The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 21, 1929, Page 6

| “Page Six DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JANUARY 21, 1929 ‘Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party SUBSCRIPTION RATE! By Mail (in New York only): $4.50 six months Published Worker D: by the National Daily A A 38.00 a year , 2.50 three months Rereicn By Mail (outside of New York): able: $6.00 a year $8.50 six months uo $2.00 three months carp Address and mail all checks to oot epee : The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union WM. F, DUNNE ... Square, New York, N.Y. Digging Out the History of a Crime; U. S. Imperialism Killed Mella That the Cuban government, headed by President Machado, an infamous lickspittle of American imperialism and assassin of hundreds of other workers and labor leaders of Cuba, deliberately planned the murder of Julio A. Mella at Mexico City, and shortly before that murder launched a campaign of propaganda designed to cover it with some shred of justification before the Cuban people, is shown by a news dispatch from Havana dated January 7, and published in the Mexican newspaper “Excelsior” on January 8, which the Daily Worker reproduces in this issue. It is to be remembered that Mella was shot down in the streets of Mexico City on the night of January 10; that as he lay bleeding he said to his comrades: “I am a victim of Machado!” As may be seen by the translation of the dispatch from Havana, the Machado regime was definitely attacking Mella, and in particular trying to rouse the Cuban people to a hos- tility against him that would shelter his murderers as Cuban patriots. To accomplish this they charged that at a meeting of Cuban immigrants in Mexico, Mella and others “had in- sulted the Cuban flag,”’ counting upon the fact that the Cuban flag remains as a fetish to many Cubans who regard it as a symbol of a lost national independence while they hate the Cuban government which has made Cuba “a Yankee planta- tion.” We publish also a letter written by Mella which still further shows that the Wall Street lackey, Machado, was en- gaged in a campaign to stifle the voice of Mella and his revo- jutionary comrades in Mexico. The letter demonstrates that Mella himself recognized the dispatch of January 7 as a part of that campaign. Writing in the name of the Cuban Emi- grees association of which he was secretary, he attacked and exposed the Cuban government on the eve of his assassina- tion. This letter was addressed to the editor of the news- paper “Excelsior,” an organ of clerical reaction which had published the Havana dispatch. It was a reply to the Havana news report of the fictitious flag incident exposing its invidi- ous nature and denying in the name of the Emigrees’ associa- tion that any incident such as that characterized as an “‘in- sult” had occurred in relation to the Cuban flag as stated in the dispatch. In his letter, Mella not only demonstrates the falsity of the report of the mythical “flag incident” behind which the white terror government of Cuba was striving to obtain the extradition of Cuban immigrants—in this case Mella himself —from Mexico back to Cuba where the Machado government could murder him in prison as they have scores of others, but he shows as well that the butcher Machado was trying “to extend his despotic jurisdiction to the soil of the Mexican republic.” It is clear that Mella’s words had reference to just such activities of Machado’s agents in Mexico as have cul- . minated in Mella’s murder. Mella wrote that letter on January 8, answering the dispatch published that day; only two days before Machado’s agents murdered him. It was published in “Excelsior” on January 12, after Mella’s death. The Daily Worker gives these documents as positive proof of the murderous hand of the servile Machado govern- ment as covered with the blood of comrade Julio Mella. But above and beyond all else, the Daily Worker accuses Macha- do’s masters, the imperialist government of the United States now headed by Coolidge and soon to be headed by Hoover, with murder of our revolutionary Comrade Julio Mella. Not the cowardly gunman who fired the shot, not Machado, the miserable flunkey of Coolidge, nor even some particular in- | terest of the United States, but the United States capitalist class as a whole—the United States government itself, as the supreme instrument and final organized expression of the Yankee capitalist class—is the principal in this murder. This is the enemy of the Cuban masses, the Mexican masses—the peoples of all Latin-America! Down with the murderous Yankee imperialism! And we add—no persecution, no terrorism and no assas- sinations, can for one moment halt the onward march of the world proletariat which, led by the Communist International and in alliance with the oppressed colonial and semi-colonial peoples, will sweep away imperialism with all its filthy crimes with the iron fist of the proletarian dictatorship. Who Killed Him? U. S.-Controlled Machado Regime) By A. B. MAGIL Who killed him? It wasn’t the killing 30 uch as the killer and Phe-hand behind the hand. His--blood spilling Runs alive in a million bedies: They shall stand ‘ —. they shall rise Strong with his strength and with his wisdom wise. Who killed him? blood ng, mingles with mud. are made black for deeds like this,” On the Murder of Julio Mella, Cuban Communist, By Agents of the you will not JULIO MELLA — By WILLIAM A. BOYCE. | (Vice-President, N. M. U.) enn meensiegs ‘ Why Every Negro Miner Should Join the National Miners’ Union |stitution this clause: “There shall |hounded, persecuted, ostracized and|set like granite against wrongs to be no discrimination against a fel-/discriminated. Is it a wonder the|our people. To build the N. M. v.| |low worker on account of creed, color | Negroes are bitter? But my Negro | means building a bulwark of defense | |or nationality, etc.” There isn’t a|brothers must learn, as the white |for the Negro miners. Ne longer than a year ago the sen- | Negro miner in America that doesn’t | worker must learn as well, it is the | \IN timent among the miners was “now the above words didn’t amount | tactic of the employer to keep the| |“Something must be done.” All those |*° anything, were not worth the pa-|black and white separated for then| lof a militant spirit were urged to do |P&™ they were printed on, for injhe can beat down both at will. |that something. I, for one, felt that | “eed discrimination was rank every-| An article in the U. M. W. A. Jour- I owed it to myself, to my fellow} | workers and to my Negro race most especially, to do something which} where. Boss Discrimination. When a Negro looks for work in inal referred to the Negro miner as a strikebreaker from the cotton fields |and bore the sentiment that he was |might be of benefit to us all. When the mines, many of them cannot stick|® habitual scab. Negroes are not \the fighting Save the Union Com- their heads in, while those that do | habitual scabs. They are not habitual | Board of the N. M. U. to guarantee imittee began to spread its news the |gét work usually receive the worst Sttikebreakers, but are used cleverly majority of miners listened with |place in the mine, dangerous and un-|by the employers against the white anxious ears—for the message of the |fit to work in. In the old days, when | workers because of the resentment |committee was genuine and correct. We entered that movement heart and |soul, and remained in the front until ithe tide turned and the National |he would apply to his U. M. W. A. local for redress, the local would jsend him to the district, the district |would send him back to the local, |Miners’ Union, fighting, determined | which in turn would refer it again jand militant, appeared upon the hor-|to the district, which then might say izon. | Hail New Union. | The Negro miners can well hail, \together with their white fellow |workers the National Miners’ Union las an organization that means more jto the Negro miner than any that ‘has ever existed in the U. S. A. be- |fore. Every Negro should join the |National Miners’ Union because it fights vigorously for full economic, |political and social equality for them. |It fights discrimination, segregation, \Jim Crowism and disenfranchise- |ment. In the N. M. U. the Negro |miners have a valiant defender. they would take it up with the Inter- jnational office! So went the ducking jand shifting. And that was the last ever heard of the “grievance.” If |you asked a convention delegate any- thing concerning these conditions, he would reply that Lewis would not |permit any racial questions to be \discussed. Why, I ask, should the Negro miner be a part to, or support a machine, or help support an or- ganization in which he finds no voice or protection? Worst Houses, Same Rent. In the mining towns where there are company houses—the Negroes |get the worst, but pay the same in the hearts of the black workers over the hounding, discrimination, ete., accorded them by the white workers. Not all the Negroes in the scab fields are from the cotton fields. Thousands of them are from organized territories, driven from there because of the discrimination jand suffering accorded them. Lewis and Company did not and jdo not want the Negro miners. It jis a matter of record that U. M. W. |A. hoodlums broke up various N. |M. U. meetings in the Pittsburgh |Negro speaker on the platform | (Isaac Munsey, vice-president, N. M. U., Pittsburgh, Pa.) | But the N. M. U. wants the Negro {sufferings are alike, our division is | because of the tactics of the employ- The old and dead United Mine|amount of rent. The dirtiest, filthiest ers and the stupidity of some white | Workers of America had in its con-|of work is given to them. They are | workers, The N. M. U. has its face| protection. district, shouting “You have niggers | j with you, yes,” because there was a/| lminers. We are all workers, our By Fred Ellis | Full Rights in N. M. U. | The Negro miner is an integral | |\part of the mining industry. It is the policy of the N. M. U. that he | should not only be a part of the in- jdustrial division, but of the Execu- |tive Department itself. A special |representative of the Negro miners sits as a member of the Executive ;our people representation. In the N. |M. U. the Nogro is not just a dues | |paying member, silent, bulldozed, discriminated, but an active, leading part of the directing councils of the | organization itself. | I have faith in my Negro brother | that when he is convinced the above \is the actual situation, then he will be as good, if not a better, union man than the next one. When he sees |representatives of his race in the field organizing them, in official ca- | |pacities and otherwise, standing | | shoulder to shoulder with the white | workers—then he will know a new) day is here for the Negro miner. So} it is, in the N. M. U. The N. M. U.| is asking him not only to help build, | | but help control. Negro brothers! Join our ranks! | |Bui'd the union to defend yourselves. | Help us fight against the wrongs} done to our people. Join forces with | the militant, class-conscious white | miners in the N. M. U. Help make} it strong and powerful for your own) By DAVID DWORFSKY. | Migigeetaren lose. with the tremen- |“ dous stride made by American capitalist industry in the form of jnew inventions and rationalization since the war, has also proceeded the \changes in military tactics and or- ganization now generally called the mechanization of the army. These changes have taken place in three directions: development of new instruments of destruction, im- |provement of the old; introduction of |new transport methods to facilitate mobilization and conveyance of the troops to the front, thereby increas- ing enormously the battle sectors; and thirdly, plans for the transfor- mation of industry and factories into one huge unit for the production of ‘war supplies and munitions under the direction of centralized military in- dustrial bureaus, directed by altru- istic “dollar-a-year” patriots. Examples of new inventions are the new airplane carriers recently launched by the U. S, navy, carry- ing from five to thirteen scout and bombing planes, with perhaps a dir- igible added. Thus instead of con- ducting sea battles within the radius of the battleships’ guns, sea encoun- ters can take place at several hun- dred miles distant from either side. The development of aeroplanes and aviation in conjunction with new technic in communication thru radio, wireless telephony and other im- provements has already transformed the entire world into one battlefield. The Carnegie Endowment for Inter- national Peace places the death of non-combatants during the last war at about 18,000,000, the same amount killed being estimated for the sol- | A chance conversation with a sol- \dier on furlough elicited some inter- esting facts on changes in the infan- jtry. All army units, forts, coast defense, etc., have been put on a |motor transport basis. Target prac- jtice hitherto conducted three times |a year on foot, takes place once a year and the soldiers are carried to jthe range in motor trucks. A new machine gun fires 255 bullets a min- ute, from a 50 calibre muzzle. At night the bullet is phosphorescent, allowing it to be seen until it strikes. In the daytime the bullet leaves a continuous line of smoke. Mounted on a truck, these machine ‘guns are harnessed in groups of four, |synchronized on one trigger, thus permitting one soldier to fire 1,020 bullets a minute. Target practice New York I.L.D. Gives In response to the appeal of the national office of the International Labor Defense for funds for the defense of the victims of the Mine- vla frame-up, the New York District of the I.L.D, has been the first to make a contribution. The New York District has contributed $300 for the defense of the nine fur workers involved in this case. Two of the victims of the Mineola frame-up have already been sent to jail to serve their sentences of from two und a half to five years. The other seven workers will come up for a new trial January 28 before the same Ku Klux Klan judge in Mineola, L. I., who sentenced them previously. A bitter fight will have to be waged to save these seven workers and to force the release of » it is pointed out by. Defense, and | Mechanize the Army for Imperialist War human body) proved them to be the gun yet invented. Very little emphasis ‘is being placed on bayonet practice. And the American government is rapidly building up its numerical fighting strength. Definite monthly quotas are added to the army and navy. The quotas are larger for the navy, in preparation for the trial of naval supremacy between England and United States. ' However, of outstanding signifi- cance is the development of chemical warfare. In the next war, Olgin’s story, “Gas,” will be more than mere fiction. Already the military cynics workers, that altho poisonous gas $300 for Fur Workers In order to provide more funds for the defense of the Mineola vic- tims and of the many other cases being handled by the I.L.D. the New York District has arranged a big, five-day bazaar in New Star Casino, 107th St. and Park Ave., on March 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10, Workers and workingclass organizations are urged to start work immediately to make this bazaar @ success so that sub- sential defense funds may be real- ized, . SOVIET PAINTER DIES. ERIVAN, USSR.,. (By Mail).— The celebrated painter J. B. Yakulov died here from an attack of pneu- monia at the age of 44. Yakulov lived in Paris and Rome, in 1912 ex- hibiting a complete series of, his paintings there. Lately Yakulov cot nected himself with the theatre of he was one of the most con- on sandbags. (much tougher than the most destructive type of machine at Washington are assuring the will be used more than ever before in the next war, they can go to sleep with the consolation that the new gases now being experimented with will be painless and expeditious, put- ting to death large sections of peo- ple without violent physical reac- tions. The military general staff of im- perialism promises: us a “humane” war as the next step in the history of capitalist exploitation and de- spoilation; sharpnel that will tear the human body, not into pieces, but into infinitesimal shreds; gases that will not kill by asphyxiation, but by a sweet and exhilarating push into Paradise; bullets that will cut the human body in half, as: tho it were paper; bombs that will not leave cities torn and bleeding, but wipe them out as if they never existed; bacteria, manufactured by the scien- tists of the new imperialist culture, that will disseminate pestilence over the face of the earth like the ten plagues of Moses. Thus Technology, Imperialism and Social Democracy (super-imperialism, the newer capi- talism) combine to prepare the next slaughter of workers. The workers in reply to the plans for this gigantic massacre must com- pletely achieve the program of the Communist International, defeat of the home country, turning the im- perialist war into civil war, and fi- nally the establishment of a prole- tarian dictatorship. The accomplishment of this aim involves the most difficult tasks for all Communist Parties, means the steeling of the Party structure for the shock. imposes the necessity of sinking the Communist roots deep into the economic life of the masses and preparing them under Commu- Copyright, 1929, by Internationa Publishers Co., Inc. BILL HAYWOOD'S BOOK TODAY: The End of Walter Rice; a Profane Host; Haywood Loses Home; Broke and Jobless; Beats His Way; Coxey’s Army All rights reserved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission. Haywood has told of his boyhood among the Mormons at Saw Lake City and the mine camp, Ophir, Utah; a miner at nine years of age; his first strike; odd jobs at the Mormon capital; years of de- ‘ velopment at the lonely mine in Nevada; labor unionism has a convert; marriage and a baby; Haywood the cowboy; homestead and hardship; Walter Rice, a cowboy, tells Haywood how he killed Mex Ricardo by roping and dragging him; Rice fled, passing Haywood’s homestead, is telling what happened. Mex had shot Rice thru the arm. Now go on reading.—EDITOR. pce e PART XIV. E went after old Doc Hansen, told him there was a man hurt in camp who had got caught in a rope and dragged. He sent for a saddle horse and asked what was the matter with me; I guess I looked kind of pale. I showed him my arm and without asking what happened he said, ‘I'll dress that for you°while we’re waiting for the horse. Be sure to come back in the morning; got to be careful of infection.’ We went out to our horses, I said, ‘You go on, I’m go- ing to get a bottle of whisky.’ But I didn’t. I waited till they crossed the bridge and followed them. When we got close to camp I rode out into the sage-brush and dropped the reins, I knew Pinto would stand. Dodging through the sage-brush I got close enough to see what was going on. I could tell from the way Doc and the fellers were acting that Mex was dead. I went back to where I left Pinto and thought things over for a few minutes. “Should I go into town and give myself up? Next day the outfit would leave and I’d be alone and in jail. No telling how long Igvould be there. Would need a lot of money for a lawyer. So I piled on to old Pinto and waved my hat to the camp, although it was dark, and hit the trail for the P-bench ranch. I didn’t make it*till the next night.. Woke Tom Minor and told him what had happened. I washed and fixed ray arm a little, had something to eat, a few hours’ sleep, and early the next morning Tom woke me; he had breakfast ready, a lunch fixed and two horses saddled. He said, ‘I’m going to the forks of the road with you.’ There he bid me good-by. ‘If you don’t go back, the flag-tailed nag is yours. He’s good for a long ride if you have to make it.’ I waited a few minutes, turned and rode down Jack Creek, swam the Owyhee at Bacon’s ranch, You know the rest. Now I want to take care of my arm for a day or two and stay under cover.” That day we rode across the valley to Washburn canyon and fixed him up in a little deserted cabin there. Two days later I went back. Rice was gone. A note written on the margin of a newspaper was on the table under a cup. It read: “Get my gun. I’ll do as much for you. It was a present from my sweetheart. Send it to-her. I'll get it when I go back to Idaho.” I got his gun from Billy Higginson, one of the cowboys, who had picked it up where Ricardo had dropped it when he was jerked from his horse. I sent it as requested to the address that he had given. It was a long time before Rice ventured to visit his old stamping ground. His sweetheart had received the gun, but no word from Rice. She thought that he had changed his mind and had sent back the present she had given him. After weary months of waiting she gave the gun to another fellow. One day Rice rode into his home town. He had her picture in the conchas of his bridle. Tying his horse in front of a saloon, he walked in to look for old acquaintances. He was about to take a drink when a young fellow came in and walking up to him said: “Stranger, you’ll have to take them pictures off your bridle.” “What?” said Rice. Then it occurred to him what had happened. “You—” Both began to shoot at the same time. present from his sweetheart. After we returned from Kyle Springs I worked on my farm, put- ting in head-gates, cutting fence-posts and digging ditches. When the old mining fever would come back I would go to the mountains and do some prospecting. I relocated the Wild Deer mine on Flat Creek, and two other claims over the ridge on Granite Creek. Here very rich gold ore was later discovered, and it became the site of National City, a one time flourishing mining camp. This was the period of an extreme financial crisis that really amounted to a panic. It was hard to find a job at any kind of work. My brother-in-law, Jim Minor, and I went to Delamar. The first day we rode to Jack Baudoin’s place. He was an old settler, very proud of his reckless son, Tom. He had a pair of wild horses in the corral, necked together with a strong rope, and asked us if we would drive them to the Owyhee River, saying that it would be no bother, they would go along the road without trouble. When he turned them out of the corral] the next morning they started direct for Grassy Mountain. Jim started after them and after a ride of ten miles or more turned them toward the ford, but/they broke again and swam the river. We followed, turned them and they swam back. Even tied together by the necks as they were, they kept us on the run. It was late afternoon when we got them into the corral at the station. When we got to Delamar we found a crowd of unemployed men, but asked for a job only to learn that there would be no chance of work in the near future. So we started for home. The first night we stopped at Billy Beers’, who lived on a big ranch with a big family and a big lot of cattle. Everything was big about Billy Beers, he was a big hearty fellow himself, and he liked big meals. When we sat down at table, the steak platter was not as heavily loaded as he thought it ought to be and he said with gentle good-nature: ‘Mamma, can’t we have some steak, God damn it, can’t we have some steak? Here we’ve got a thousand head of god-damned steers and a god-damned Chinaman to cut them up any time you want it, and we can’t get a god-damned k?. God damn it, mamma, now can’t we have some steak?” 2 During these days of stress and privation my father-in-law re- ceived official notice from the government that the land upon which we had homesteaded was to be reserved for the Indians. This did not affect my brother-in-law, Jim, who had taken up his homestead on the hay reservation, but it was a fearful blow to the old man and to me. It seemed as if a black curtain had been pulled down on the future; there was no ray of hope. I broke out in a spirit of desperation and said that we should not starve as long as I had the old Springfield rifle and there were cattle on the range. Shortly afterward I moved my wife and baby to Winnemucca. There was nothing left; no compensa- tion for the work I had put into the homestead, for the house I had built, the fences I had run, the trees I had set out, My money was all used up. There was no chance of getting a job around that part of Nevada, so I started for Angels’ Camp in Cali- fornia, beat my way to Auburn only to learn that there had been a fire in the camp and a lot of men were out of work there too, I met a contingent of Coxey’s Army heading east, caught up, with them at Reno, Nevada, With another fellow I made the trip through the Truckee snow-sheds in a.box-car; it was so cold that the frost hung in festoons inside the car from the top and sides, We had to keep walking up and down the car to keep from freezing to death. From Reno I went with a crowd of the army to Wadsworth. Some of them told me that they were going to Washington, D. C., to demand work, that there were other armies of jobless men going from the South and East for the same purpose, One said that “General” Coxey was going to ask Congress to pass a law to build roads, another said something about “non-interest-bearing bonds,” but it seemed to me that they were all going to Washington as a living petition to demand work or that work should be started by the government for the unemployed. Haywood in the next instalment writes of how he continued with Coxey’s army in the hard times of the early '90s of last century. Dis- couraged at inability to find work for wife and baby. Puzzled at the unemployment problem. A great light; the rail strike of 1894; the Rice was killed with the nist leadership for the new events. Only thus can the horrible spectre, | war, be forever abo'i:*~~ American Railway Union and Gene Debs; contract mining at Jevry-the-bum; Haywood @ faro-dealer; broke again; off to Silver