The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 12, 1929, Page 6

VATLY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURD AY, JANUARY 12, 1929 ix months cks to Heroic Japanese Peasants Undeterred by the frightful penalties decreed by law against all political activity or dissent on the part of the ma two thousand Japanese peasants have taken the erude weap: } ields in their hands, have victoriously ithority, have captured the/town of g the powers of the es, As: ons of st reports, were defyi . governm The immediate occasion of this glorious uprising of erudely 4 and desperate masses of peasants was the k Ids by government engineers engaged in reclamation we a river in Gifu province, but tl 1 causes lie in t esperation of hunger and a fiendish sys- tematic oppr Whatever the outcome of the present revolt, whether it is drowned in blood, or whether it blazes as a signal for a general upr g of the downtrodden Japanese millions, its effect upon every Asiatic proletarian will be tremendous, impossible to overestimate. If the revolt has anything like the proportions indicated by the meagre reports, it will shake the foundations of the crushing Japanese imperiali in the Island Empire itself. The revolutionary earthquake will be felt as a t through the suppressed but un- vanquishable proletarians and peasants in Korea, Manchuria, Shantung,—the bases of Japanese imperialist aggression. or It will be felt very distinctly in every land washed by the ific. > role of Japanese government in the general im- preparations for coming war is many-sided. As the alism most strategically placed in Asia, its war prepara- pursued relatively as fev hly as those of any of the are directed not only against its im- a titors on the ¢ mainland, but also, to- er with the other imperialists, against the Soviet Union. peria imper tion geth Together with the crushing burden of constantly climb- ing armame »sts, piled upon a proletariat, only a fraction of which liv above the starvation level, the Japanese work- ing class is compelled to suffer an oppression as ferocious as any imperialism has yet worked out to assure itself of quiet at home during its imperialist adventures abroad and in preparation for oncoming war. Wholesale persecution of left-wing workers and students ganizations, the hardly bearable lives of hundreds of pro- letarians ended in blood because they dared to organize against, or even to dream of organizing against, their op- pressors (for the decrees against the left wing workers and peasants organizations ordain the death penalty even for “dangerous thoughts”!), hundreds from among the flower of the Japanese working class buried and tortured in imperial prisons,—these are only the most obvious effects of the white terror of Japanese imperialism. Not only has the Japanese government, especially the vicious Tanaka government, in its drive against the workers and peasants since the elections, attempted the total de- struction of the Ronoto (Workers and Peasants Party), the Musan Seinen Domei (Proletarian Youth League), and the left-wing Nippon Rodokumiai Hyogikai (Japanese Trade Union Council), but it has also zealously supported its own “imperialist company union,” the Rodo Sodémei for poison- ing and paralyzing the workers. Against the bloody oppression of the Japanese masses and the war danger which Japanese imperialism is further- ing, the Secretariat of the Pan-Pacific Trade Union Congress has raised the slogan: “Down with the Mikado!” The revolting peasants of Gifu have infused this slogan with the blood of their lives, given in revolutionary struggle against the Japanese imperialists. To carry their heroic effort to victory they must have not only the revolutionary support of the Japanese peasantry, the industrial proletariat of the great neighboring cities of Kioto, Nagoya and Osaka, and the cooperation against the Japanese oppressors of the masses in the Japanese colonies, but the support of the world labor movement. The Japanese peasants of Gifu are not only combatting _ one of the most villainous agencies for oppression in the world, but their actions have the effect of combatting the -war danger against the first workers and peasants republic on its far eastern exposure. j The Struggle Against Imperialist War and the Tasks of the Communists — (Note—This is the twelfth in-| stalment of the theses on the war |danger, adopted by the recent 6th | World Congress of the Communist International, entitled “The Strug- gle Against Imperialist War and the Tasks of the Communists.— Editor.) 69. Almost in all countries is ob- served a failure to properly appre- ‘ciate the enormous importance of | carrying on work among the peas- ‘ants, among national minorities and jin the colonies. The closest atten- tion must be devoted to all these spheres of work. Systematic Anti-War Work. | _Anti-militarist work in the rural districts must not be conducted sole- ly by means of a few casual cam- paigns, parades, demonstrations, etc. Planned and systematic work must be carried on and linked up with the| immediate demands of the toiling peasantry. A special task is to work among the peasant youth. It is im- peratively necessary to devote spe- cial attention to the establishment of connections between the villages and the peasant soldiers in the army, by means of correspondence, sol- diers on furlough, ete. Experience in jsuch work will be of enormous value in the event of war. In our work among national mi- norities, we must more determinedly than hitherto, champion the de- mands of the oppressed nations, fight against the tyrannical actions of the imperialist government against them, and guide the work of \the national revolutionary organiza- tions. | | The Communist Parties must ‘maintain permanent contact with| \the Communist organizations and \trade unions in the respective col- \onial countries. They must render | every support, by means of mass ac- |tion, to the revolutionary movements |in the colonies, MORE LOOT FOR THE COOLIDGE GANG (gle against war with propaganda for nor in the ordinary Party press, were with the fight against war adequate. {I | partial demands connected with this |and fight properly elucidated. The lat-|women, children’s and disabled sol-| oe agen cial democratic propaganda against | the alleged “Red Imperialism of the Soviet Union,” and “Bolshevism as a factor making for war.” The ex- posure of the real character of the League of Nations which is playing a decisive part in the work of cre- ating pacifist illusions among the masses of the people, has not been carried on systematically or with sufficient energy. In the majority of cases, the very important Communist task arising from the results of the Geneva Con- ference, viz, to combine the strug- ure must be carried on against “industrial peace,” class collabora- tion of all secret treaties and secret and “company unions” advocated by the reformist trade union leaders, and which, in fact are measures in the preparation for war. 5. Work must be immediately commenced to explain to the work- ers, in the coming war, why they imust stand for the defeat of their imperialist country. The slogan “transform imperialist war into “civil war” must already become the l-ading idea in our propaganda, be- fore imperialist war breaks out. the proletarian dictatorship and| 6, All the Communist Parties arming of the proletariat, was for-| must conduct the fight against the gotten. In some countries, utterly | imperialist partition of China by pacifist mistakes were committed means of wide mass campaigns, and which were expressed in the advocacy by combating the special military of the slogan of disarmament. ‘and political measures initiated. by Insufficient Inner-Party Work. {the Great Powers. This fight is 72. The majority of the Commu- closely linked up with the fight nist Parties, after the VIII. Plenum against the danger of new imperial- failed to devote sufficient attention ist wars. to popularizing the proper Leninist| Basic Activities to Be Undertaken. method of fighting against war) 74, The most important measures among the members of the party.ito be taken, the majority of which Neither in the theoretical journals,/haye already been indicated in the theses of the VIII Plenum, are the \following: women and children’s lemonstrations on the routes taken y troops on the way to the front places of embarkation, and also the fundamental problems connected discussed; nor were the concret ter must be noted as a particularly | diers’ demonstrations outside parlia- grave defect in the Parties’ work,|ment; anti-war agitation in prole- for in many cases these problems were extremely urgent, and the so- cial democratie press devoted fairly considerable attention to them. Th: work of the Parties suffer also from a lack of ideological clar- ity. on all these problems. Certain comrades (in France, Switzerland and in Austria) raised the question of “national defense” in the event lof war with Italy. Others advocated la complete “boycott” of military |training camps (in America). All ?, . these examples of deviations, al- The Communist Parties | of all though subsequently rectified by the INDIA WORKERS CARRY RED FLAG AT FUNERAL In a letter to the Sunday Worker , from Bombay, B. F. Bradley, the | English trade unionist who was a_ member of the strike committee | during the six months’ stoppage in| the textile mills there, gives some | interesiing details of the struggle. The strike was caused by the at- | tempts of the mill owners to enforce | “standardization,” which would have | meant the dismissal of 15,000 work- ers. The Massacre. “On Monday, April 24, 100,000 _ Workers were on strike and forty- two mills ciosed down,” Bradley “rites. “At this stage a very seri- cus incident happened; a large crowd of mill workers who had de- | eided to strike and were returning their chawls (tenements) from dar were met by a group of police near a place called howki, about a mile away from yy mill and on an open space ich is a stone quarry. The police me aggressive and demanded the workers shopld not proceed cme unknown reason. Then or- were given to open fire, with result that one worker was nad another — seriously “funeral procession was most ! imposing; workers marched with ved flags in their hands and shout- ing, ‘Down with capitalism,’ ‘Down with imperielism, ‘Long live the workers,’ to the jury house, where the inquest was held. After the in- quest the workers formed a proces- sion again and carried away the dead body of their comrade to the crema- tion ground with shouts of ‘Long live the workers.” Whole Industry Closed. Eventually 150,000 workers came out, ard the whole industry was closed ciown. The police failed to prevent picketing, and even women took part in this work. A charge was framed against S. A. Dange, of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Party, the seeretary of the committee, but the workers whom the police had got to frame this charge refused to corry i through, and it had to be dropped. After six months relief and funds were becoming exhausted. Terms of agreement were reached, the owners dropping their standardization scheme and everything else being submitted to a government commit- tee. The strikers regard this as only a truce. and any attempt to enforce the eniployers’ scheme will meet with jmmediate resistance, countties must devote special atten- tion to the setting up of non-Party| lorganizations like the League for |the Struggle Against Imperialism | ar.l to the question of establishing a united front between the prole- tariat in capitalist countries and the | national liberation movements in| subject countries for the struggle against war. Fight Against Fascism. 70. The fight against fascism has | not up till, now received. sufficient | attention from many of the Sections, The greatest initiative must be dis- played in this connection, both in regard to the ideological struggle, as well as in regard to revolutionary niass actions against fascism. In this, not only should attention be given to avowedly fascist organizations but also to semi-fascist tendencies and organizations existing under the guise of democratic, or social demo- eratic bodies (like the “Imperial Flag,” ir. Germany, the social fascist tendencies of development in the higher ranks of the social democratic and trade union bureaucracy, factory fascism, etc.) The fight against fascism in all its forms must be closely linked up with the fight against imperialist war. Against Pacifism. 71, We are witnessing at the pres- ent time a fresh wave of bourgeois propaganda in favor of “peace” and “disarmament” and for the “out- lawry of. war.” Hitherto, the fight against this sort of pacifism has not been conducted with sufficient en- leading Party bodies, show how nec- essary it is to conduct, in the Party ranks, as well as among the masses, serious and extensive propaganda work on the question of the war danger and the methods of combat- ing it. < Chief Agitational Tasks. 73. The principal agitational tasks ger, and particularly against the provocation and preparation for war against the Soviet Union are as fol- lows: 1. In view of the imminence of the war danger, the principal and central agitational slogans must be: “Defense of the Soviet. Union,” “Support the revolutionary struggle in colonial and subject -countries,” “Fight against imperialist war.” 2. Agitational work must be stead- ily directed towards the exposure of t’ predatory strivings of various imperialist groups in all countries. It must be particularly directed against the American imperialists; against the British imperialists, who are leading the preparations for war against the Soviet Union; and against the British and Japanese im- perialists who are leading the mili- tary intervention in China. The de- mand must be made for the publica- tion of all secret treaties and secert military alliances, 3. The social democratic proposal for “limited armaments,” their de- compulsory arbitration, must be ergy, and the same may be said in xegard to the fight against the so-| criticized and exposed. 4. An energetic campaign of ex-| The closest possible contact must in the struggle against the war dan-|: fense of the Geneva Protocol, and of | tarian and petty bourgeois women’s organizations, the convening of wo- men delegate conferences under anti- imperialist war slogans; the calling of meetings of working women out- side factory gates and in working class districts from which delegates shall be elected; to utilize the exist- ing and to set up new women dele- gate conferences, which must serve as permanent bodies for conducting campaigns against imperialist war. The tactics of the united front and work in “Hands Off Russia” com- |mittees must be conducted more ef- \fectively than hitherto. Moreover, trade unions must be persuaded to ‘affiliate to these committees. A \fight must be conducted along ‘the whole line against fascism, which is one of the armed units of the counter-revolution. Wherever pos- sible, mass organizations, like the German Red Front Fighters League, ust be set up, Anti-fascist and anti-war work must be carried on in sport organizations. Existing class war victims’ organi- ee (Disabled Soldiers’ Leagues, ‘ar Widows’ Organizations, etc.) must be utilized and strengthened for the purpose of fighting against imperialist war. The Young Com- munist Leagues, in close contact with the Communist Parties, must carry on strenuous work among the workin;; and peasant youth, from among whom the soldiers are re- cruited. Existing proletarian teach- ers’, parents’ and pupils’ organiza- tions and Communist children’s groups, must also be utilized. New children’s organizations must be es- tablished for the purpose of com- bating imperialist influences in the schools. Increased Comintern Consciousness. 15. The task of preparing the Communist Parties themselves is one of first class importance. The spreading of a profounder conscious- ness of international solidarity among the sections of the Comintern igs a necessary condition precedent for the preparedness of the Commu- nist Parties for war, By Fred Ellis ‘be established between all the sec- jtions before the outbreak of war,| and every means must be employed to maintain these contacts through- out the whole course of the war. | The terror against the Communist | Parties, and the revolutionary move- ment as a whole, that will accom- pany the mobilization, will assume unparalleled intensity. Thousands of Communists and revolutionary work- | jers, whose names have been listed | beforehand, will be put away in con- jcentration camps. The imperialists | | will not only try to destroy the legal | Communist Parties, but the whole} lapparatus and leadership of the! junderground Parties as well. Preparation for Illegality. The Communist Parties must im-| mediately set to work to prepare to meet this situation. The legal Com- | munist Parties must exert every ef- fort to prepare for the timely transi- tion to underground conditions. The undérground parties must make pre- parations to adapt their leadership | and their organizations to conditions of a worse terror than prevails at} present. | Timely preparations must be made | for the changing of organizational methods and for changing the or- ganizational contacts from top to| bottom. Party members must be pre- | |pared beforehand for the new situa- | tion that will arise in connection | with the mobilization and the open- | ing 0? hostilities, | Lenin on Fisht Against War. 76. The VI. World Congress re- calls to the minds of all Communists what Lenin said about the fight | against war being by no means art) easy matter. It urges upon the Par-| ties to subject themselves to thor- ough self-criticism and systematical- ly to verify what has been done up till now in the fight against the war danger and for preparing the |Party for the struggle during the war. It enjoins them ruthlessly to bring to light and immediately to rectify all mistakes that have been committed, The VI..Congress calls upon all the Sections to give the struggle against war a more international character and to take preparatory measures for tke international co- ordination of revolutionary action in order that they may be in a position | at the required moment to carry out) important international mass action | against imperialist war. (CONCLUSION). Welsh Miners Face Big Wage Cuts; 2,500 Fired SOUTH WALES, (By Mail).— With unemployment in the mining industry already so serious that hun- dreds of miners are forced to leave home and seek work in other dis- tricts, 2,500 empléyes of the Powell Duffryn Colliery Company are again facing the prospect of new wage scales, even less than the starvation wages impose | on the industry since the Black Friday betrayal of 1921. The company, which recently therged with the Great Western Coal Company of Pontyridd, has given one month’s notice to its employes. It is expected, however, that it will re- fre the men when ldwer wage rates are accepted. w y for employment, and working condt- | wager. ho (loon for Negru and white workers. BILL HAYWOOD’S BOOK Copyright, 1929, by Interna; tional Publishers Co., Inc. All rights reserved. Republication for- bidden except by permission. * % WILLIAM D. HAYWOOD SYNOPSIS In previous parts Haywood ‘wrote of his early years at Salt Lake City, | Utah, where he was bort in 1869; his pioneer parents; the family | moves to Ophir, a mining camp; his | first school; shooting affrays; to | work in a mine at nine years of age; |back to Salt Lake; bound out; his | first strike; odd jobs as a child worker; secrets of the Mormons; horrified at a Negro lynching; off to work in a Nevada mine; Old Sackett tale of killing Indians at Thacker Pass. Now go on read- ing.—EDITOR. * * * ee PART VII. Old Sackett’s tale seemed to pull a jot of the fringe off the buckskin clothes of the alluring Indian fighters I had read about in dime novels. There was noth- ing I had ever read about, with heart palpitating, : of killing women and little chil- dven while they were asleep, The old yolunteer’s exploits were at a discount with me after that, and declined even more when Ox Sam, some months later, told me in his pidgin English what had happened at Thacker Pass. He made no ad- | ditions to the story, but it was the \feeling in the things he said that Sackett did not possess. The old Indian buck was one day sitting on a sack of charcoal at the door of the half dug-out cabin which we used as an assay office. I went out and sat down beside him, asking him how his squaw Maggie and his | papooses were. “Pretty good,” he answered. I said, “Sam, about Thacker Pass.” He glanced Wm, D. Haywood murmuring, “Long time ago. No tell me! up with a distant look in his eyes,| tended to do the assessment work on it. One night he said, “I’ll give you the Caledonia mine if you want jit” With the thought of being a mine owner, I accented from him the |quit-claim ‘deed, to make which \binding I gave him the legally re- {quired sum of, one dollar. I used ‘to pass this claim with the idea of |working it some time, but having come into possession of it so cheaply, I ignored its possible value. Some |years later I worked in it as a miner, after Doctor Hanson of Win- nemucca had relocated it, organized a company and erected a quartz ; mill. I had neglected the assessment |work and my right had long before jexpired. It came into.the possession jof the Caledonia Mining and Mill- ing Company. When the first lot ‘of ore was run through the mill {every one was excited as to what |the returns were going to be, We {had heard different reports as to |how the assays were running and that some nuggets had been caught in the battery or ore-crusher, But |we never knew the returns, as a |nephew of the doctor ran away with |the entire output, and as far as I \knew was never caught. After this |episode there was an air of dis- couragement and pessimism about ithe mine. The men did not know |whether they were going to get |their pay or not, and shortly after- | ward I quit. Coming down the trail from the mine one day, John Kane and I were skylarking and I jumped on his back. He fell and broke his leg. The other men helped carry him down to the bunk-house; I started off to Rebel Creek to get a team and spring wagon to take John to the |hospital at Fort McDermitt. We put a mattress in the wagon, got John in and started on the thirty-mile drive to the surgeon. It must have been a painful trip for him, but the surgeon did a good job and six weeks later John was back at work. That is, he was working in the assay office hobbling about on a crutch. Men situated as we were some- times form close friendships. This |was true of Pat Reynolds and my- self. Pat was the oldest man on |the job, tall, raw-boned, with a red “| white men much talk about now.” But I said, “Sam, I would like to know why the kill Indians. Do you know?” Sam’s eyes narrowed. “Yes, chin-whisker, bushy eyebrows and a \strawberry mark on the outer cor- ner of his left eye It was this old eS; |Trishman who gave me my first les- I sabe. You no sabe?” I told him/sons in unionism. Pat was a mem- that I did not, Sam began: ber of the Knights of Labor, and , “Long time ago same time I born,/some of the things he told me about maybe before, no white man stay|this organization I could not well in Nevada. That time Piute live| understand at the time. I had never Sache good. In spring, catch em/ heard of the need of workingmen or- plenty fish, dry em, smoke em. Lots/canizing for mutual protection. In duck, lotsa goose, smoke em, too. that part of the country there did In the fall, kill on deer, jerk pa hee sem * be a ee diyision ee meat, First time frost come, catch/tween the boss an ie men. he om olen, ibe opie lotsa ve man EE ee eee Ge rabbit, lotsa sage-hen. ‘jute no|the same roo ame sabe big ranch, no make em farm,|table and appeared the same as the all same live pretty good. Some/rest of the men. But Pat explained time Bannock, Some time Shoshone | that Be mas nee en real eee man steal em Piute squaw. We make none of us knew the owner 0: e em fight. Some time Piute steal)/mine. Mentioning the large ranches Shoshone, Bannock squaw; make in the vicinity, he said, “The owners em pretty good fight. Some time|live in California, while the men i ; i ig|who do all the work and make the ape de Se eee | ranches and mines of value are here i ive,|in Nevada.” He told me about the Sere CE SIN tee Url tongs es oeadl belongadie a abe rock, him stay tale. ca ioe veg miners’ union in Bodie. California, arrow, good knife, kill em good 2nd the Virginia City Miners’ Union ponyg Piute go "nappy hunting in Nevada, organized in. 1867, the ground, Everything good. |first miners’ union in America. “Whit hi i k |These two unions were among the Rite ee e come, ie make | sist that formed the Western Fede- BES Hae Ser ncaa time marry | yation of Miners. It was some time lute squaw. That's pretty good. before I got the full significance of Mix em blood all same like Ban-|,: i nock, Shoshone. Pretty son aaa |” remark that he made, thet if the “hil i |working class was to be emanci- more white man. Him prospector; | nated, the workers themselves must him pretty. good. I no sabe, all 5 ‘ fee: accomplish it. Early in May, 1886, ee ee Be big ile aay this thought was driven more deeply e hole. He no stay long); é Finete one place. Soldier man Bane, sel eed uy ning ee eee ee bi Idi H wove newspapers the details of the Hay- me oldie Gn Sah ay Sie farm, market Riot, and later the speeches , he no do noth- ; Ft that were made by the men who ing; say all time ‘Uncle Sam.’ He The facts and all live one house, no woman. I no sabe, All time talk em ‘squaw, | squaw.’ He got fire-water, give em Piute, make em crazy all same white man, All Indians have big pow- wow. Big Chief say, what matter Too much trouble all time. Indian like em fire-water, fire-water he no good. Soldier give Indian fire-water. No like fire-water. In- dian sell em mink-skin, badger-skin, all kind of skin to soldier. Sell em Squaw, too, for fire-water. By and by Indian he crazy. No more fire- water, all same crazy. Chief say soldier not much good. Indian say all white men not much good. Pretty soon white man kill em Piute. Indian no much sabe, he kill em white man. That’s pretty bad time. Soldier hunt Piute all same coyote. That’s time Thacker Pass. Lots of Indians going Quinn River sink to get ducks, goose. That morning soldier come quick, shoot, shoot. I cut wickiup skin behind, £0 quick and get on big white horse, vide fast; soldier no catch em, no shootzem. I ride Disaster Peak. Long time hide. My father, my mother, my sisters, my brothers, I no see’no more. Long time ago. Not much talk about now.” ° Old Sam ended with a tremor in his voice and moisture in his eyes. “Yes, I sabe, I sabe.” Grasping his hand, I said, “You stay a little while, Sam. We'll have dinner pretty soon.” There was a wide historical mean- ing in the brief story that Ox Sam, the Piute Indian, told me. It began when the earliest settlers stole Man- hattan Island. It continued across the continent. The ruling class with glass beads, bad whisky, Bibles and rifles continued the massacre from Astor Place to Astoria,* Half-way between the camp and now? the mouth of the canyon there was a big ledge of quartz, the outcrop- ping of which stood high, cleaving the mountain from base to summit. Charley Day, who was then working in the Ohio mine, had located this cropping, but said that he never in- were put to trial. details I talked over every day with Pat Reynolds. I was trying to fathom in my own mind the reason for the explosion. Were the strik- ers responsible for it? Was it the men who were their spokesmen? Why were the policemen in Hay- market Square? Who threw the bomb? It was not Albert Parsons or any one that he knew; if it had been, why did Albert Parsons walk into court and surrender himself? Who were those who were so anxious to hang these men they called an- archists? Were they of the same capitalist class that Pat Reynolds was always talking to me about? The last words of August Spies kept running through my mind: “There will come a time when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you are strangling today.” It was a turning point in my life. I told Pat that I would like to join the Knights of Labor. From this time, although there was never an opportunity to join, I was a member in the making. * * * In the next instalment Haywood writes of working in'a Utah lead mine; dangers faced by miners; “riding the skip” a hair-raising ex- perience; Haywood marries in Nevada; the future labor leader be- comes a cowboy; a western “rodeo”; branding the “mavericks.” Preacher Weds Child; Perjury About A&e; MayHave Another Wife HERRIN, Ml, Jan. 11 (UP). — Joseph Milton Benton, 54, Pentecos- tal preacher, was charged in a war- rant today with perjury in falsify- ing the age of his 11-year-old wife, formerly Seljnda Glendenin. A re- port that Benton has a wife living in Leachville, Ark., is being investi- gated. My La Pg