The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 8, 1929, Page 3

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JANUARY 8, 1929 Three Documenis 5 how Cannon's Connections with Trotskyists, Urbahns, East Eastman “Ass TROTSKYIST PLOT THRUOUT WORLD AGAINST W.P,,C.1 CannonGroun Working With Renegades Continued from Page One ecutive Committee Lore and Can- non have come together fully. Tn the communication from the capitalist agent, Mr. Sard, whom Eastman turned over to.Cannon for final guidance and as a source of financial support to the “Militant,” the American Trotskyist organ, we see clearly that in the United States, as elsewhere, the Trotskyist front against the Communist Party is only a sector of the whole capi talist front against the working class, The brief communication from the French Trotsky group discloses that the American Trotskyists are an or- ganic part of the whole international Trotskyist movement to weaken the Soviet Union, destroy the Commu- nist International and wipe out the American section of the Comintern --the Workers (Communist) Party of America. Subsequent issues of the Daily Worker will contain other docu- ments of a similar character, show- ing especially the extent of the sup- port rendered to the renegade Trot- sky group of Cannon and Lore by | their co-workers in other countries, BRITISH MILLS LENGTHEN HOURS Bosses Use Trick in len) 21 1926 » Miss Teale, Harcourt Brace and Company. My dear Miss Teale, Will you be kind enough to 1 see any clippings you have on file Real Situation in Russia.” I will be very grateful. Noy. 21, 1928. ists’ Cannon jet the bearer, Mr. James Cannon, dealing with Trotsky’s book, “The MAX EASTMAN. Issuing Order MANCHESTER, England, Jan. 7. —Strikes are expected to answer the order of the Master Spinners’ Federation, an employers’ organiza- tion, that all workers are reonired to do the cleaning and oiling of the looms outside oftheir regular work- | ing hours, This order, posted al few days ago, is scheduled to go in- | | French Renegade Contre le Courant Organe de l’Opposition Communist 96 Quai de Jammapes, Paris (Xe) Cheque postal: Contre le Courant 1169-22-Paris. Dear Comrade, | | | to effect after February 2. ‘The job of cleaning and oiling, formerly done during the regular | working hours, is being used to cover a subterfuge of the employ- ers, who fear the immediate retalia- tion by the workers should they call the order by its true name, namely, a lengthening of hours. As has been the case in the recent past, the workers may be compelled to go out in “outlaw” strikes, be- | cause the union officialdom bend all | their efforts to stifle the sentiment | for struggle. In the No. 8, you speak about danger.” Can you send it to us, | acknowledge receipt. letter does with the German. Is Ally of Cannon te November 17th, 1928. We have received the statements which you have sent to us, and we have read them with the greatest interest. a certain document on the “Right and also all kind of documents in connection with the crisis of the Workers (Communist) Party. Iam mailing you today 2 copies of the last number of our paper “Contre le Courant,” containing the 3 last articles of Trotsky. Please With Communist greetings, MAURICE PAZ. * Maurice Paz is one of the leaders of the Trotskyist group which was expelled from the French Communist Party. Cannon's connections with the French renegades, as the Urbahns’ This letter shows MYSTERY DISEASE BAFFLES ATHENS (By Mail).—A myster- of the inilitary and naval prepared- | ‘ous disease has taken a toll of 15 ness scheme in Cuba, the U. S. S.!/in eastern Macedonia. The disease Texas, flagship‘ of the Atlantic fleet, causes the corpse to turn entirely was yesterday taken out of drydock !blatk, deforming the body. Physi- ut the Brooklyn Naval Yard. [cians are baffled. ness for the winter mane’ PARIS STAGE HANDS STRIKE | PARIS (By Mail).—The hands of Paris joined in a 10-minute protest strike between the first and second acts of all plays on Christ- mas. ‘The stage hands plan a real strike in their demand for wages. man Dear Jim: In proof he says: way through. planatory note (p. XXII). Buffalo Noy. 21 * Soviet and international press. Dear Comrade! | have appeared up to now. publications through . . . stenographer got only one sentence of it. the interjections the speech was published in the Communist press throughout the world “promoting the opinion that Trotsky’s mind is weak or incoherent,” and this fact is expressly stated in my ex- I hope you can use these facts in your article, in a great hurry before taking a train. us whether the samples that we are sen rt because we have had the experience that the newspapers which we have sent to America in packages have evidently not arrived there. If the package that we are sending you today does come, then we beg you to inform us of this fact. Also the samples of the Militant of which you spoke have not yet come into our possession. If the police here or in America have seized these packages, then I would recommend that we send ‘in- dividual numbers in letters. We will try to send you the collected Eastman Writes to Cannon Williams asserts that it is “not true” that all the documents in Trotsky’s book are suppressed and outlawed by the Stalin regime. 1, Part 1 was printed in Prayda of Noy. 2, 1927. The facts are as follows: Trotsky attempted to make the speech, was interrupted by a clamor so continual that the part printed in Prayda—what could be heard by the stenographer makes no con- secutive sense, and ends entirely on page 11—that is, about half Trotsky continued to read for another page and the In this form but without It is exactly and literally true that all the documents in the body of the book—Trotsky’s speech, his platform, his letter to the Bureau of Party History are suppressed and outlawed in Russia, and | that Communists are jailed and exiled for circulating them. pretense to the contrary is made by any of the heads of the Party— by any but American emotional philistines . No . . ete., ete, ete. I'm writing this I mailed you the “Rev. Proletarienne” containing Sokmorsky’s letter, and the latest copy of “Contre Le Courant” before leaving. enclose a letter to Harcourt Brace asking them to let you see clip- pings, and also asking them to let you have books on consignment. I may be back Saturday, but possibly not until next Wednesday. Good luck, I MAX. * * The Williams whom Eastman refers to in the above letter to Gannon is Albert Rhys Williams, who refuted Eastman’s claims about the suppression of Trotsky speeches and documents in the Williams’ article was recently pub- lished in The Nation and reprinted in the Daily Worker. The book Eastman refers to at the end of the letter is the Trotsky book of Eastman’s, which Cannon is circulating. Urbahns Writes to Cannon Group Your wish that we send you all our newspapers and publications we will gladly fulfill. We will also send you all the pamphlets: which Only you must, before we do so, inform ding you today have arrived, We take this opportunity to beg you also to request the Volks- zeitung at least to send us an answer to our letters if they do not wish to respond to the other matter that we send them. We have repeatedly written to Comrade Lore that he should put us in touch with the Volkszeitung but are still without an answer. We hope that the relations between you and Lore are close enough that you can use some pressure upon the New Yorker Volkszeitung. At the same Crisis of German Social Democracy | By M. N. ROY. |. The German social democratic leaders created the theory of coali- tion, as against the Marxian view that the road to Socialism lies through the revolutionary over- throw of the capitalist state and dictatorship of the proletariat. They thoroughly neggtived the Marxian conception of the state as the or- gan of class dictatorship. They, led by Kautsky, maintained that the characteristic feature of the last | stages of the class struggle is not armed conflict between the bour- geoisie and the proletariat, ending in the suppression of ‘the former by the latter, but a period of coali- tion governments, during which pe- riod the political power would gradually and peacefully pass over from the bourgeoisie to the work- ing class through the operation of parliamentary democracy. | | Correctness of Marxian Theory. Even before the Russian Revolu- tion, Lenin theoretically combatted and exposed the counter-revolution- ary nature of the Kautskyan con- ception of the state. The Russian Revolution and the general un- masking of democracy after the {war proved the correctness of the | Marxian theory of the state. Never- |theless, the social democratic lead- ers still held the masses bound by the spell of parliamentary democ- racy, and promised to guide them to Socialism through coalition. Germany is the home of the so- jcial democracy theory of coalition, jand it is in Germany that the |theory has been put to test only |to be exposed for what it really is |—counter-revolutionary. Coalition |with the bourgeoisie has been practiced by the social democratic leaders in many countries, in dif- ferent forms. Even in the open- ing years of the present century a Millerand in France and a John Burns in Britain sat in capitalist | cabinets. Coalition a General Policy. But it was not till parliamentary |democracy completely broke down jas result of the world war, that |coalition with the bourgeoisie be- |came the general social democratic |policy. Even then, there was a common form of coalition. For ex- ample, in Britain it takes a very different form which should be separately treated. In Germany, however, the coalition has been and lis being practised in the classical |form, so to say. And the policy of coalition has not brought the working class nearer to Socialism; | |but it has at last landed the Ger- dustry enter the coalition) the so- cial democratic ministers were freed from all responsibility to their party; secondly, the social democratic ministers supported the construction of the new German navy cynically violating their prin- cipal election pledge; and thirdly, they co-operated with the industrial magnates in the latters’ attack upon the metal workers of the Ruhr. In all these three cases, together with many more of comparatively minor importance, the erroneousness of the social democratic conception of the state was exposed. It be- came clear that, under parliamen- tary democracy, the state remains an organ of bourgeois dictatorship, notwithstanding the participation of a working class party in the ad- ministration of, its affairs. Betray Workers. It also became clear that social democratic ministers of a parlia- mentary democratic state cannot in the least promote or defend the in- terests of the working class (even if they sincerely want to do so); on the contrary, they can but aid th: bourgeoisie to stabilize their power. Coalition is not the way to Socialism; it is a weapon of the fight against Socialism, The eyes of the social democratic werkers, not only in Germany, but throughout the world, who honestly believed power by exploiting the possibilities of parliamentary de- mocracy, should be opened by the experience gained in Germany dur- ing the last six months. Ruhr Sell-Out Let alone the vital question of political power. Even the immediate economic interests of the working class cannot be guaranteed under a coalition government. When, three months ago, the rank and file of the party demanded that the social democratic ministers should with- draw from the coalition government, were they obliged to approve of the construction of battleships, the ministers replied that it would be impractical to do so, for by the con- trol of the state-apparatus it w possible to make valuable economic and social acquisions for the work- ing class. Presently, about a quar- ter of a million metal workers were locked out in the Ruhr. The em- ployers demonstratively refused to abide by the verdict of the social democratic minister of Labor about a small increase of, wages in keeping with the cost of living. The coalition was in a crisis which \was overcome by the readiness of stage i time, however, we request you to give us a report about the situa- tion in the American Party that we can use for the Fahne des Kom- munismus. We know from the Pravda about the expulsions, but we haye no more exact information, Please write to us in detail. We greet the fact that we can enter into the closest relations with you, and earnestly beg you again to transmit to us more exact political information. With Communist Greetings, ‘ H. URBAHNS. Lenin Group (Left-Communists). * @ The above is a verbatim translation from the German of the letter of H. Urbahns, renegade expelled from the German Communist Party and now engaged in counter-revolutionary activities. The “Fahne des Komnunismus” (Banner of Communism) referred to is the organ of this German Trotskyist group, which calls itself “Lenin Group.” “Pravda” is, of course, the organ of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the expulsions mentioned are those of Can- non and his group, | man socialist democratic party in the social democratic ministers to |a severe crisis, the result of which! are not error on the part of the |social democratic leaders. If these | were honestly mistaken, experience would have taught them before long, for they are not stupid. They pur- posely elaborated the theory and |formulated the policy with the ob- ject of diverting the proletariat from the path of revolution. As conscious and consistent coun- ter revolutionaries, the social demo- cratic leaders do not hesitate, when nec ry, as in Germany today, to act openly in defence of the capital- ist state. And when they finally are obliged to do so, the eyes of their followers are opened. The revolt of th against the treacherous lead- ers indicates the crisis of social democracy. Failing to deceive the m. by reformist illusions, the ial democratic leaders join hands with the bourgeoisie in stemming the rising tide of revolution by wielding the state-power as mem- bers of coalition governments, The action of the German social democratic leaders during the last six months clearly shows that their policy of coalition is dictated ex- clusively by the desire to hinder the revolution. One even need not be a Marxist to have this appreciation of the social democratic leaders. The bourgeo also find in the social democratic leaders enemies of rev- olution. For example, dealing with the resolution of the social demo- erat i er of the interior, Sev- ering, ise summary power for liquidating the struggle in the Ruhr on the terms ofythe employers, the famous German liberal journalist, George Bernhard wrote: “a reason- able exercise of the state-power al- ways aids evolution, which hinders revolution.” Swing to Left Let us chronicle the facts char- | acterizing the application of the pol- iey of coalition. The last general elections held in May returned the social democrats as the single largest group in the Reichstag as well as in the Prussian Landtag. The balance of power inside the na- tional, Prussian and several other state parliaments distinctly inclined to the reverse. The nationalist pre- | dominance was replaced by a swing to the left. | Out of the 25 millions (in round |numbers) votes cast in the Reichs- tag election, 12.5 millions were giv- en to the two working class (social | democratic and Communist) parties. The remainder was distributed |among the six leading bourgeois parties. While all the bourgeois par- ties without exception lost, the votes polled by the social democratic and Communist Parties wore nearly 2 will be the liberation of the masses |from the influence of reformism. | And the crisis in the German social |democratic party represents the erisis of social democracy as a whole throughout the world. Latest Coalition Cabinet. After the general election on May 20, a coalition government was formed with a social demo- leratic “head of the government” \frankly accepted the dictation of ithe bourgeoisie at least on three | occasions whenever vital issues of |class interests were involved. | Firstly, under the pressure of |the big bourgeoisie (to have the | party representing the heavy in- act as the administrators of the) million more than in the previous capitalist state, against the workers, | lection in 1924. The German nation- in support of the employers. As long alist party (monarchist, ee as the bourgeoisie own and control | ing mainly reactionary landed in- ithe means of production in a given | terests) lost 30 seats. |country, the state is the organ of | The people’s party (predominant- |their power, and must do their bid-|1y monarchist, representing heavy ding. As the minister of this state, industry) lost 12 seats. The centre the social democrat must take his/ party (catholic, representing indu- orders from the bourgeoisie and!try) lost 7 seats. The democratic thus betray the workers. And the! party (republican, representing lib- bourgeoisie cannot be deprived of| eral intelligentsia and the urban their ownership and control of the petty bourgeoisie) lost 7 seats. The means of production so long as they| fascists were practically swept off remain in possession of the state-|the board. On the other hand, the power. jsocial democratic party gained 49 Open Counter-Revolution | seats more; and the Communist Par- The super-class theory of state,|ty 10. and the policy of coalition, however, To Be Continued The Right Danger in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and in the Comintern Results of the November Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union tation or of any conciliatory attitude | Leading article in| toward it. This phase of the work of the plenum has an especially im- portant significance for the C. P. S. _U. Precisely in regard to this ques- \tion did the Party await the decisions of the plenum with impatience. (Editor’s Note: the Communist International for November 28, 1928.) The Plenum of the Central Com- mittee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which has just In its decisions, the plenum di- ended, has drawn up the balance- sheet of the struggle which has rected against those superficial views | been carried on in the Party dur- which represent the right deviation| ig the last few months in regard as easy to overcome, as a deviation to the most important d ions of which can be liquidated by a few the XV Party Congress. Against | hundred decisive resolutions and a any attempt to turn aside from the! few dozen cases of applying so-called decisions of the XV Party Congress organizational “consequences.” relative to the tempo of industrial- Such views are entirely erroneous, ization in the Union of Socialist) for the Party must still carry on a Soviet Republics and the intensi-| long struggle against the right devi- fid attack on the kulak, as well #s/ ation. The liquidation of the right for the energetic execution of these | deviation will be achieved above all decisions—this was the main line of and principally by the socialist re- the work of the plenum. The ple-| construction of the entire economy num considered all the main prob- (including agriculture). As long as lems connected with the practical theve Fs ane Pay a work of carrying out the decisions | Bo ville rege otal of the XV Party Congress. The) tnies which 4 ates i fi ; 4 , reproduce capitalism in annual budget plans for the Soctal- | Sulake and nep -bourgeoisie ADs: ODE ist building of the entire economy, SCduently, hope for a capitalist de- the measure necessary for an ac-|)< lopmient, of, Peasant baits Adan long as petty-bourgeois elements celerated improvement of our now |. . fr tuc. | Will exert a strong pressure on the backward agriculture, the introduc: Party—just so long will the right tion of the seven-hour workday us deviation etop up in our Party to a the main prerequisite for drawing A the workers into the industrializa-| pane less extent, in one form tion of the country on the widest | °° The Trotskyist deviation was di- seale, andy finally the recruiting of | A workers and the regulation of the | ectfd against the middle peasantry. growth of the Party, i. e., such an It rejected the Leninist idéa of the enhancement of its stability as alliance between the proletariat and would assure the execution of the| the peasantry. The Trotskyist devi increasingly urgent task, for the ation, therefore, was and remain: country and the Party, of an ac-| “city” deviation. It gets its support celerated upbuilding of the entire| from the remnants of former classes economy—ail this in its entirety|the petty bourgeoisie of the city, pictures the sum of practical meas-|the bourgeois intellectuals) and ures without the carrying out of| from the declassed elements (certain which the decisions of the XV Party strata of students and elements de- Congress could not now be put into| classed in the process of the revolu- effect, tion). The Trotskyist deviation— The whole work of the plenum With its idea of a return to military was carriéd on under the sign of a|Communism, with its view of the decided rejection of the right devi- peasantry as a colony of the socialist state to be mercilessly exploited for the purpose of socialist construction --has been unable to find any sup- port in the broad ranks of the peas- antry. s The right deviation is in the main a “country” one. It does not reject the Leninist idea of the alliance be- tween the proletariat and the peas- antry, but rather leads objectively in the direction of assigning the lead- ing role in this alliance te the peas- antry, and thus departs from the decisive thesis of Lenin on the lead- ing role of the proletariat in this union, Already in 1920 there arouse sim- ultaneously with the “Workers’ Op- position” (Shliapnikov) the “Peas- ant” Opposition (making its appe: ance in the Red Army in its primi- | tive peasant form), which put for- ward the thesis that the “peasantry is the older and the proletariat the younger brother.” After a few years of the NEP the peasant idea was expressed in a milder form in the denial of the necessity of an indus- trialization of the U, S. S. R. in the next stage and in teaching the neces- sity of an agrarianization in this stage. But even in such form this deviation proved itself to be too primitive, and today it masquerades by teaching that one should not enter upon industrialization at too furious a tempo, that one should not limit the freedom of development of the kulak economy (since we will still need the kulak and his grain), and finally that one should not make haste in establishing collective and Soviet economies. In this manner there developed the idea (which has nothing in common with Leninism) of collaboration of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie for the purpose of building socialism in the USSR. That is the basic idea of the right deviation in its “Russian” form, an idea which naturally has not made its appearance in such an openly | cynical form, A second peculiarity of the “Rus-| d ¢ r sian” form of the right deviation] any definite ideological sy: y | consists in the fact that it has not the individual elements of this sys- yet been developed ideologically and | tem are scattered everywhere. Hence, | shows an entire lack of organiza-| a merciless ideological struggle |tional development. This deviation | against this deviation, even though is at present in its first stage of de-| the latter has not yet been developed leveloped itself here according to;born out of the social democratic] Union the building of socialism is | stem, but] parties, shows that these parties | already in process, whereas in the have also gradually unburdened |themselves by inner-party struggle lof their social-democratic ballast (Levi, Frossard, Bubnik and Co.) | which they had brought along with vocal manner. It suffices, by way of illustration, to cite what has taken other countries the socialist revolu-|and is taking place in the Communist tion is still in the future. In spite| Party of Germany. The attempt of of this great difference, however, it|the rights, in connection with the is precisely this basic tendency of | Wittorf case, to overthrow the pres- | collaboration with the bourgeoisie| ent party leadership and to take the |which has united the right deviation velopment. The roots of the right deviation, however, extend, as we have already seen, incomparably deeper than those of Trotskyism; they extend deep in- to the immense mass of 25,000,000 individual peasant economies (of which during the last few years only about 400,000 have combined into collective economies). The economic individualistic-peasant tendencies — tendencies of the not yet collectivized peasantry—which still tend spon- taneously toward capitalism, and hence are kulak economic tendencies. The concrete forms in which the right deviation has made its appear- ance are exceptionally varied; it has sprung up in the various branches of Party, Soviet and union work. It is very clear that the powerful petty- bourgeois masses exert'a pressure on all expressions of Party life. This deviation shows itself both in the collection of grain—as when the lower Party and Soviet workers, in well-to-do section of the middle peas- antry, hinder the proper carrying out of this work—and also in a false tax (a lowering of the tax on the kulak to the detriment of the mid- dle peasantry), in an unfair dis- tribution of agricultural machinery (relinquishing it to the kulaks), in occurrences of daily life (friendships of Communists with kulaks and Nep- men), in inclusion of kulak elements in the Party organizations of the villages, etc., etc. It is impossible to enumerate all the various expres- sions of the right deviation in the Party life of the C. P. S. U. The right deviation has not yet tendencies of the right deviation are! ideologically, is the demand of the|them from the social-democracy. |hour, The necessity of | plenum in a most decisive way, as | was also the great necessity of a |struggle against any tolerant or conciliatory attitude toward this | right deviation, munist parties has proved itself to be different from that in the C. P. 8S. U. This must be brought out | with special sharpness, because a | purely mechanical transfer to the other parties of that section of the decisions of the last plenum of the Central Committee of the C. P. S. U. which deals with the right deviation might lead ta a complete | distortion of the practical tasks which confront these parties in the struggle against the right devi- ation, Above all it must not be forgot- ten that the other Communist parties are distinguished from the C, P. S. U, in the first place by their task of the interest of the kulaks and the carrying out the socialist revolution. This task requires of these parties, | moreover—as we know from the ex- perience of the Russiah Party—the apportionment of the* agricultural | very greatest unity and homogeneity. During the course of a decade the Party of the Bolsheviks has carried out a thoroughgoing purification of its ranks, in order to secure the closest possible formation, Without this preparatory work, which was expressed in a protracted, stubborn struggle against all deviations, the C. P. S. U. could not have prepared itself for the carrying through of the October Revolution, The history of all the other Com- ‘The situation in the other Com- | |years. But this process has not been |completed by a long way. The intensification of class anta- gonisms and of the class struggle and the rapid approach of the war danger require, however, that these | parties free themselves as quickly | as possible from all social democratic elements, which are indeed the main bearers of right deviations. The sources of the right deviation in the C. P. S. U. and in the other parties are different; the stages of | development of the right danger in | the C, P, S. U. and in the other Com- munist Parties are likewise differ- lent. Whereas the right deviation in | the Cc. P. S. U. is only in its first | stage, in the other Communist Par- ties the right deviation has already taken shape not only ideologically but also organizationally. This es- sential difference must not be left out of consideration. It shows pre- cisely that a purely mechanical transfer of the decisions of the last plenum of the Central Committee ties may lead to a series of most flagrant errors. The “Russian” and the “interna- tional” right deviations have this in common: a tendency of collabora- tion with the bourgeoisie (in the capitalist countries taking the form of a collaboration with the reform- ists). This tendpncy springs from fear of struggle under conditions of a sharpening of antagonisms both in the Soviet Union and in the cap- italist countries. This tendency na- turally has different concrete forms a NN of the C. P, S. U. to the other par- | such a’ Now these parties have closer ranks| on an international scale, This must | struggle was emphasized by the|than they have had for the past ten| by no means be forgotten, The tasks of getting rid of right elements takes on a special signif- icance in the case of the leading |Party circles. The approaching | grandiose class struggles and mil- ‘itary clashes will necessitate the | transforming of these leading or- |gans into revolutionary staffs, not |in a figurative but in the true sense of this word. In such a staff, how- | ever there can be no skeptics, vacil- |lators, or those incapable of resis- | tance, who are ready to retreat at the first rebuff; there is no place | here for panic-makers, By this we do not wish to imply by any means that an ideological struggle is not necessary. That ological struggle on all fronts is ab- solutely necessary. We can only emphasize that deep- | going difference which exists in the treatment of the question of the at- titude toward the right danger in the |C. P. S. U. and in the other Com- |munist parties. The main task of the C. P. S. U. in the present stage is a merciless ideological struggle against the right deviation; the so- called “organizational consequences,” however, play only a subordinate role. In the other Communist parties, on the contrary, the main task is getting rid of right elements, which however by no means does away with the ideological struggle against the right deviation but rather requires the Parties to car- ry it on in an intensified form. A series of events which have would be entirely erroneous. An ide-| rudder themselves, the organization | of a fraction within the party, which publishes its own fraction papers, | refuses to comply with the instrue- jtions of the Central Committee, |sharply attacks the decisions of the IV. Congress of the R. I. L. U. and the VI. Congress of the Comintern, sabotages the struggle in the Ruhr, and openly prepares for a split in the party—this is an example of what our parties may expect in case of revolutionary or war complica- tions (which will be incomparably more difficult than those complica- tions called forth in the party by the Wittorf case), if the rights re- |tain the organizational possibility ;of sabotaging the revolutionary hee of the Communist Parties, We shall not here treat the ques- | tion ‘of the forms of our reaction to | the acts of the rights in the German | and in the other Communist Parties. That is another question, That | would be a question of what methods |must be used in clearing out the rights from the Communist Parties. The question which interests us at the moment is the bearing of the present experience in the struggle with the right deviation on the fu- ture, the evaluation of this experi- ence in the light of the general re- |volutionary tasks confronting the Communist Parties and also in the light of specific revolutionary tasks. The most important conclusion to be drawn from our experience in the struggle with the rights is that our parties—without a determined clear- ing out of the rights from the Com- munist Parties of the capitalist coun- tries, and especially from the leading munist Parties, which arose after|in the Soviet Union and in the other! *ecently occurred in the Communist| Party circles—will not be able to the October Revolution and were countries, because in the Soviet Parties confirms this in an unequi- fulfill their revolutionary duty. y y