Knights of Labor, an echo of the voice of the Chicago martyrs. My little girl was taken sick with typhoid pneumonia and I sat at her bed side for days and nights at a stretch, When the crisis of her illness came and she began to recover I did not think that I was going to be able to sleep. I walked. the house through, I walked the town, I went home and darkened the room and drank whisky. When I finally went to sleep I slept twenty-four hours without waking. | My wife, then able to be up and around, went out one afternoon | and returned to find that the house had been robbed. Several of our little keepsakes had been stolen. This outraged our feelings more than the loss injured us, because in the mining camps and on the ranches it had never been necessary to turn the key in the lock. We would leave home, even for days, and hang the key on the door-post. If a stranger came by, he might go in and feed himself or sleep in the house, clean up afterward, and go on his way after hanging the key up in its place. No one ever stole. Contrary to the slanders against them, the Indians never stole even from the deserted mining camps where ownerless pots and pans and tables were left behind. I once left the house at the Ohio mine for months; when I returned the door was open, but the guns and blankets, so valuable to the Indians, had not been touched. Gold was found at a place called Kennedy, and a mining excitement broke out. I went there and fixed up a cabin with Al Richardson, got a job with the Imperial Mining Company. I remember going to bed one night and waking the next morning to find that four houses had been put up along the road overnight. Later we took a contract to run a tunnel a hundred feet. We were to sharpen our own tools, wheel our own dirt and furnish our own powder. When we examined the face of the old tunnel which we were to continue, we found that some novice had worked there and the face of the tunnel was scooped out in the center like the bottom of a pot. It was porphyry and would break big if we put our holes in right, so we agreed that at eight dollars a foot we could make good wages, put this sum in as our bid, and got the contract, Jerry-the-bum adopted me in Kennedy. Jerry was a rough-haired Skye terrier. When he came to live in my cabin I made him as com- fortable as I could and he followed close at my heels wherever I went. The men about the town said: “You think you’ve got a dog, don’t you? That’s Jerry-the-bum.” But Jerry seemed to like me as well as I liked him. I missed him one day when I was downtown at the post office. On my way home I saw him sitting up on the seat of a freight-wagon. I said: “Hello, Jerry, what are you doing up there?” He didn’t seem to hear me. Coming up closer, I said: “Come on, let’s go home.” h Jerry turned his head away. “Well,” said I, “if that’s the way you feel about it, so long!” “Jerry was gone a couple of weeks when I heard a scratching on the door. I opened it and he came in wagging his stub of a tail just as though nothing had happened. I gave him something to eat and he appropriated his old corner. He never left me against as long as I stayed in Kennedy. Jerry had the wanderlust; he would ride around with freighters wherever they might happen to go, when the fit came over him, to Winnemucca, Seven Troughs, Sulphur Mines and lots of other places. Downtown one night in’ Tom Powell’s saloon, Tom said to me: “I think you could make some money if we’d start a poker game.” Without hesitating I opened the game and ran it every night, work- ing during the daytime. I laid up about eight hundred dollars that month. Wack The camp shut down and was deserted even more rapidly than it had sprung up, I went back to Winnemucca and lost most of the money that I had with me at faro. Fortunately I had sent my wife a good part of my winnings from Kennedy before this. y In Winnemucca I worked for a short time driving a team. Leaving my family there, I went to Washburn, to run the boundary lines on a farm that my father-in-law had homesteaded there. We hauled my little house from the place of which I had been dispossessed and set it up as an addition to the house that he had built on his new homestead. Some men came along who were going to Silver City, Idaho, for « race meet. I asked them to carry along my blankets, as I had also decided to go to Silver City. I expected to get there ahead of them, as they had to go slowly to keep their horses in trim. Looking down the valley, over the enchanting sagebrush flats and the mountains where I had spent so much of my life, and where I had expected to live, I left Nevada. I did not return until many years later. *_ * 8 In the next instalment Haywood writes of his trip by horse from Nevada to Silver City, Idaho; “what's money worth?”; rustling a job; “running car”; Bill Pooley, a “Cousin Jack,” prays for’ the boss of the Poor Man Mine. i | He won’t stay with you.