The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 2, 1929, Page 6

kin BR te a, FO, A A I te DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2, 1929 1 > pie sph Published by National Daily Worker Publishing Ase’n., Inc., Daily, Except Sunday, at 26-28 Telephone, “Daitwork” ROBERT MINOR . Editor WM. F. DUNNE eam ~ pe a ae ie SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $4.50 six mos. $2.50 three mos. By Mail (outside of New York): $6 a year $3.50 six mos. $2.00 three mos. Address and mail all checks to Tie Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. $8ay Organization for Class Struggle The great national industrial union, that has just been founded at the co vention of cloakmakers, dressmakers and furriers, will without doubt become a cornerstone in the new structure of trade-unionism that is be- ing erected in important sections of Ameri- can industry, in which the offensive of the bo: 5 isted by capitalist government and “labor” bureaucrats alike, had smashed up the older unions and transformed the fragments of those organizations into com- pany unions. Sharp, clear vision and militant class loyalty mark the work of this historic con- vention. Recognizing that trustified in- dustry has long been making the old craft unions into playthings—or worse, making them into the bosses’ own dangerous tools against the workers—the needle worker: have discarded the old craft-union prejudices. The new union is being built on the basis of industrial unionism and the shop-delegate system. The workers themselves will control this union. It will fight for them, rather than for high-salaried bureaucratic parasites who perpetuate themselves in office at the expense of the wor! The leaders of the new union, by provision of the constitution, are to receive no more in salary than the amount of a jlled worker’s wages in the shop, and this “little” thing is a healthy in- dication. The preamble to the draft of the consti- tution of the new union gives recognition to the class struggle. While semi-company unions under the guidance of the “fat boys” are revamping their whole structure and practice to the plan of class collaboration, while a flood of poisonous “philosophy” of class collaboration is being poured upon the heads of the working class by trade union bureaucrats, bosses’ efficiency experts, pro- fessors and the yellow socialist party, the needle trades workers keep their heads clear and boldly acclaim the struggle not only for their every-day demands, but for the libera- tion of their class. This revolt from the trade union bureau- crats and from those parasites whom the | world. their strike-breaking, their armies, their navies, their whole political system, their position as ruling class and the integrity of the state through which they rule. Refusal to recognize the political nature of the workers’ struggle would be a refusal to carry on the struggle—and this is espe- cially clear in this period when any consid- erable strike inevitably and immediately in- volves the direct and open action of the state against the workers. The new union avoids both ditches of reformism and comes out strongly for the class struggle and at the same time recognizes that all class struggles are political struggles. these lines are written, it is not yet known what action the convention will take in the matter of international relations. But the whole spirit and course of the actions of the convention in other respects would indi- sate) that these workers will take an equally clas$-conscious stand in that. A great organization of the working class is born. But if the Trotskyist tendency represents a “Left” deviation, does this not mean that the “Left” stand left of Leninism? No, it does not mean this. Len- ninism is the most Left (without inverted commas) of all the currents in the international labor movement. We Leninists were in the II. International up to the time of the outbreak of the imperialist war, and there we were the most Left fraction of the social democrats. We did not remain in the II. Interna- tional, and we advocated the split in the II. Interna- tional precisely for the reason that, as the extreme Left fraction, we would not remain in one and the same party with the petty bourgeois betrayers of Marxism, with the social pacifists and the social chauvirists. These tactics and this ideology were later adopted by the Bolshevist parties of the whole In our Party we Leninists are the sole Left (without inverted commas). Therefore we Leninists are neither “Left” nor Right in our own Party. We are a Party of the Marxist-Leninists. And in our Party we combat not only those whom we designate as the representatives of the openly opportunist de- viations, but at the same time those who maintain that they stand “Left” of Marxism, “Left” of Len- inism, and conceal their true opportunist Right char- acter behind a cloak of empty Left phrases. It is clear that when people who. have not freed them- selves from Trotskyist tendencies call themselves “Left,” this must be taken ironically. Lenin called the “left communists” the Left, sometimes in in- | verted commas, sometimes not. But it is clear to everyone that Lenin was speaking ironically when The Struggle Against Imperialist and the Tasks of the Communists (Continued) | (Note.—This is the ninth instal-| ment of the theses on the war dan-| ger, adopted by the 6th World Con- gress of the Communist Internation- | al at its recent sessions in Moscow, | entitled “The Struggle Against Im-; |perialist War and the Tasks of the | Communists.”—Editor.) | * * * | C. The Proletariat’s Attitude To-| wards Armies in Colonial and Semi-| Colonial Countries. 53. With the opening of the per- iod cf national revolutions and wars} |of oppressed nations against imper-| jialism, the military question as- sumed decisive importance in all) |colonial and semi-colonial countries. | | This is true of countries which are, | |or have been, in a state of war with |imperialism (China, Morocco, Syria, Nicaragua) as well as of those! | countries in which open war is not} lyet being conducted (India, Egypt,| Mexico, the Philippines, Korea).| Clearly, the military question in re-} lation to national wars against im- perialism must be formulated -dif- ferently from that in relation to im- | perialist states. 54. It must not be forgotten that} two altogether different types of armies (which are not always revo-| lutionary armies) and on the other} hand we have imperialist armies| | (which are either expeditionary forces despatched from the home country or armies consisting of na-| |tives of other colonial countries or else armies recruited in the given colonial country). In China we have both types of jarmies and also an example of how] |national armies become practically |converted into imperialist armies. | | After Chang Kai-shek’s coup, the} |southern national army became! transformed into an army practical- ly serving ifnperialist aims. Ob- viously, the attitude of the prole- tariat and of the revolutionary toil- | ing masses towards these two types| of armies must be different. | With regard to the national | armies, the military program of | | Marx and Engels of 1848-1870, i. e.,| the democratization of these armies| |for the purpose of converting them |into revolutionary armies, must be} |applied with certain modifications. | \In regard to the imperialist armies, | we can apply only the defeatist pro- jgram, i. e., disintegration from! | within. In the event of special of- |ficer units or bourgeois class mili- tary organizations existing, efforts must be made to isolate and liqui- date them, i, e., the program which | must be applied in imperialist coun- | tries must be applied here. | From the point of view of tactics) | there exists a third type of army in| movement must be subordinated to colonial and semi-colonial countries in addition to the two types already mentioned, i. e., the army command-| ed by the imperialists, and in which) a struggle is proceeding between the national movement and the imper- ialists (India, Egypt, Indo-China,| Syria, Algiers, Tunis, etc.). Concrete Slogans. In such cases, the elements of both programs must be combined} according to concrete circumstances, | i. e., the defeatist program must be applied to the armies, or certain units of these armies which are un-| der the command of the imperial. ists, and at the same time the slo-| gans of the armed nation (militia) | and a national army must be ad-) vanced, | The slogan for a national army must be advanced when the concrete situation is suitable for it and put forward in such a way as to prevent it being misused by the imperialists and their flunkeys (complete inde- pendence of the army from the im- perialists, organization of the army on the widest democratic basis, elec- tion of officers, etc.). The slogan: Withdraw the imper- ialist armies from the colonies;| Withdraw the imperialist cadres} and officers from native armies, must be advanced in colonies as well| as in the home countries. Relation To USSR. 55. In order to determine the at- titude to be taken towards the mili-| tary system in colonial and semi- colonial countries, consideration must | be given to the political role being played by the given country at the | war for the defence of other revolu- |rule of Kuomintang generals. | with democratic demands directed | against feudalism and the feudal and | which class differentiation is strongly | expressed, but where the bourgeois | plished, for example in Latin Ameri-} the inteersts of the world proletar- ian revolution. Revolutionaries can- not advance such a program in op- pressed countries which are them- selves oppressors and act as the} vassals of the imperialists in a war) against proletarian, or national rev-) olutions. | In such countries Communists must unfailingly combine their prop- aganda in favor of revolutionary tionary countries, and their propa-| ganda in favor of a revolutionary) military policy, with a defeatist posi- tion in relation to the given war or army. Such a position must be taken up at the present time in those prov- inces in China which are under the Program for Oppressed Countries 56. In laying down the military program for oppressed countries, consideration must be given to the} stage of economic and political de-| yelopment of those countries. 1. In those countries in which the slogan of the armed nation (nation- al militia) must be adopted, partic- ularly in those countries where the class rupture between the bourgeoi- sie and the proletariat is not yet very strongly expressed (Syria, Mo- rocco, and Egypt). This slogan must be linked up bourgeois officers. In countries in revolution has not yet been accom- can countries, this slogan must bear) the character of a workers’ and| given moment, in the decisive > miditi, stages of the international revolu. | Peasants PSS tion, i, e., whether it is an ally or a foe of the Soviet Union, of the} 2. In countries passing. through Chinese Revolution, etc. |the stage of democratic revolution, On the whole, the proletariat, and| the slogan for militia will prove in- the revolutionary masses among the| adequate and must therefore be ex-| oppressed nations, must demand the| Panded into the slogan: organize al democratic system of armaments in| revolutionary army. This, of course, which all the toilers are able to | does not prevent the militia slogan learn the use of arms, which will|from being advanced at the same) improve the defense of the country| time, particularly in preparing for) against imperialism, secure the in-|Tebellion, It must be noted, that) fluence of the workers and peasants | arming the proletariat does not con-| in the army, and facilitate the ttadict the demand for the armed) struggle for the hegemony of the|Pation; in fact, the armed proletari- proletariat in the democratic revo-/2t is a fundamental part of the jution. | armed nation. While participating in Colts. the general organizations of the se des amt, armed nation, it is absolutely essen- Unlike the position in regard to| tial to set up special, proletarian, the imperialist states, the slogans:| armed units, commanded by offi- universal military service, the mili-| cers elected by these units. tary trait Ling of the youth, a demo- Communist Military Program eratic militia, a national army, ete.,! 3. In countries passing from the must be included in the revolution-| stage of democratic revolution to ary military program in colonial and) proletarian reyelution, the military semi-colonial countries. In the pres-| program of the Communists in im- ent historical epoch, however, the|perialist countries may be adopted, For Countries in Revolution | War The slogan proletariat militia (a militia of the toilers, a workers’ and peasants’ militia) takes the place of the demand for a democratic militia. When, in the process of the revolu- tion in the colonies, the question of the immediate seizure of power arises, the question of organizing a Red Army must be brought up simultaneously with the organization of Soviets. The old, revolutionary, democratic forms of army organiza- tion must be substituted by class forms, dictated by the proletarian revolution, ; 57. In the fight against imperial- ism, for the carrying out of a na- tional-revolutionary military policy, it is absolutely necessary to conduct systematic agitational and propa- gandist work among the colonial armies. Communists and national rev-| olutionaries must therefore careful- |ly study the various types of colonial | armies and to devise effective meth- ods for working among the various types. As the case of China shows, work in badly-disciplined and badly- paid native mercenary troops, fre- quently has many chances of suc- cess. Partial Demands In such cases, the partial demands may be somewhat similar to those] enumerated above for imperialist States; but here too, careful study must be made of the concrete cir- cumstances (class composition of the army, morale of the troops, eco- nomic conditions, etc.), Special at- tention must be paid to the form-| ulation of the demands of the native troops and to combating ill-treatment of the native troops by the white officers. The character of the work that Communists must carry on in na- tional armies will differ from that] in other types of armies, but it is} extremely important that this work) should be done as the experience of the national war in China in 1926-27) has shown. In this case, the task of the Communists is to organize nu-) clei throughout the whole of the) army; to make it a more conscious instrument in the fight against im- perialism; in the interests of the national revolution to fight against} the unreliable elements among the officers, and where the command is not yet in the hands of the sol-) diers by the application of wide rev- olutionary democracy. | It must always be borne in mind) that the system of electing officers| prevailed in the army of the Con-| vent during the French revolution, | and that that army achieved great! victories, whereas the absolutely un-| democratic system of organization! of the Southern armies in China in| 1926-27. greatly facilitated’ the, treacherous turn taken by the bour-| ‘(Fake Drives for’ | Organization By Misleaders | By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER. 4 Continued | Under the head of “organizing ex- | penses” the labor corruptionists lcover up much of their dishonesty, Vast sums of money are swallowed |up in fake organization campaigns, An example was the recent A. F, lof L. campaign to organize the steel | workers. This burned up some $75,- |000 left over from the 1919 steel |strike as an organizing fund. Only a few score of workers were actu- ally organized. Another case point is the U. M. W. A. “organiz- |ing campaign” in West Virginia for the past couple of years. This, under the leadership of the no- | torious Van Bittner, has squandered scores of thousands of dollars with |no tangible results. What reaction- lary labor leaders understand under the head of “organizing expenses” was evidenced by the banquet given |by Frank Feeney in May, 1925, to the Philadelphia “open shop” em- ployers at a cost of $7,000. “Legal expenses” also cover up much corruption. See the fabulous bills of Frank Farrington during the Herrin trials, running into hundreds | of thousands of dollars and for which |no real accounting was ever made. |Or the huge expenditures during | trials of labor leaders arrested for | grafting from employers. During | strikes and such labor trials the |unions are fair game for all kinds of exploiters, often with connivance |of the union officials. Mr. Morris | Hillquit, leader of the Socialist |Party, is a sample of the type of | unions. Mr. Hillquit finds it no con- tradiction to his “revolutionary” principles to be at once the attorney for the employers (a dress manu- facturers’ association) and also for the unions that are fighting them. For presenting the workers’ case at the recent hearings before the Gov- ernor’s Commission, which lasted only a few days, he charged the In- ternational Ladies’ Garment Work- ers’ Union $25,000. He charges the unions $25 for a telephone conversa- tion; $150 for a conference with a committee, and similar enormous prices for petty services. It is no wonder that Mr. Hillquit, who lives lin one of the most aristocratic sec- tions of New York, is reputed to be a millionaire. Working Permits, Initiation Fees and Death Benefits. A common reactionary practice in the building trades unions is to re- strict the membership of the or- ganizations to about that minimum of workers who ean find steady work in” |“labor lawyers” that prey upon the tactics of the national revolutionary! with certain concrete modificatjons.'geoisie and their generals. at the trade during the slack season. needle trades workers havé learned to call ““Séhe socialist politicians” is, however, not running into the other ditch of reformism called syndicalism. Too often in the past of American labor history the revolt from “political” reformism has simply flopped into the ditch of denial of the political struggle. A famous reactionary in the needle trades once said, at a moment when he attempted a gesture toward the left, that “non-partisan political action is no political action.” Of course this is deceptive. For ‘‘no’’ political action on the part of the working class is, he referred to them as the Left, and thereby stressed the fact that they are only apparently Left, and in reality represent petty bourgeois tendencies. The nature of the Left character of the Trotskyist ele- ments has been plainly enough demonstrated by their | recent alliance with openly opportunist elements in one anti-Leninist bloc, and their direct. and im- mediate collaboration with the anti-Soviet strata in the country. Is it not a fact that only yesterday we had an oven bloc of the “Left” and the Right against | the Leninist Party, one indubitably supported by the bourgeois elements? And does this not go to show that this “Left” and this Right could not have. joined in one bloc had they not possessed common social | roots, and if they had not possessed the like oppor- tunist character? The Trotskyist bloc collapsed a Continued The sharp and stormy character | |of the strikes in France and Poland | ‘distinguish these strikes essentially | from the strikes of the preceding| period. Here we see, on the ‘one | hand, a stubborn attitude against \the strikes on the part of both the ally the same, the reformists in| France proved themselves suffici- | ently strong to come out definitely on the side of the capitalists and | the government; while in Poland,| due to pressure from the masses, they could not do otherwise than to| propagandize for the strike, at the, of a leadership by the masses them- | selves. This task has been attained. | Since we regard the French and | Polish strikes as typical for the present period, we must even now draw the necessary conclusions from their progress for our tactics in economic struggles in other coun-! ‘The Strike Wave in Europe and the Communists | the respective strikes were essenti-, successful struggle is the creation experienced and’ capable organ- izers, who tight not only for the proletarian dictatorship, but for ull the everyday partial demands of the masses of workers; they must win authority as leaders of well-conducted strike struggles.” The role of initiator of economic | These are the so-called “job trust” | unions. When the rush season takes Flees instead of organizing the | numbers of workers necessary to fill the jobs at hand, “working per- | mits” are issued to them. For these |permits the workers are charged $2.00 to $10.00 weekly. In summer | hundreds of such “permit men” are | to be found in the big cities. The | money collected from thera is sup- | posed to go into the union treas- uries, but in many cases it finds its | way into the pockets of avaricious | business agents. A not unusual case i: deh es | oxeze 3 A capitalists and the government, the Same time, however, awaiting the !{yj - % rhe gi struggles forms, however, only a)” in fact, political support of the existing rule ean ade S fatendtae a Nogeal hi e ae a ee Hatter interfering iio its police, |@ppropriate moment to ASaae ie ee eis « pea Gees of the task which ‘confronts all Rete Mee Eee wate “pales «ay Comrade Schatunovsky, le e bloc. In consequence | are i | ve 1G i i | ie 3 of the capitalist class. ‘Political action” as | 4. Bieht members of the bles will from pet Gis ie on the other hand, an exception- strike, 2 strike movements. These move- ee ae pe oie Ua who, among various other shady the workers have experienced it from the | wards come forward as Right, but the “Left” hide \ally high mood for struggle on the| In all earlier revolts of the Polish| ments will spread to even more The objective <situation is aaah financial transactions, was unable, socialist party, is capitalist politics against the workers. Political action as the workers are learning to understand it (correctly) is working class action disputing the very ci- tadel of the bosses’ power—their power to rule, their state power, their injunctions, their Right nature in Left phraseology. But what guarantee have we that the “Left” and the Right may not be happily united again some day? (Laughter.) It is obvious that there is no guarantee for this, nor can there be. | (From “The Situation in the C. P. S. U.”, a speech by Stalin as reported in the Inprecorr, Number 87). Preparing for New Wars in China !pon of struggle against the militar-|“two parties” within the Kuomin- Continued sata dak cae is ee = ists 1s to retire from ie country to fea bl BROWDER. issue “manifestoes” to their fellow January 1 had been set as the | emigres and personal friends. It is date for the congress of the Kuo-| not they who create the crisis. mintang, which was to decide the; The real cause of the postpone- course of the nation. Now it is an-| ment is the inability of the real rul- nounced that the congress is post-| ing groups at the top of the Kuo- poned to March 15th. In this action) mintang to reach any agreement. | may be seen one of the first effects | And the present disagreement among of the re-grouping now taking place | the groups formerly labelled “cen- collectively as the Kuomintang, a all right wing, without essential dif- Sage that occurs under the | ferences in their attitude toward the influence of international forces. revolution) is gradually bringing _ The imperialist press in China ex-| out two principal groupings, which -the postponement as the re-) affiliate generally to the two main It of the struggle between the/ groupings in international politics. Central Committee in Nanking and) From the point of view of the di- the “left wing” of the Kuomintang | visiohs in international imperialism, controlling the District Committees. | these two Kuomintang camps could mumber of District Kuomintang ‘Committees against the decision Central Executive that one- of the number of delegates to conference would be appointed F*the central party office, is ly responsible for the post- poitesient.” The struggle between the two camps is an irreconcilable one. They cannot arrive at any compromise set- tlement of their differences, certain- ly not any compromise that would be more than a temporary truce for a few months or a year. War be- tween them is, inevitable. These so-called “left” ele- led by such figures as Wang ei and Chen Kung-po, are i] ntatives of such petty- and intellectual groups ll imagine they can play an in- it role in the revolution. is a sign that the cliques have been unable to find a basis for postpone- ment of the war. Wars in China usually begin in the Spring. March 15th is an ideal date, which still leaves open the question: Will the war begin before within the militarist cliques known|trist” and “right wing” (they are | tang may be listed as follows: The “American” Party: tion). Chiang Kai-shek, whose forces control the provinces of Kiangsu, Chekiang and Fukien. Feng Yu-hsiang, whose forces control Shensi, Kansu, northern Honan and part of Shantung. Western Hills Group, which is split, but the principal leaders of which are “in the administration” (Hu Han-min, “Elders.”). The “Anti-American” Party (in | opposition, orientated toward Brit- ain- and Japan, and dominated by Jehol. Yen Hsi-shan, the “model gov- ernor of Shansi, also controlling Peking, a feudal remnant of im- perial days. 5 The Kwangsi Faction, in close connection with Greatin Britain, and represented by three main Kwangsi military forces; (b) Li Tsung-jen, controlling Hankow, part of Hunan, Hupeh, and part of Honan; (c) Bei Chung-hsi, con- trolling Chihli province and the port of Tientsin. The Anhui Clique, outside the (Con- trolling the Nanking administra- Sun Fo, and the is no evidence whatever or after the gathering of delegates part of the masses, which is express- | ed in demonstration, in struggle) |against strikebreaking, and finally; in bloody encounters with the police. As the most significant phenom- enon of these mass strikes we must | call special attention to the enor- mous increase in importance of the | Communist parties, of the revolu- | tionary unions, and of the revolu- tionary minorities in the unions. In France, it was precisely in the textile industry that the forces of the unitarian unions were signifi- cantly smaller than those of the re- formists. This was especially evi- |dent in the northern district in the | great centers like Lille, Tourcoing, Roubaix, etc. The only exception | was Halluin, a sort of revolutionary oasis in the reformist desert, where our influence had to reckon with no | competition from the reformists and where we had repeatedly led victori- ous strikes. Despite our relative weakness, we succeeded in extend- jing the strike in Halluin to the larger centers, in making a breach in the stronghold of the reformists, in unit- ing with us, by a correct application of the united front tactics from be- low, the rank and file membership of the reformist unions and the un- organized masses, and in taking over the leadership of the strike move- | if extent in snatching the leadership of the masses from the hands of the reformists and in attracting the masses to us. | In Poland, the Communist Party has succeeded, under still more dif- ficult conditions, in taking in hand not only the political but also the ers. Among the difficult conditions the following may be mentioned: the fascist terror, the complete lack of revolutionary trade union organiza- tions, and the fact that the entire existing union apparatus is in the textile workers the Communist Party | had succeeded in calling them out | on strike. In the present strike, however, the Party, in addition, ac- quired the task of taking over the leadership of the strike. For the! present time the Communist Party succeeded in taking away a signifi- cant mass of the Polish proletariat from the influence of the reformists and in acquiring the leadership of the strike by means of factory dele- gations as well as by the organiza- tion of strike committees chosen from the rank and file masses. At present, when the strikes are in full swing, it is not yet time to judge accurately as to the general tactics and all the actions of our comrades who are leading the strug- gle, but, still it must be pointed out, upon what the basis of their tactics rests. e In Frapce, in addition to the ob- jective conditions which force the workers into struggle, special. atten- tion must be drawn to the fact that the Unitarian Federation of Textile Workers is right in taking upon it- self the initiative of the struggle without waiting for the co-opera- tion of the reformist trade union leadership in the strike as well as in drawing the masses into the In Poiand, under different cir- cumstances, in which we are forced to function as the trade union min- crity, the Communist Party and the trade union opposition have not for a moment let the tendency spring up which arises from the false, op- portunistic slogan: “Foree the Bon- is not our task to induce the re- formist leaders to take over the strike leadership, but rather the re- verse, to snatch the leadership from their hands in order to take it over ourselves, hands of the reformists. In addi- tion, the fact that the overwhelm- The whole preparatory campaign for the Lodz strike was conducted stify the view that these heroes” of a hundred flights from ttle are willing or able to make e attempt to contro] the ingress. Their most extreme wea- : A‘ eo for the Kuomintang Congress? “Two Parties” Within the Kuomintang. The principal members of the Kuomintang formally, but an ac- tive participant in the “Anti-Amer- | ican” Party, headed by Tuan Chi- jui, instruments of Japan. To Be Continued ing majority of the textile workers|on the principle that one must ham- are not organized causes the reform-|mer into the consciousness of the ists to oppose strikes. It must cer-| broad masses the knowledge that the tainly be mentioned here that, altho|reformists necessarily betray them the tactics of the reformists against |and that the only guarantee of # hi ihe aan countries, to even more branches of industry, These economic strikes have ceased to bear only a defensive character; in many cases the work- | ing class, recovered from its de-| feats, has already gone over to the | offensive. The character of the demands put | up by the workers is such that they directly challenge capitalist. stabil- ization. Consequently, they call forth the sharpest defense on the part of the capitalists. In these clashes the whole state apparatus will be ready to use all means, from compulsory arbitration to open ter- ror, to support the resistance of cap- ital and to defeat the struggle of the proletariat. The reformist apparatus, which in increasing measure is becoming amalgamated with the bourgeois state and the organizations cf the capitalists, has as its aim not to allow a struggle, and if neverthe- less one should begin, to strangle it at the first opportunity. Economic struggles of such char- acter create the objective conditions for an easy transition into political struggle. The Communist Parties and the revolutionary trade unions and rev- ‘ : ‘ i”? hi ; . ‘ ri applicati lutionary minorities in the reform- ji ; ; The “North China Daily News” de-!be designated as the “American” | them): ment of 50,000 workers. strike by a correct application of |? ‘ Communists active in the trade clared: and the “Anti-American” camps. Chang Hsueh-liang, protege of It is the first time that we have ne united front tactics from be- aime Hpi, fedshy Com ee unions, “The vigorous attack made by a Internal War Inevitable. Japan, controlling Manchuria and | succeeded in France to such a large oye P Secondly, we must penetrate broadening and strengthening of the strike-wave. Although the situation is objectively favorable to us, yet our tasks are all the more difficult and all the more responsible. The Communist Parties must ubove all be the initiators of econ- omic struggles. They must be struggles constitute the decisive lever which will shatter: capitalist stabilization, and that the organiza- tion of these struggles is, therefore, one ‘of the main tasks of the Com- nyunist Parties. As the resolution of the Sixth Congress of the Com- intern puts it: “The Communists, by everyday devoted and patient work in the trade unions, must win for them- selves among the broad masses of that the radicalization of the work- ing masses and the strengthening of our influence places upon the Com- nunists the urgent task of leading the strikes. This holds true not only in those} eases where we form a majority in| the labor movement and in those) where the reyolutionary trade unions are weaker than the reformist, but also in those cases where we form only a minority in the reformist) trade unions, where the trade union apparatus is in the hands of the so- | cial betrayers. In order that we may execute this | task with success, two things are essential: First, we must perform untiring labor in unmasking the true role of the reformists in the labor movement of the present period; we must sharpen our struggle against the reformist leadership, carry on a relentless struggle against the slo- gans put forward by them of “in- dustrial peace,” of “economic democ- racy,” and of compulsory arbitra- tion, and also set up irreconcilable class struggle in opposition to these traitorous and deceitful’ methods as the only means of raising the stand- ards of living of the working class —that is one part of the task of the Communist parties and of all deeply into the masses, link ourselves more closely with them. Our party organizations must penetrate all the large shops; our revolutionary trade unions must penetrate heavy indus- try and, in general, all important branches of industry. We must by all means have our fractions in those bers must at the same time be trade union members, but even that is not sufficient. We must develop the most strenuous activity in the creation of shop councils, factory delegations, and other forms of lower organiza- tions in the factories, which would | when haled before the Lockwood | Committee, to account for an item | of $26,000 of permit money. In this lease the public accountants, select- |ing 200 permits out of thousands that had been issued, found only 55 of them entered upon the union books. The higher officials of the International Unions know of course that such conditions exist in the lo- cals, but they seldom do anything about it. It is upon these grafters that their power is based. To Be Continued TEACH MILITARISM BY MAIL. ARCADA, Fla., Jan. 1.—A corre- spondence school in military train- ing has been established here by Capt. Chesterfield Smith of the U. S. Army. It is believed that Smith is backed by the government. Talk about speed-up! fj That's Fleeing “Heroes.” Tn this light it becomes clear: sub-proaps: (a) Li Chisen, at (organizational leadership of the|zen.” Our Party and the trade |‘leePly impregnated with the convie- | trade unions in which there are only| something I'm doing nothing else Be Ae givers \ntarvating it| "The poctbonimcnt ot tka coomresel| tue Ht an ot ean oon movement of 100,000 textile work.|tnion opposition understand that it tion that the developing economic|a few Communists. All party mem-| jut these days—speeding up those yreetings and donations for the fifth’ anniversary of the Daily Worker. the broad masses of workers through — the creation of mass organs, through the application of united front tac- embrace the whole masses and play a great role during a strike, espe- cially when the trade union appara- tus is in the hands of the reform- ists. Only by such a deep penetration tics from below, can we succeed in doing justice to the task of organiz- ing strikes even in face of the re- sistance of the reformist trade- union apparatus. veil the trade unionists authority as on the part of our organizations into To Be Continued i