The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 31, 1928, Page 6

Page Six Daily 3 ARS Published As:’n., Union § Publishing , at 26-28 by National » Dail Stuyvesa Editor | ROBERT MINOR Ww DUNNE. ......ese00 Assistant Editor The Franco-Italian Antagonism On the 28th of November the Italian worker Di Modugno was sentenced by the Paris Jury Court to two years imprisonment for killing the Italian vice Consul Nardini, who in a brutal manner refused to issue him a pass- port for his wife. The trial provided an opportunity to ex- pose once n the anti-proletarian spying activity carried on by the fascist embassies and consulates in France, and at the same time to reveal the incapacity of the social democratic leaders to put up a fight against fascism. The witnesses called by the defence: Modigliani, Caporalli, and Pietro Nenni, con- fined themselves to lauding French demo- cracy, at the same time forgetting that this democracy expelled 15,000 foreign workers during the last few months. Only our com- yade Di Vittorio, an Italian Communist deputy, could have given a real presentation of the inhuman persecutions in Italy. But he was rejected as a witness. The Italian préss receive the news of the sentence of the French court with a howl of rage; demonstrations have taken place in front of the French consulates in Italy. Italian officers sent their French decorations and orders back to M. Moumergue, the Presi- dent of the French Republic. The French government reacted in an ex- tremely characteristic manner to these hap- penings. When the first news arrived from Italy, the French Ministerial Council, on the proposal of M. Sarraut, adopted a decision to increase the persecution of Italian workers who have been driven from their country by fascism. This decision is all the more con- temptible when one bears in mind the activity which the Italian consulates are carrying on in France. Irrefutable documents, which have been published in the “Humanite,” prove that members of the Italian fascist for- mations abroad meet at the Italian con- sulates. But that is not all. The press of the “na- Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $4.50 six mos. $2.50 three mos. $8 a year By Mail (outside of New York): $6 a year $3.50 six mos. $2.00 three mos. Address and mail all checks to The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. the inclusion of Tunis in Italy’s colonial pos- sessions. The position of the Italians in Tunis is clearly defined by the treaty of 1896, under which they retain their status quo. This treaty, however, is renewable every three years. By numerous naturalizations, often also by the employment of means of com- pulsion, France has endeavored to promote the sale of landed property to Poles and Yugoslavians in order to bring the Italians into a minority. The Italians who are settled in Tunis are now demanding a fresh settle- ment of their position. In place of the Treaty of 1896 they desire the conclusion of a long- term treaty permitting the Italians, in a re- | latively short space of time, to become the ‘ real masters. In addition, Italy has de- manded, and obtained, participation in the administration of Tangier. The fascist lust for power, extends beyond the area of the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. The “Tribuna” wrote in this connection that Italy cannot permit a big western power to set up a system of small States on its eastern frontier. In fact it is precisely in the Balkans that the struggle between these two imperialist powers assumes its sharpest form. Since 1919 France has been endeavoring to create in the Balkans an anti-German bloc out of the States which have arisen since the war. One of these powers is Yugoslavia, which is striving after Salonika and the Aegean Sea, and thereby threatening the intentions of Italy in this sphere. Italy is attempting to shatter the Little Entente which France con- siders to be necessary for the maintenance of the present situation in the Balkans. Italy is negotiating in Rumania with Averescu, so France favors Bratianu against Averescu, to which Italy will reply by supporting king Carol against Bratianu. When Italy seeks to gain a foothold in Greece, then France incites the movement | against Pangalos. If France attempts to ap- proach Sofia and Belgrade, Italy allies itself with Protogerov, with the so-called auto- nomists who exercise their terror in Yugo- DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, 0) a EMBER °', 1928 TO THE ; i re NEW UNION! <t A: i (Note:—This is the sixth install- |ment of the thesis on the war dan- | |ger adopted by the Communist In- | |ternational at the recent sessions in| |Moscow on its Sixth World Con-| lgress. It is entitled “The Struggle | | Against Imperialist War and the |'Tasks of the Communists.”—Ed- itor.) * e 8 C. The Proletariat Supports and Conducts Revolutionary Wars of Oppressed Peoples Against Imeprialism. against the latter’s compromising policy and subsequent treachery and fought for a revolutionary leader- ship of the campaign and for the hegemony of the proletariat in the | war. This general line, which was | proposed to the Chinese Communists by the Comintern, corresponded to |the position taken up by Marx and 'Engels toward the national wars in | the last century and to the teachings | of Lenin. |Learn From Errors of C. P. China. coming more and more rare, be- cause, ont of fear of the workers’ and peasants’ revolution, the bour- geoisie in the oppressed countries is becoming reactionary and is accept- ing the bribes of the imperialists. A new type of national war, in which the proletariat alone can play the leading role, is coming more and more to the front. This applies also to the national wars of the Latin American countries against United States’ imperialism. The tendency for national wars and rebellions to The Struggle Against Imperialist War and the Tasks of the Communists Jof the bourgeoisie in the south, |liance with the bourgeoisie, are be- government, plays a counter-revolu- tionary role ‘as is the case in the struggle which the Chinese workers and peasants arc now carrying on to prevent the imperialists’ dismem- berment of China), the Communists must work for the overthrow of the bourgeois government under the slo- gan of national defense. | 38. The question of national | wars in countries where class dif- ferentiations are undeveloped, i.e., |in Morocco, the Druses, Syria and | Arabia, must be similarly formu- By Fred Ellis Lewis Machine Pays Officers Fat Salaries By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER. Continued Pi Instead of organizing the um organized miners in West Vir- ginia, Lewis’ organizers there spent their time getting resolutions passed asking that official salaries be increased. With great enthusiasm on the part of the machine-made delegation Lewis’ salary was raised from $8,000 to $12,000 per year. Chris, Golden, of the anthracite lead- ers, declared that it would be an in- sult to ask Mr, Lewis to work for such low wages, especially as he had just been offered the presidency of the John Mitchelf Life Insurance Co. at $15,000 per year. Vice-presi- dent Murray said, “You can consider me a miner with a grievance. I am fighting for just wages.” He was re- ceiving only $7,000 per year, and about the same in expenses. His salary was raised to $9,000. Thus act the miners’ “leaders” in the face of the greatest crisis the union has ever known. A few items from the practices of Frank Farrington, until recently president of District 12, will illus- trate the widespread corruption in the Miners’ Union in the matter of salaries and expenses. Farrington received $5,000 salary yearly. He was allowed an average 0° about $15 per day for expenses. This was sup- posed to be paid him only while he was on the road. But he got around this little technicality by maintaing his official residence in Indianapolis. and charging road expenses for all the days he spent at the union head quarters in Springfield. In this way he managed to squeeze about $11,00: out of the union yearly as salary ~ and expenses, How much he got from the operators and from his many financial ventures remaing a mystery, except the famous $25, |fee of the Peabody Coal Co, Even |the petty grafts of putting all his relatives on the union payroll, of | stealing on telegraph bills, ete., were not overlooked by Farrington. Small wonder that he, in company with various coal operators, owns a great pecan and orange orchard in Ala- bama, that he owns beautiful homes in Indianapolis and Springfield, and that he makes trips to Florida and California, like other rich men, whenever the spirit moves him. Such leaders are the curse of Amer- ican labor. Building Trades Fakers. When it comes to gathering in the |money from salaries and expenses | tional unity” has made use of the Modugno + and commenced a fierce campaign for the abolition of trial by jury. In one of his speeches in Parliament M. Briand gave it to be understood that he is quite willing to ac- cede to the wishes of the duce. | lated. Among such people, the pa-| ee, | triarchal and feudal chiefs and rul- the poten gene apne Wan | ers play a role similar to that played ne. Pees ane aan ee pe a by the bourgeoisie in the more ad- | ¢ ee A ake he Cee | vanced colonial countries. | tee Hyn eA is a pen, * Temporary cooperation with these | Workers’ Union. In three years he chiefs and rulers is permissible in | was paid a salary of $17,875 and ex- | revolutionary struggle against im-| = 34. Nevertheless, the Chinese} In the course of the last two Communist Party committed a num- | years national revolutionary wars | ber of grave mistakes, from which of the oppressed colonies and semi-| {the Communists cf all oppressed na- \colonies, which Lenin predicted in | tions have important lessons to |1916, have changed from a tieoret-|Jearn. Jn this war, the duty of the} |ical postulate into a world historical |Communist Party of China was to| \fact. Examples of such wars are: |take full advantage of the revolu- 33. become transformed into proletarian wars and rebellions, or wars and rebellions Jed by the proletariat—a tendency which Lenin predicted al- ready in 1916—has notably in: creased. National Revolutionary Wars. | slavian Macedonia. The Albanian-Italian Treaty of Tirana, concluded in 1926, was re- plied to by the Franco-Yugoslavian Treaty of 11th November, 1927. The conclusion of the Franco-British naval agreement has increased the grounds of the - see whether these / We must wait and measures will satisfy the appetite of Italian imperialism. There is good reason for doubt- ing it, this sentence is only a pretext. The real reasons for the Italian “excitement” lie deeper. The present dispute brings to the front the whole of the Franco-Italian rela- tions. Fascism describes Italy as a nation which has been “shabbily treated.” Italy has 42 million inhabitant with an annual increase in population of 500,000. These 42 millions live in a territory 300,000 square kilometers in extent, part of which is unhealthy while another part is completely uninhabitable. On the other hand, 39 million French live in a territory of 551,000 square kilometers, and have a yearly increase in population of only 70,000. Imperialist France, which is rich i raw materials, faces st Italy, which is lacking in raw materials and has a surplus of free labor power. The peace treaties and the post-war de- velopment have only increased the tension be- tween these two States. If Italy managed to grab a portion of Tyrol and a strip of the coast of the Adriatic Sea with the big harbor of Trieste, it is compelled, on the other hand, to endeavor to prevent an increase in the strength of Yugoslavia, which appears as a serious rival in the Balkans. In addition, Italy was completely passed over when the former German colonial possessions were distributed. French imperialism h in an unmistakable manner, expressed its determination to con- solidate its colonial possessions. The desire for colonies is the chief motive actuating fascist policy. More than a year ago the Italian Minister Italo Balbo made a journey to Tunis, and this provided the occasion for the local Italian population to hold noisy demonstrations for Franco-Italian antagonism. Yesterday the British Foreign Office was still the patron of Italy in the latter’s undertakings in the Bal- kans; today London and Paris are uniting against the Macedonians, who are allied with Mussolini. Yesterday England and France | regarded each others colonial territories with Italian endeavors with united forces. mutual distrust; today they are meeting the Poin- earé demands in Parliament the granting of a further 1,000 millions for the military budget, accuses Italy of imperialism and de- clares that France will not give up its Syrian mandate. From this constellation there follows clearly the policy which the Communists must pursue. They reject anti-Italian chau- | vinism, as advocated by the socialist leaders. | The Franco-Italian antagonisms are not based on the opposition of democracy to fascism, or vice versa. Two equally hateful imperialist powers are fighting each other: two powers | which in the same manner are preparing a fresh imperialist robber-war. It is the task | of the Communists of both countries to combat | in the first place the imperialism in their own country. The Communists Party of France is pursuing the policy of the common fight of the French and Italian workers against im- perialism, which suppresses the colonial peo- ples and the national minorities. It calls for active support of the suppressed colonial peo- ples and the national minorities ; it is fighting for the defense of the right of asylum, for the defense of the Soviet Union, and for the united front of the French and Italian work- | ers in the revolutionary struggle. * * (By G. Peri, Foreian Editor of L'Humanite, official organ of the Communist Party of France.) * LEWIS IS RE-ELECTED “UNANIMOUSLY” By THOMAS MYERSCOUGH. Continued Rest assured that White has no more love for Howat than Lewis has, for he waged war against Howat before Lewis got on the Who’s-Who list.in the labor bu racy and did all that any one ma get rid of him. So there is only one conclusion that ean be reached for Howat’s reinstatement and that is that he is needed to put over the wage cut that White failed to put over on the men of Kansas efter he had got it for them. And for Howat it can be said that he is getting old and is broke and after refusing the offers of the coal » @ livelihood sAlthough ho & often promised to do the right thing Jif reinstated, we know that no one, not even an Alex Howat, is rein- stated unless Lewis is assured that he will go along, and the chances are that it will not be long before the National Miners’ Union will have to open its broadsides on Alex. N. M. U. Not Sentimental. Whether Howat has completely | capitulated or not to the Lewis re- gime only time will tell, but our |experience is that unequivocal sur- render must be made before Lewis accepts anyone into his camp. This being the case it naturally follows |that there was only one thing of ‘great enough consequence to make operators in the past to sell out, he | Lewis take Howat back into the fold ls that this is his last chapce & nas {enough influence over the miners of|s0 stale as to be and that was to have someone with Kansasto coax them to swallow the wage cut. And if Howat even at- tempts this, the National Miners’ Union will put him in the category where he belongs and wage war against him as well as the opera- tors. Now with the machinery in his graps, Howat’s Kansas following is | waiting to see whether he is the Howat of old or whether he is com- | pletely Lewisized and if the latter | is true, as we have so many reasons to believe it is, Howat will soon} ship at the shrine of a hero of other days. Always, the time to fight is now, we are building for ye future and are not concerned up laurels if their y jlearn that miners and all workers!‘ fight for principles and do not w¢)for some fake reason or other, and, |the war in Morocco against French | jand Spanish imperialism; the rebel- | |lion in Syria; the wars in Mexico) jand Nicaragua against United | States imperialism; the revolution- | lary Canton war against Hong Kong | |in 1925; finally, the Chinese North- jern Expedition in 1 National |revolutionary wars will play an im- | |portant role in the present epoch of |world revolution. The proletariat | |must therefore devote the closest | |study te the experiences and lessons | |of these wars, especially of the Chi- | |nese Northern Expedition of 1926-27. Study Chinese Revolution. In that campaign the Chinese |proletariat rightly supported the south against the northern militar- |ists and the imperialists who backed = the southern forces were commanded | by the bourgeoisie, The Chinese | proletariat not only desired and | worked for the defeat of the coun- | |ter-revolutionary government of North China, but also fought jagainst the wavering and hesitation way of present and future progress. It is quite possible that most every one in the labor movement can point | with a degree of pride to some par-| | ticular accomplishment of the past, | but as soon as they stop plodding | along the narrow path of progress and thus impede the army of work-| jers that follow the lead, we must} |just drop such leaders by the way- side, tramping on them if neces-} |sary, and proceed till we reach our |goal and accomplish our purpose. Future in New Union. While it is already clearly seen by| |the progressives that their future} depends on the National Miners’ | | Union and that the elections (?) of | |the U. M. W. A. mean nothing to| jthem, it must also become evident | to those who still thought they had) a chance to put honest men into office by means of elections in the |U. M. W. A., that there is no such} janimal as “chance” and that they cannot be elected to office unless they are acceptable to the crooks | who conduct the elections and, elec- tions in which enough votes are stolen to remove opposition. | By now all miners should know ithat the U. M. W. A. vot2 gathering schemes are not eléctions, that the machine votes “en bloc” for the men they want in office and don’t give |a continental who the miners vote |for and when someone is nominated for office who kno-.s enough about the trickery employed to be able to either counteract or expose it, he/ vruled off the ballot, disqualified | because no one in the past has been as good a crook or faker as the present boss of the U. M. W. A, Lewis is re-elected by unanimous yote and without opposition, Elected by Svhom 7 j } Cee neg | them—notwithstanding the fact that | i jing the workers and peasants and |the Chinese Communi tionary situation prevailing at the time to establish its own proletarian | class army, and to extend the mili- tary organization and training of the workers and peasants in order to pave the way for the proletariat’s struggle for the leadership of the revolution. Although the objective conditions at the time of the North- ern Expedition were favorable for the Communist Party, the latter re- frained from utilizing the military and political apparatus of the Kuo- mintang for the purpose of conduct- ing its work in the army, and made no attempt to create its own armed forces. The Communist Party de- voted itself entirely to maneuvering | with the higher Kuomintang com- | mand and failed to concentrate on the work of propaganda and organ- ization among the masses of the sol- diers, or on mass recruiting of workers and peasants for the army for the purpose of changing its char- acter. It failed to recognize the revolutionary significance of arm- did not devote sufficient attention to the work of preparing for and leading peasant guerilla warfare. 35. While supporting a national- revolutionary war, the proletariat determines its tactics on the basis of a concrete analysis of each given national war, the role of the various classes in it, ete. Thus, Marx’s tac- tics in 1848, when he issued the slo- gan of a war against Czarism, dif- fered from his tactics in 1870, in the Prussian war against Napoelon Ti. During the northern campaign, rightly en- tered into a temporary alliance with the national bourgeoisie, as long as they fought against imperialism and as long as the Communists were able to carry on their work of ex- posure in the national-revolutionary camp. The tactics of the German Com- munists in 1923, when they were confronted by the pioblem of na- tional defense against the invasion of French imperialism, were neces- sarily different. The German Com- munists had to combine national de- fense with a struggle for the over- throw of the German bourgeoisie, which was incapable of playing a revolutionary role, This the attitude of the Chinese Communists must now take up to- ward the national struggle against Japanese intervention, They must combine pavolatloeaes national de- fense with the struggle to overthrow Chang Kai-shek and the Kuomin- tang bourgeoisie, and to .establish the revolutionary dictatorship of the workers and peasants. Allies of Proletariat. Tt must be stated, however, that the national wars in which the pro- pressed nationalities ‘and national minorities existing in a number of the states in Europe, set up Ly the up prominently also in Europe, par- ticularly in relation to the task of transforming imperialist war into civil war, Poland and Rumania cruelly op- press with a bloody hand the White Russian, Ukrainian and Bessarabian populations in their territories, who look longingly toward their Soviet fatherland, In Czechoslovakia and in the Balkan countries, in Italy, in The Communist Parties must sup- port the liberation movement of the oppressed nations and national min- orities in all\these countries, lead them in the revolutionary struggle against imperialism and unreserv- edly champion their right to self- determination, which must include the right to complete separation. In the event of an imperialist war, or an anti-Soviet war being declared, the Communists, in the course of carrying out this policy, must pre- pare themselves, and the nationally oppressed masses, for national rev- olutionary rebellions, or wars, against the imperialist bourgeoisie. Wars of National Liberation. 87, The teachings of Marx and Lenin and the experience of national \wars in recent years, indicate the following tasks and tactics for the proletariat in wars of national lib- eration, (a) The support of the prole- tariat renders in these wars and the temporary alliance which—in certain cases—it enters into with the bour- geoisie, must under no circumstances imply the abandonment of the class war. Even when the bourgeoisie, for a time, fights side by side with the proletariat against the imper- ialists, it still retains the enemy and strives to utilize the proletariat for its own aims. (b) Therefore, the proletariat must not simply accept the policies and slogans of the bourgeoisie, but must act independently, advance its own political program and slogans and set up its own revolutionary or- ganization (Party, trade unions, workers’ militia, proletarian military movements), The Communists must prepare the of the bourgeoisie, take the strong- est measures to retain the prole- tarian positions, do everything pos- sible to hinder the bourgeoisie in its efforts to achieve its own class aims and to prepare for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. Bourgeoisie Counter-Revolutionary. Jetariat in the fight against imper- (c) In national wars in which masses for the inevitable treachery |, 26. In ew of the numerous op-| perialism, but there is always the) | danger that they will be bought over by the imperialists, or that they will subordinate the struggle for libera- Versailles treaty, the question of| tion to their own caste interests. | national revolutionary war wil! come | The national wars of these peoples | | must therefore be linked up with | the struggle against feudalism, or | against the feudal’ rulers, and for | the overthrow of feudalism. Tasks in National Liberation Wars. 39. The tasks of the interna- , tional proletariat in connection with | imperialist expeditions for the sup- | pression of the national revolution- |ary movements and revolutions— France, Spain, Belgium, and Great | With a few concrete exceptions—are | tural Iron Workers, pres., $7,500; Britain (Ireland) there are also| the same as in imperialist wars sec'y, $6,000; Carpenters, $10,000; | oppressed nationalities. |against the Soviet Union, vis., (a) | to fight against wars of oppression | by intensifying the class antagon- |isms with a view to transforming this war into civil war against the imperialist bourgeoisie. (b) con: lent application of defeatist tactics | towards the imperialist country and | its armies; to fight for the victory | of the oppressed nation and to sup- | port its armies. (c) To resist, prim- | arily by means of revolutionary mass action, the despatch of war- ships and munition transports to the colonies by the imperialists; to op- pose the extension of the period of military service for soldiers fighting in wars against the colonies, etc.; to oppose increases in war budgets. and the granting of loans by the imperialists to the counter-revolu- tionary governments and militarists in the colonies; to fight against im- perialist war preparations in con- cession territories and on railways and inland waterways in the colo- nies. (d) To take measures to counter-act the butcheries perpe- trated by the imperialists in the colonies and the support which they render to the naitve counter-revolu- tionary governments in ‘suppressing the masses of the toilers, 40. The tactics to be adopted in the present struggle against inter- vention in China differ from the tac- tics adopted in the struggle against intervention at the time when a sec- tion of the Chinese bourgeoisie, and of the Kuomintang, still played a revolutionary role. The internecine wars of the various native military rulers, in the main, are an expres- sion of the conflicts that prevail among the various imperialist pow- ers over the partition of China. All the warring classes, which represent various factions of the bourgeoisie and the landlords are counter-revo- lutionary, In view of the present situation in China, the international proletariat must combine its active struggles in defense of the Chinese workers and peasants with exposing the | counter-revolutionary role of all \ialism may enter into temporary al-’ ihe bourgeoisie, cr the bourgeois | bourgeois governments and militar- |penses of $24,974. His yearly bill to the union is larger than the sal- ary of any official in the Federal government with the exception of | President Coolidge. It is more than | that of any of the governors of the | 48 states, and it is almost twice as |large as that of admirals in the | navy and generals in the army. Mis- ‘leaders of labor come high in the | United States. Typical salaries of | the heads of building trades unions, | exclusive of the usual enormous ex- | pense accounts, are: Bricklayers, | pres., $10,000, sec’y, $10,000; Paint- ‘ers, $6,000; Elevator Constructors, | $6,000; Hod Carriers, $7,500; Struc- | Electrical Workers, $7,000. FS | Local business agents receive |from $100 to $200 per week, or a | minimum of about double the going | wage in the trade. This is aside | from the big sums they wrihg from |the employers and otherwise skin the workers out of. Small wonder that so many of them quickly be- come rich. They spread their con- servative influence far and wide and are a wet blanket on every pro- gressive movement. To Be Continued Police Corporal Bound Over for Assaulting of», Toohey; Sheriff Bails PITTSBURGH, Dec. 28. — Cor- poral Michael J. Onko, Pennsylvania state trooper who assaulted Patrick Toohey when police broke up a min- ers’ meeting at Renton, Pa., last March, has been bound over to the criminal court for trial following a preliminary hearing before Squire Quailey on December 21. - Onko was arrested recently when he appeared at the Brophy-Toohey trial in Pittsburgh. Sheriff Braun of Allegheny county provided his. bail, which was set at $1,000 by \ re Judge Grey. 4 ists play in China as the tools of imperialism, Support in the strug- gle against imperialism must be given only to the Chinese workers’ and peasants’ revolution. The slo- / gan of going over to the side of the oppressed nation cannot be applied, / at the present time, to the Chinese bourgeois armies. Despite this change in tactics, the struggle — against intervention must under no | circumstances be allowed to subside. The majority of the Communist Parties came to the conclusion that the change in tactics meant a weak- ening of the struggle against intor- vention, and in this they committed a grave error. i Zo Be Continued fe i uy .