The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 18, 1929, Page 6

ae. we yt Page Six ee DATLY WORKER, Baily Sg Worker Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by t We The “Peace Pact” Is Ratified; Make Ready for War! The first government to ratify the Kellogg pact nouncing war of the Union of BB an instrument of national policy” was that Socialist Soviet Republics—the only great power that was excluded from participation in the making of the treaty. The second government to ratify the Kellogg pact is that of the opposite pole of world society—the capitalist United States of America, the one which initiated the proposal. These two governments acted on the Kellogg pact from absolutely different motive attended the two ratifica , and an entirely different spirit ions. It must not be overlooked that the Wall Street govern- ment proposed the Kellogg “war-renunciation” treaty after scialist Soviet Republics for total disarmament and also its secondary pro- posal of partial disarmament. having rejected the proposal of the Union of S The American government then proposed the Kellogg treaty “renouncing war as an instrument of national policy” as a smoke screen behind which to prepare with utmost rapidity for the imperialist world war, in which it intends by force of arms to impose its dominance over the world market as well as to seize the colonial empire of Great Britain, to establish its own imperialist control over Asia, attempting to strangle the Chinese revolution and crushing in a circle of steel the one non-imperialist great power in the world— the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics which it excluded from the “peace” negotiations. The United States government intended the Kellogg pact to serve before the eyes of the masses of all countries to dis- place and obscure the importance of the Soviet government’s proposal of disarmament. The capitalist imperialist govern- ments could not accept the Soviet proposals to disarm, and the refusal to accept them revealed the fact that capitalist imperialism can live only by fire and sword—that the capi- talist system leads inevitably to imperialist war. Instead of disarming, the capitalist states retain and increase their fighting instruments of steel—and give the masses of the world a piece of paper based upon an “honor” which does not exist in capitalist governments. The Union of Socialist Soviet Republics certainly had no illusions about the possibility of capitalist nations “dis- arming;”’ and its proposal of disarmament served to throw the sharp light of truth upon the preparations for the coming imperialist war. Communists within the capitalist countries incessantly point out to the workers that there can be no peace under a capitalist system, and that the propaganda which advocates and spreads illusions of the possibility of disarmament is merely a help to the capitalist war-makers. Consistently with this, the Soviet Union tore the mask off of the imperialist world by making proposals (which could come with sincerity only from a proletarian govern- ment which had thrown off the capitalist system) which the imperialists would inevitably, and did, necessarily reject. Kellogg’s proposal was an attempt to restore the mask of “peace” to capitalism while taking the leadership in the world of imperialist manoevers into the hands of the most powerful of the war-makers. The Soviet Union sharply pointed out that the imperial- ist governments were trying to make such treaties as mere instruments for furthering their imperialist war plans. Thus exposing the hypocritical motives of the imperialists in mak- ing the proposals, the Soviet Union nevertheless signed, and was the first to ratify, the document which on its face would “renounce war as an instrument of national policy.” The signing of the document by the Soviet Union acts further as a counter-move against the war plans of the im- perialists who proposed it. The ratification at Moscow was accompanied by the most open and merciless exposure of the truth—that the Kellogg pact will not, cannot, and was not intended by its originators to mean a renunciation of im- perialist war; that such a promise cannot mean renunciation of imperialist war by any but a non-imperialist people. ____ But the ratification in Washington the other day was covered with all of the hypocrisy and deceit that could be mustered. True, some of the senators were cynical enough - to laugh and to sneer while voting for the pretended “peace” treaty—openly acknowledging that they did so only to make way for the big navy proposals. But in the main the agencies for creating the illusions of “peaceful” capitaiism were at _ work, and today the masses of this country are inundated with new pacifist opiates. One of the most sinister aspects of the treaty ratifica- tion was the open admission that all hands—“liberals,” “ir- ncilables” and tories alike, in the senate, insist that the enunciation of war” does not mean that the United States ot go ahead with the conquest of Latin America. In phase of the matter, the Kellogg pact, from the point ‘view of the United States government’s intentions, con- practically a document affirming the annexation of the twenty Latin-American republics as colonies. ne major effect of the “peace” pact will be to cause a e-fire of Latin-American anti-imperialist rage to sweep southern republics. ‘The ratification of the Kellogg pact by the United tes senate is a signal for the working class gf.this country Latin-American masses to preparefmore rapidly e in unison to fight against the imperialist war the Wall Stret government—our common enemy. NEW YORK, FRIDAY, J ARY 18, 1929 , MUSSOLINI BUYS THE POPE AN + E : Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg— As an additional help to support his bloody regime, Mussolini bribes the church. “excommunication” from the medieval organization of superstition, and in spite of the assassin’s dagger, the priest’s incantations and the fascist mercenary army, will overthrow the capitalist system and establish the Italian Soviet Republic. : Beacons of Struggle jprenars for a fight to the death, the sailors at Kiel put out the fires in By gO AUERBACH: |the German warships. This was on N the night of January 15, 1919,/ October 28, 1918. Hundreds of sail- | in the west end of Berlin, Karl/ors were arrested and thrust into Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg jail. But the revolt was spreading. | were brutally murdered by reaction- |The sailors of the fleet and the Kiel ary hirelings of the Ebert-Scheider-/|proletariat held huge protest meet- mann _social-democrat government.| ings on November 1 and 2, climaxed |Karl Liebknecht was shot. Rosa | by a monster demonstration on No- |Luxemburg was lynched, her body | vember 3, demanding the freedom of ‘brutally mishandled and dragged|their comrades. The demonstration away. The body was not found unit] was fired upon by government troops months later. Their murderers,,and 30 sailors were, killed. On No- |Pflugk-Hartung, Pabst and Gora-| vember 4 the sailors’ revolt became jbowski, not only went unpunished general. The naval officers were jafter a farcical trial but were award- | forced to recognize the Soldiers’ and ed high positions in the republican!Sailors’ Councils. Twenty thousand jarmy of the social democrat War|sailors and workers, waving Red |Minister Noske. Flags marched to the prison and re- leased their brother sailors. The Red |Flag was hoisted on the warships. When, the morning after, the Ber- jlin press carried the news to the | proletariat, the workers could not} {believe it. The bourgeoisie walked | |the streets with a relieved smile for |now thy felt confident that the so- \cial-democracy would safeguard the |bourgeois republic. The “socialist” Hamburg. Lubeck, Hanover, Bremen |leaders felt a load taken from their 8nd in many other cities. On No- |chests, for they also thought that | vember 7 the workers seized power |by the removal of the leaders of the | 7 Munich and by November 8 the jrevolutionary proletariat the Ger-|Tevolution had spread to all parts |man bourgeois republic had -been of Germany. | saved. | November 9 marked the open and | unmistakable betrayal of the work- ers’ revolution by the “socialists,” a Liebknecht and Luxemburg had course which had been already ciart- been the founders of the Spartacus!c? by the treachery during the war. League which later became the Com-|It was nothing new on their part munist Party of Germany. Their nor was it unexpected—for they had murder was a part of the campaign during the war years sufficiently of terror and brutality by the social- demonstrated their bourgeois and democrats against the revolutionary | counter-revolutionary character, But workers. The martyred leaders were|on Nov. 9 they entered up on one but two of the thousands brutally |of the most brutal betrayals in his- killed in cold blood by the counter-|tory. That day marked the begin- revolution. From the time the col-/ning of a regime which was to mur- lapse of the German armies and the Russian Revolution offered the nec- essary kindling of the revolutionary fires in Germany, Liebknecht and Luxemburg, under the international leadership of Lenin, had stood out as the proponents of the complete overthrow of the German capitalist state and for the proclamation of a workers’ and peasants’ government. On October 21, 1917, by the will ot the workers, Karl Liebknecht was released from prison where he had spent most of the war period, as a combattor of German imperialism and an opponent of the sovial-democ- racy, which had taken the sid< of the militarists. When Liebknecht was released he was carried through ithe streets of Berlin by the workers jin triumph and the city rang with the cheers of the ,workers. Work in Navy. One of the first activities of the | Spartacus League was to form a ‘secret organization in the navy at Kiel, which found ready support from the Kiel proletariat. The initial for- mation of the navy Spartacus was marked by the court-martialling and consequent shooting of the sailors Reichpersel and Koves, bit other comrades took their places and the | organization grew. | When the German imperialist, hoping to put up a fight against the British navy, ordered the fleet to Revolution Sprec¢s. The revolution was spreading. On November 5 and 6 the Workers’ and Sailors’ Councils assumed power in Spartacus League Formed. In the Era of Prosperity cer thousands of workers in cold, blood. In Berlin. On November 9 revolution march- ed in the streets of Berlin. News of| the seizure of power in other parts | of Germany had been diligently kept} from the Berlin workers. On the {morning of that day the Spartacus League pasted posters all over the city, distributed them thruout the |factories, calling the workers to ac- |tion. They marched the streets tri- |umphantly. And Scheidemann,} forced into action by alarm, left his) cup of tea in the Reichstag restaur- | ant and proclaimed a republic from the Reichstag steps. The republic he proclaimed was of | |the color of weak tea. It was a bour-| \geois-democratic republic that he proclaimed on that day, in the face of marching revolution throughout | {Germany. It pacified, however, that | |section of the German proletariat} junder the leadership of the “social- | jists,” blinded their eyes to the pos-| |sibilities of the situation and paved| the way for the brutal reaction. The independent socialists agreed | to form a government in coalition] with the right social-democrats. But Karl Liebknecht, true revolutionary that he was, refused to participate in a government of traitorous social- ists. Call of Militants, On November 18, Rosa Luxemburg formulated the program of the Spar- tacus League. It demanded: Imme- diate and rapid construction of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils; a national Workers’ and Soldiers’ Council Congress from which was to be elected an enlarged committee to serve as the executive of the Class conscious Italian ltacus League. They incited the sol- By Fred Ellis workers will laugh at country; the formation of a Red Guard and the immediate confisca- tion of landed property by the revo- lutionary state. These demands were not such as to please a government composed of counter-revolutionaries. The social-democrats, under Wels, Scheidemann and Ebert began to mo- bilize the remnants of the imperial army to break the coming revolu- tion against the bourgeois democ- racy. The first shots between the forces of revolution and reactionary social- democracy, reinforced by royalist troops, were fired on November 21. Soldiers sent by the social-democrat Wels fired into a crowd of workers demanding the release of their com- rades who had been imprisoned by the “socialists.” The workers re- turned the shots. A brutal and extreme campaign was now started against revolution- ary workers. The government of| Scheidemann and Ebert used every means in their power to incite the workers and the bourgeoisie against the militant section led by the Spar- diers of the imperial army against the workers, they gathered about themselves 2'l reactionary elements possible. On Dec. 5 soldiers again fired into a demonstration of work- ers. Hand-bills and posters flaming “Kill Liebknecht” were pasted on walls and distributed by the hirelings of the social-democrats. But even that could not shake the faith of the masses in Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. On December 8, in defiance of the socialist white terror, Liebknecht led 30,000 work- ers and soldiers through the streets of Berlin calling for the overthrow of the Scheidemann-Ebert govern- ment. Organize for Struggle. . The movement against the coun- ter-revolutidhary government grew. On Dee, 23 the National Sailors’ Di- vision imprisoned Wels in the castle in their possession. The next day, by orders of the social-democrats, re- actionary troops advanced against. the castle and bombarded it. The sailors gave up Wels but the gov- ernment ‘dared not touch or imprison them. At the Spartacists (now the Com- munist Party of Germany) confer- ence held towards the end of 1918 it was decided to organize for the decisive struggle and the overthrow of the Scheidemann government. At a huge mass meeting of work- ers in Berlin on Jan. 5, the slogan was definitely raised, “Down with the Ebert-Scheidemann Govern- ment!” A general strike was called and on that day workers and revo- lutionary soldiers occupied all the principal newspaper buildings in Berlin, ‘ Th: next day the general strike began with a bang. The government countered by calling in the social- democrat Noske from Kiel where he had been stationed. And Nos! - be- gan his notorious career as the lead- ing militarist of the “socialist” re- gime. On Jan. 11 he brought in 3,000 shock troops, composed of the most Copyright, 1929, by International Publishers Co., Inc. BILL HAYWOOD'S BOOK In previous chapters Haywood wrote of his pioneer parentage, birth and boyhood at Salt Lake City; rough life in mining camp at Op Utah; Mormon church “Destroying Angels” ; polygamy ; a miner at nine; odd jobs and impressions of Salt Lake City; off to Nevada; years of youth in remote mountains; a convert to the cause of labor; married to Nevada Jane Minor; Haywood the cowboy; a girl baby; back to mining; homesteading and hardships; queer people at Tus- carora; frontier pastimes. Now go on reading.—EDITOR. * * PART XIL RINKING, gambling, and dancing were not our only amusements, D We had a Lyceum club, study and debating classes which fave the young people the opportunity to learn something of history, literature, and so forth, Tom Minor was working on the “P-bench” ranch near Tuscarora. He came to town one day and we decided to go home on a visit. ‘Tom of course had his own outfit. I got a horse and saddle, and the morning we started out he rode an outlaw broncho which he ealled “Cherokee Bill. We rode down Independence Creek to the Owyhee River and stopped at a ranch for the night. ; Next morn- ing early we started out with a few slices of bread and bacon. The first thing to do was to swim the river; it was high and wide and the water was cold. The horse I was riding swam low, there were only his eyes, ears and nose in sight. I got soaking wet to the waist. Tom’s horse was a high swimmer and he got wet only about to the knees, The Owyhee River into which Jack Creek emptied was a tributary to the Snake River, which wriggled its way through Idaho and Oregon to the Columbia River. Up these various streams thousands of miles to the very foot of Mount Blitzen came the salmon from the Pacific Ocean to spawn. As we climbed out of the Owyhee River we could see the top of Buckskin Mountain which was_at the head of McDer- mitt Creek, Tom pointed to it, saying: “Tt’s a long ride and maybe a dry camp.” For the want of canteens we had filled two bottles full of water. As the sun got higher and the day warmer we rolled the bottles up in our coats and tied them to our saddles, There was no road. The distant mountain ahead was our only means of direction. We were now in the Diamond-A desert. Such names as “P-bench” and “Diamond-A” come from the branding marks used by the ranches in this part of the country; the ranches themselves are called after their brands. ‘ There was no growth on the desert except a low scattered browse, which sheep fed upon in winter when there was snow to slake their thirst. As the miles passed, the size of old Mount Buckskin increased in our vision. It was a clear day and the mountain appeared to be nearer than it really was. Our horses began to fag along in the late afternoon. We had made no stop since the early morning. Our clothes had dried on us. Neither we nor the horses had had a bite to eat. Our water was all gone except a little in the bottom of the bottles, We got down and stretched ourselves, and the horses nibbled at the browse. We ate a slice of bread and bacon, and drank what water we had, then mounted and set out again. The sun had gone down, We were making slow pro- gress when we heard the sharp chatter of a magpie. “There’s water!” we both cried at once, but there was nothing in sight except barren desert. We turned a little to the right and made for the place the sound had come from. The horses became restless and broke into a lope. In less than a hundred yards we came to a deep canyon with sheer precipitous walls. Far below us lay the green fresh grass, the crystal stream and the willows that fringed it. As far as we could see there seemed to be no break in the cliffs. We rode along the edge. The horses, we knew, were hungry and thirsty; there under their very noses were fresh water, green grass, and no way to reach it. What must a horse think under those circumstances? We came at last to a narrow gully running down into the canyon, very steep and filled with sliderock. We rode down with no other mishap than a bad scratch on my horse’s left hind leg. We unsaddled, picketed Cherokee Bill, and turned Preacher loose, had a long drink, ate a bite and stretched out with our saddles for pillows, pulling our saddle blankets up over us when the night got cool. At break of day we were on our way, riding up the canyon until we came to an easy place to get up to the flat above. To our right across the flat we saw the Haystack Mountains, a group of low hills rising sharply from the plain, so much alike,that cowboys invariably got lost among them during the round-ups. We got home early in the afternoon. The family was glad to see us and I was delighted to be back with my wife and baby. But the happiness was marred by the condition of my wife, who was suffer- ing from a renewed attack of what doctors had called rheumatism. When a girl she had been thrown from a horse and her spine was injured. It affected her joints, which were badly swollen and gave her much pain, from which she suffered all her life. I decided as a last resort to take her to Kyle Springs, a distance of about a hundred and forty miles. Loading our bedding, food, and camping outfit on a spring wagon, and leaving the baby with her grandmother, we started out with a splendid pair of palamina horses, cream colored with white manes and tails. We made the Hill the first day, the second day drove to Winnemucca and the next to Kyle Springs. The curative properties of these waters were known far and wide, but the place was now deserted, as the mines in that part of the country had been worked out. There was a house of four or five rooms on a barren, bleak spot near Cinnabar Mountain. Unionville and other old mining camps were in the mountains across the valley, eight or ten miles away. There were small farms and ranches here and there. We were alone for three weeks or a month, except during a few days when some Indians camped at the springs. My wife was prac- tically helpless, unable at that time to walk so that I had to carry her everywhere, and she could not even dress herself. In the morning I would get up and dress, feed the horses, clean up the stable, ride one horse and lead the other to water—the only fresh water was up the canyon about a mile. Coming back I would wash, cook and carry a little breakfast to my wife, and clean up the dishes. Then I would roll her in a blanket and carry her up to the springs. There I dug a hole in the mud and put her in, covering her up to the neck with the oozy warm mud. Having done up her long hair-in a towel, I fas- tened another towel on two stakes stuck in the mud for a pillow. I stripped before beginning the mud-bath, steaming and other processes that we went through every day. From the mud-hole, which was out- side in the open air, I carried Nevada into the plunge, rinsed the mud off, and wrapped her in the blankets to carry her back to the house. In the afternoon I would again garry her to the springs, this time to dip her in the alum baths, which were in a hole, so small that I had to be careful not to scratch her on the rock. After this came another turn in the steam bath, and a plunge. After we had been at the springs nearly a month, and had visited the different ranches nearby, I stood my wife on the scales one day when we were in Unionville, and found that she weighed only eighty- eight pounds. This was a loss of twenty-five pounds or more from her usual weight. We concluded that the treatment I was giving her at the springs was too severe, and we decided to go home, where we tried snake-oil, sage-baths, and other Indian remedies, * * * In the next instalment Haywood writes one’ of those sort of Wild West stories that the Zane Grey brand of ink-slinkers try to but can- not write. Moreover, Haywood’s story is true. It may not end up to suit romancers, but reality often plays that trick. Read of the battle between two cowboys, Walter Rice and Mex Ricardo. All rights reserved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission. * Wm. D. Haywood eee reactionary elements in the old army. He organized corps of mer- cenaries, composed of the lowest elements he could collect. The social- democrats had resolved to use every possible means for the suppression of the revolution. They even went so far as accepting money from for- eign capitalists to build up their troops of mercenaries. (This was disclosed by Anton Friche, colleague of Otto Wels.’ The Lloody socialist white terror expanded in full fury. The murder of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Lux- emburg was but one instance of the measures taken by the “peace lov- ing” social-democrats against the workers. The fury of the workers was aroused by this cold-blooded murder of two of their most beloved leaders. Mass protest strikes end mass uprisings were ruthlessly sup- pressed by the forces of the War Minister Noske. The armed struggle lasted continuous for a year. There were bloody weeks of terror in Ber- lin and Munich, The new reaction- ary militarism of Noske sent troops to fight the workers in Bremen. Troops were dispatched to break the Ad ie se Ruhr in February and pril tl year, vi