The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 9, 1929, Page 4

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, ~ (Note—The following article by Lenin was first published in “Novaya Jhizm” (New Life), the first legal Bolsh newspaper, on You. 13, 1905. Wherever Lenin uses the word socialist today Com- munis: would be used.—Editor) By V. I. LENIN The socialist proletariat must consider the basic principles of the literature of the Workers’ Party, in order to develop these prin- ciples and express them in their most complete form. These, prin- ciples are in contrast with bourgoi oms, Wic.n the commercial- ized bourgeois press, with the indiv n of the ambitious adven- turers of bourgeois 1 ‘ature and the ‘splendid freedom,” and with the scramble for profits, In what do these principles consist? Not only that the literature of the proletariat should no longer be a means of enriching groups or individuals, but still more it ought not to express an individual eter nor be independent of proletarian control. No more “non- y” writers; no more literary supermen! iterary activity should be a part of the whole work of the pro- | letariat. It should be a cog in the great machine which will be put into motion by the whole vanguard of the working class, literature should become one part of the work of the Party, organized, thought out, unified and revolutionary. “All comparisons limp,” says a German proverb. It is so of my comparison of literature with a cog in the machine of the movement. There will be no lack of hysterical intellectuals to yelp in distress at this conception, which, according to them, will debase, will destroy, will “bureaucratize” and make mechanical the free “struggle of minds,” | free criticism, free, “literary endeavor,” ete. Their laments will be | nothing but an expression of bourge tellectual individualism. Obviously, literature is the last th to be treated mechanically; it cannot easily be graded by, or submit to the decisions of the majority. In this matter, one ought, undoubtedly, to allow a great deal of scope for individual initiative, for personal inclination, for inspiration and imagination, in form and content, All this is indisputable, but proves only one thing, that the literary side of the Party’s work cannot be mechanically identified with the other sides of proletarian activity. T by no means destroys the truth—incomprehensible and strange as it may seem to intellectuals and bourgeois democrats— that literary work ought to be most strictly bound to the rest of the socialist work of the Party. Writers ought to enter the Party without makiuy any stipulations. Publishing establishments, book- shops, reading rooms, libraries, everything to do with literature, ought to be placed under the control of the Party. The organized socialist proletariat ought to supervise and con- trol all this work; it should infuse into it the vital spirit of the workers, and in this sphere, should throw off the outlook of the mer- cenary bourgeois, who see in the writer only the man who sells his writings to earn a living, and in the reader simply a customer who brings in money, s Naturally we do not imagine that this change in literature can be brought about at one swoop; in this Russian literature, which has so long been crippled by an “Asiatic” censorship, and corrupted by an Europeanized bourgeoisie. We are far from expecting any panacea whatever in the shape of decisions and resolutions settling the whole thing in an arbitrary manner.. That is not the point. What concerns us in that our class-conscious proletariat should under- stand that here is a new problem which has to be faced frankly, and everything possible done to solve it. After having delivere1 ourselves from the chains of censorship, we do not want to be captives of bourgeois commerce and it relation- ships. We want to create a press that is freed not only from police control, but also from the influence of capital and from private am- bitions, and above all freed from anarchist—bourgeois individualism. These last words will be an object of derision to the reading public. “Good heavens!” some burning apostle of “intellectual free- dom” will doubtless exclaim; “Good heavens! You want to submit to the masses as subtle and so personal a thing as literary workman- ship . . . You want workmen to decide, by a majority of votes, high questions of philosophy, science and vest. That is the way you express the spirit’s freedom to work, which is essentially individual ” Don’t be alarmed, m: friends! JANUARY 1929 ais = nt Dns IE Baila Sie GS Ses) ‘irst of all, this concerns the literature OF THE PARTY, and its place in the Party, of the control of the Party. Every one is free to say and write what he wants without the least restriction. But every voluntary association—and the Party is one of them—is free to expel from its ranks members who use its organization to preach opinions AGAINST the Party, Freedom to write and speak should be as com- plete as possible. In the name of Free Speech, I should give you the whole right of shouting, lying and saying all that you want to. But in virtue of the freedom of association, you must concede to me the right to maintain or to break my alliance with people who write in such a fashion, The Party is a voluntary organization, that will inevitably fall in ruins, first spiritually, and then materially, if it does not take care to decide the position of those people who propagate opinions against it. And to fix what is FOR and what is AGAINST the Party, we have the program of the Party as a criterion, its tactical resolutions, its statutes, and finally the experiences of International Socialism, the whole experience of voluntary associations of the proletariat. Our Party is becoming a party of the masses; we are in ar epoch of rapid t~ansition towards an open legal organization, and at this period many useless people (from a Marxist point of view) and perhaps a few who are Christians or other mystics, join us. But we have a strong digestion; we are Marxists, hard as adamant, We shall assimilate all the confusionists. Partisans of the freedom of association, we still fight unmercifully to purge the Party of con- fusionist elentents. Furthermore, may we inform our friends, the bourgeois individ- ualists, that their talk about “absolute liberty” is nothing less than pure hypocrisy, Tn a society which maintains itself by the power of money, and where the mass of the workers lack the necessaries of life, there is no real liberty, Are you free in relation to your bourgeois publisher, my writer friend? Again, are you free in relation to your bourgeois public, which demands from you pornography and prostitution as a supplement to “sacred dramatic art’? and LITERATURE --Article by Lenin Published in 1905 Absolute freedom is a bourgeois or anarchist fiction (for anar- chism is a bourgeois theory turned the wrong wa, round). One can- not live in a society and be free toward society. The freedom of the bourgeois writer, or artist, or actor, is a mask of independence con- céaling a real dependence unon the money of parasites and souteneurs, (those who “keep” them—Ed.) We socialists tear aside this hypocrisy and unmask their false standards, not to arrive at a literature “above class” (that will only be possible in a socialist society, in a society without classes), but to oppose to this so-called free literature, which is really allied with the bourgeoisie, a literature openly bound to the proletariat. This will be a literature truly free, because corruption and am- bition will have no place there, and socialist ideals and sympathy wih the oppressed will continually bring into it new forces and new groupings. ee This will be free literature, for it will not depend upon the blasé heroine nor the ten thousand bored and fattened high-brow, but upon the millions and millions of workers, who are the pick of the country, its power and its future, This will be free literature, which will enrich itself with the latest creations of revolutionary thought, with the experience and living work of the socialist proletariat, Get down to the job, then, comrades . . . We have before us a great and difficult problem; we must create a rich proletarian literature, narrowly and indissolubly to the socialist workers’ move- ment. All the journals, all the periodicals, all the bookshops should immediately harness themselves to the task or reorganizing in order to become the organ of one of the other of the organizations affilia- ted our Party. It is only after this work that socialist literature will deserve the name; it is only then that it will be capable of carrying out its it 1s only then that even within the framework of bourgeois ty, it will be able to free itself from bourgeois bondage and bind itself to the movement of the truly revolutionary class. Hoover, High-Powered Salesman, Returns THE NEGRO | Employers Buy Up the “PUBLICITY” Soviet Union Seamen Gaining Muscle sPAPERS IN|, CLASS WAR By CYRIL BRIGGS. Editor Negro Champion, Of several hundred Negro news- papers and magazines in the United States most are controlled by the rising Negro bourgeoisie. Most of them aspire to be general newspapers, some few are church and fraternal or gans. The majority of the newspapers are published week- ly, a few monthly. Of the magazines most are monthlies, two or three appear weekly. There is as newspaper, although several attempts have been made along this line, the most notable being an attempt a few years ago by Marcus Garvey. dust prior to the “War to Make the World Safe for Democracy” a marked change be: to manifest itself inthe Negro s. Radical piiblications like The sader, The Emancipator, blazed the trail for a more militant economic policy, while The Voice and The Negro World _ gave expression to a growing racial radicalism, the latter paper also serving as the organ of a futile Zionism. During the world war a note of bitterness crept into the Negro press to be followed upon the con- clusion of the war by a general tone of militancy, which was evident in} all but the most servile and reac- tionary publications. While the war was yet on, radical publications like The Crusader were analyzing and attacking the brand of democracy for which the Allies were seeking to make the world safe. These pub- lieations openly encouraged resist- ing with force all efforts at humili- ation and terrorism, with the result that several white mobs met armed resistance to their marauding expe. ditions into Negro sections, Especi- ally did this happen after the re- turn home of the colored soldiers. Go Treacherous Road. Their naive hope in the univer- Bality of Wilson’s democracy shat- tered by events, Negro editors be- came more and more militant in voicing their racial demands. Few of them, however, saw the class implications in the racial struggle. Others, like Du Bois of The Crisis, saw quite clearly the class impli- cations but were unwilling to come out openly against those responsible for the theories of higher and lower races and the exploitation and deg- radation of their race, with these theories as justification, since it was upon the “philantrophy” of this very group that their own status as “leaders” was based. A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Ownes, edi- tors of The Messenger, maintained a militant struggle for a while, but , with the general betrayal of the working class by the socialist party these two socialists went the treach- erous road of their colleagues, ith the steady rise of the Negro geoisie the tendency is toward nservatism on the part of papers as The Amsterdam News, The ‘gh Courier, the Chicago De- r, The Atlanta Independent, Baltimore Afro-American, etd, is no accident that these papers the first to give expression to growing power of the Negro jisie. They are all published big industrial centers where urgeoisie is concentrated. They mong the best edited and most of the Negro press. While toward economic conserva- these papers still retain, how- a large measure of militancy » Of this group lependent is the reactionary, the Baltimore n in the least reactionary. by itself is The Negro the only Negro labor United States and a yet no Negro daily} f Athletics are popular among the Red Sailors, ready to start. the First Workers Republic against Here is a racing crew The men are healthy and happy, and ready to. defnd any capitalist attack, “Daily” Teach One of the functions of a Com-| ‘nunist paper in America is to con-! vince the American workers that they need a class party. In Europe, even in Asia or Africa, workers are | in general up to this theoretical lev- | el, at least. They know, and act on| the principle, that they need and must have a political party of their own, There the fight is to prove to them that the social-democratic par- | ties are agents of the employers and | ate run by the misleaders of labor | who also dominate thru machine methods the reformish trade unions. | The social-democratic parties are| needed there by the capita rulers to fool the workers, and they are} useful to the ruling class insofar as | \they can capture the feeling of the masses for a workers’ party and turn | it aside into channels harmless to the present social system. 4 In America this situation has nev- er generally existed. The American working class, due to the presence until a few years ago of an expand- ing frontier, with free land to allow any worker to become an “independ- ent farmer” and thus take the pres- sure off the rest of the workers in the labor market, has had an indi- vidualistic outlook politically; has acted on the theory that everybody had a chance to be president if he was capable of it; has therefore fol- lowed with rare and not important exceptions, until recently, the class parties of the capitalists. Class Political Action Recently, to be sure, the begin- nings of a class movement. have apneared, and a philosophy of class political action has begun to pene- trate the working and farmer mass- es. To the extent that this is so, we can say that the Daily Worker is responsible. For during these last five years, it is the only daily paper in the United States, pub- lished in English, that has advo- cated. this theory. It has had to fight the offcial doc- trine and ail the propaganda agen- tireless, militant fighter in all struggles of the workers. Closer. to Struggle. Less important than the first group is the numerically larger group of small: town and village papers. This group carries on a pre- carious existence and its editors are closer to the economic struggle of the masses. While not clearly real- izing the class implications of the Negro emancipation struggle, the | editors of this group are much more open to revolutionary ideas than are those of the first group. They also reach a larger mass of readers, However, it is the first group that reaches and influences the Negro proletariat, and therein lies its im- portance. Its columns have been penetrated in the past, but in far smaller measure than is the case with the second group, Both groups are served by four or five news agencies, including the radical Cru- sader News Service, which occupies @ paramount position in the columns of the second group. i in g Pol itical Action to American Workers cies, all of the union journals, and all of the local labor papers con- trolled by the “regular” labor move- ment of the U. S., the American Fed- eration of Labor, and it has to fight that section of the radical labor teovement outside of the A. F. of L., which is syndicalist. The syndicalist “non-political ac- tion” philosophy in American radi- cal labor organizations has been in recent years “paced” by the I. W. W. and in this organization it has be- come more and more extreme in character, from simple no-parliamen- tarism before the war period to ac- tive denunciation during the years following the war, of every form of political action in which was includ- ed armed insurrection, or any other “non-industrial activity. What other Communist Party has had to struggle against an attitufle like this? And what organ of the party has borne the brunt of this struggle more than the Daily Work- er? Day by day it has carried on the uphill task of educating a pro- letariat of 25,000,000 in the first principles of class political action, Day by day it has exposed the “Re- ward your friends and punish your enemies” theory of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, showing it up in case after case, as merely a vote-selling, class-collaborationscheme of treach- ery to the workers, \ Thru a continual series of articles during the time of the I. W. W. strength, up to 1927, it painstaking- ly taught the radical workers of America that in every strike, in every labor case in the courts, the pol- itical weapons of the ruling class were brought to the service of their economic system, and that the poli- tical field is a battlefield too, that, as Marx says, “every strike becomes a political struggle.” The Daily must be continued, en- larged, and its field widened. There is still much of this pioneering work to be done in America, Dove of “Peace” _ Secretary Kellogg, well-known “dove of “peace,” is leading Amer- ican imperialism into its war egainst its British rival. At the same time this “peace-loving” creature doesn’t forget to maneu- ver the various imperialisme into @ bloc against the Soviet Union. On the Fifth Anniversary of the Daily Worker, the only genuine workingclass newspaper in the United States, the following com ment on the corrupt “labor press by William Z. Foster becomes es- pecially appropriate. The complete control of these organs by labor bureaucrats, sub- sidized by boss assvciations, proves conclusively the vital need for supporting and extending the in- fluence of the Daily Worker. . 28 By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER The need of the workers for a | press of their own, loyal to their in- jterests, is fundamental. For the workers, surrounded as they are by eceans of capitalist propaganda and confronted with a maze of baffling problems, the existence of a labor press which honestly analyzes the situation, educates the masses, and leads them in their every-day strug- gles is a life and death question. But the labor fakers have learned ew to sell out to the employers even this basic institution and they ere dcing it wholesale. One of the most destructive phases of the wide- spread class collaboration corrup- tion in the American labor move- ment is the prostitution of the labor press. This assumes the most aston- ishing forms. It saps the vitality and understanding of the entire la- ker movement, | Capitalistie advertising is a main high road to the debauchery of lxbor papers. This, piled on the other influences tending to make the labor papers reactionary, is disastrous. The employers and their political agents contribute huge sums te the trade union jour- nals for advertising. Thus they are enabled to dictate the policies of these organs and to reduce their editors to the most abject vassals. By buying up large numbers of labor papers in this manner the employers inject the poison of their propaganda directly into the yeins of the labor movement. The American labor press is tainted with the money of the enemies of the working class. This fact has contributed enorniously towards hindering the ideological develop- ment of the toiling masses in this country. \ National Labor Papers The central national organ of the trade union movement is the American Federationist, official or- gan of the American Federation of Labor. This paper, which should set an example of proletarian honesty for the whole labor press, is, cn the contrary, de2ply afflicted with all the forms of the corruption which destroys the usefulness of many la- bor papers and turns them into enemies of the working class. Its columns reek with all kinds of cap- itelistic propaganda and also with advertisements of the worst labor beiting companies in the United States. Every monthly issue of the Ameri- can Federationist contains 20 to 30 pages of capitalistic advertising a large share of which comes from corporations which rank among the rabid “open shop” concerns in the country. For example, in the March, 1927 number, which is typical, we find represented such notorious “open shop” ‘companies and prod- ucts as Standard Oil Company, Pru- dential Insurance Co., General Elec- trie Co., American Brass Co., Proc- ter and Gamble, Fleischman’s Yeast, National City Co., American Smelt- ing & Refining Co., Pittsburgh Plate Glass Co., Philadelphia Electric Co., Utility Securities Co, Wrigley’s Chewing Gum, ete., etc. These firms expect nothing from the American Federationist as an ordinary adver- tising. medium. What they contrib- ute is so much “hush money,” given with the expectation of “softening” union labor’s policy towards them. Nor are their investments in vain. The advertiseemnts of the Americon Federationist are handled by a broth- er of Frank Morrison, who makes thousands of doilars yearly from this source of corruption. jany Worsted Mills, AFL Official Organs Many journals of the Internation- jal Unions, with the bad example of the American Federationist before them, accept advertisements from the bitterest foes of labor. Thus in The Textile Worker, published by the United Textile Workers, are many advertisements of firms that as a settled policy attempt to destroy all semblances of trade unionism in the textile industry, among them the Fostmann & Huffmann Co., Bot- and United Piece Dye Works, companies against whom the great Passaic strike of 1926-27 was waged. The Textile Worker carried their advertisments even in the thick of the strike when the police were clubbing the strikers and using tear bombs against them. Other concerns advertising in The Textile Worker are the National Spun Silk Co. cf New Bedford, which hired a Boston detective agency to form a company union when the workers tried to orgenize in 1920: the Henry Doherty Silk Mills of Paterson, one of the biggest anti- union firms in the silk industries; the Concordia Siik Hosiery Co., of Philadelphia, which employed the Sherman Detective Service to break a strike in 1920, Dunn Worsted Mills of Woonsocket, Housac Cotton Mills of North Adams, ete., ete. Whether these companies give their adver- tiesmengs to the textile unions to keep sway union organizers, or whether they give them in return for past favors of this kind is not material. In any event they are so much bribery and their influence is deadly, But the advertising evil docs not | reach its greatest extent in the case of the national labor papers. Most of these, having established incomes from the membership per capita tax, do not have to rely upon the edvortising patronage of employers. This does not save them, however, from being reactionary, as such a Bourbon sheet as the United Mine Workers Jovrnal, which carries no But it is the loca! labor papers that suffer most from the advertising poison. Having precarious sources of income, they fall easy victims to the employers. Many of them descend to unbelievable depths of corruption and betrayal of the workers’ inter- ests in order to cater to employers. They are malignant disease spots in the body corporate of the working class, Local Labor Papers Thus such labor papers degrade themselves into tools of the capital- ist parties and become powerful in- struments for the demoralization and betrayal of the workers. See how the Cincinnati Labor Advocate, a typical graft paper, works the game, as reported by 4 local worker: “The system employed ‘1s sim- ple. The politician is approached before an election and told he is down or the list for a contribution of say $100 or $1,000. If he doesn’t come across he is immediately -at- tacked in the columns of the Ad- vocate. If he shakes down easily he may be approached later for more at regular intervals. If he pays liberally he becomes a ‘friend’ of labor worthy of the workers’ support, no matter how reaction- ary his record and policies. The ‘Advocate,’ like ‘other journals of its kind, was once militant for the workers, but now it is an or- gan of the’ employers.” But the richest graft of the cor- rupt labor papcrs is not the occa- sional political advertisements but the all-year advertising of merean- tile, manufacturing, and other com- panies, In order to get this the dis- honest ones among labor editors abandon the last remnant of loyalty to the workers. Operating this graft |milions in the event of war, it is! advertisements, abundantly proves. } The Daily Worker, Always the Champion of Working Youth By NAT KAPLAN. The Daily Worker is the fighting champion of the entire working class including its most exploited section, the masses of young work- ers. The central struggle carried on by the Daily Worker at the pres- ent time, the strugle against the/| danger cf new imperialist war vi- tally effects every one of the boys end girls of the working class in| this country. It is the younger| workers who are called upon first | to give up their lives for Morgan’s | they who suffer most from the wersening conditions which are part of the bosses’ war preparations. The Daily Worker is the champion of the younger workers in the strug- gle against the war danger and the | preparations of the bourgeoisie. also means that the Daily | Worker is a fighter for the most elementary needs of the working class youth, as well as for their most fundamental need, their com- plete emancipation from wage | slavery. On the Fifth Anniversary of the Daily Worker we can record the in- on everything progressive in the la- bor movement. They make war against the honest leadership, They even engage openly in strikebreak- ing activities. Then they go to the employers, and upon the basis of these attacks, which are their stock in trade, they “shake down” the em- ployers for contributions, either for advertisements or as straight dona- tions. Such contributions run io vast sums yearly. All these papers are rabidly Gomperistic. “Old Sam” was their patron saint. They are ultra- patriotic, and blackly reactionary in all things. A necessity for such graft papers is that they approach the employers in the name of the labor movement. If they, being privately owned, lack the:endorsement of the trade unions they simply steal it. Their usual method is to become members of the International Labor News Service, the A. F. of L. news agency, headed by Woll, which accepts the affili- ation of any crook paper, Then, palming themselves off as repre- creased attention which the Daily | Worker has paid to the battles, of the young workers and the leader of these battles, the Young Work- ers (Communist) League, -It is no | accident that the Daily Worker pays jmore attention to the young workers’ struggles. It has its basis in the new and more important role which the young workers play in produc- tion and in the war preparation. In the United States the young work- ers are one of the main sources of unskilled labor (particularly since the restriction of immigration). There is a fundamental shift of the youth from the farms to the indus- tries, from the white collar indus- tries to the more important indus- tries which greatly increases their {importance for the struggles of the workers. In some industries, due to the foreign born composition of the bulk of the proletariat, the youth assume a leading role, This was in- dicated in the mining and textile struggles. The whole process of capitalist rationalization has on the one hand opened the gates of indus- try for fresh streams of youth labor and has on the other hend further deteriorated the conditions of the working youth. Both of these factors can only re- sult in activizing larger masses of young workers, in enrolling new streams in the clas struggle. One-Lung George sentatives of the unions, these fake papers sally forth to-“sandbag” em- players for contributions. This fre- quently brings them into conflict with the labor movement and often results in their denunciation, espe- cially if the loca! bureaucrats have a graft sheet of their own. The local press of the trade union movement is corrupted to the core. The A, F. of L. has never made an effort to eradicate this labor press corruption which poi- sons the very life source of the movement. In the two fat volumes has become a regular profession at which many scores work. The ap- proach to the employers is on an anti- red, class collaboration basis. The present drive against the left wing in the trade unions is a gold mine for the labor fakers, These grafters of Gompers’ “Seventy Years of Life and Labor” there is not even a mention of the problem, ‘nothing but a slobbering over the “sacred role” of the iabor press. The cor- . tuption of the labor press is one of the blaekest pages of the dark fill their papers with violent attacks | history of the Gombers regime, The king of England and monar- chist head of the British einpire for whom are exploited and op- pressed a large chunk of the dau man race, has been having trouble with a bum lung. You read all about it until you were sicker than he was with monarchist propa- ganda. He lives in a string of palaces and never did a duy’s work in his life, While hundreds of thousands of British miners are starving to death in hovels work- ing for seven dollars a week, the king draws $2,500,000 a year, Workers will shed no tears when he joins his cousin, Czar Nicholas. AND RELIEF WIN STRIKE By F. G. BIEDENKAPP. Nat’l Secretary of the Workers In- ternational Relief The class struggle in the United States is sharpening, the workers in industry as well as on the farms are awakening to the fact that there is something wrong “in the state of Denmark.” The reports of the re- turning labor delegates from Soviet Russia, which show that where workers control the industries and the government, poverty, unemploy- ment and the struggle for exist- ence in general is disappearing, brings to the realization of the workers the fact that the system of capitalism must be abolished. | To destroy the system of wage slavery and to establish a system jot production for use and net for | profits, under the control of the |workers, two outstanding facts must be constantiy borne in mind and de- veloped into powerful instruments ef defense for the workers and as jan instrument of attack against \capitalism. One is publicity, and the jother is Relief. | When workers go on strike or when they are locked out because of their protest against unbearable conditions both of these factors be- come all-important, During such jtimes the workers become real ac- tive participants in the class strug- jgle and are relentlessly made to | feel the sharpened edge of the cap- jitalist sword that penetrates thru |their flesh clear to the bone. Capitalism has no conscience and |recognizes no authority other than its own. When during ®such labor struggles thousands upon thousands ef workers, their wives and chil- jdren face death by starvation and jexposure, capitalism becomes most vicious and life destroying, Role of Charity During such conflicts,’ boss-con- | trolled relief organizations function- |ing on the basis of charity are in- |jected into the struggle not for the {purpose of bringing relief to the | workers, but as a means of breaking the strike. Bosses’ tools, known as charity workers, enter the homes of strikers and promise theni food for the children on the condition that the members of the family that are on strike become “good boys and )girls” and be willing to go back to work as scabs, thus betraying the zest of their fellow workers. Against this concrete wall of cap- italism stands the Workers Inter- national Relief and the Daily Work- er. Both represent the interests of the working class and fight the bat- tles of the workers on the basis of the class struggle. The Daily Work- er, which is owned and controlled by the workers is the only daily press in the English language that challenges the entire capitalist press. Wherever workers struggle the Daily Worker can be found fighting the cause of the workers, speaking the language of the workers and in the interest of the workers, The W. I. R. The Workers, International Relief, American Section, is a permanent workingclass organization affiliated with the International organization with headquarters in Berlin, Ger- many. The W. I. R. is the only per: manent workingclass organizatio that carried on relief in the intere of the workingclass in this count on an international basis. Not onl does the W. I. R. provide food an {clothing during strikes or lockouts, lut also during periods of natural catastrophies when the workingclas: needs aid and assistance. The W. I. ‘RK carries on its work on a basis !co-operation from worker to worker. Not only by giving material sup. port but by giving moral suppor as well. The motto of the Workers, International Relief is “Relief the Workers, wherever’ the need! arises se as to strengthen them and kelp them in their struggle against! capitalism and oppression. More power to the Daily Worker! More power to the Workers Inters national Relief!