The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 29, 1928, Page 6

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, |,..: Union Square, New York Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable Ass’n., Inc., Daily, Except Sunday, at 26-28 ddress “Daitwork” By M Telephone, $8 a year Address and mai } { 26-28 Uni army. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $4.50 six mos. By Mail (outside of New York): ail (in New York only): $2.50 three mos. 3.50 six mos. $2.00 three mos, 1 all checks to Tie Daily Worker, on Square, New York, N. Y. By so doing they are gradually battering A Compliment from the Eneny A screaming, dull-witted bi-monthly organ of militarism, the “National Defense Maga- zine,” published in its issue for November- December a sort of an appreciation of the activity of the Workers (Communist) Party, and particularly that of the Young Workers (Communist) League, among the armed forces of United States imperialism. The magazine is the official publication o a long string of organizations, including Re serve Officers’ Training Corps units and the National Patriotic Association.” The article on the work of the Communists carries the stupid and misleading title “Fruits of Pacifism” (No! gentlemen, the Communisis are not pacifists!), but we reprint it as an acknowledgement of the growing effective- ness of Communist work in the armed forces. “THE FRUITS OF PACIFISM” “Communi are engaged in a nation-wide pro- gram of ‘boring from within’ in Citizens’ Military Training Camps. “The Young Workers (Communist) League of District No. 7, established a communist nucleus in the trainnig camp at Camp Custer last summer and commenced the circulation of a nucleus paper, ‘The Camp Custer Rookie,’ Volume 1, Number 1, of which contained the following statement on page 4: “The Young Workers (Communist) League is fighting against the militarization of the youth of this country to fight the bosses’ wars. We aim to organize the youth of this country so as to know who their real enemies are. So that when war comes they will utilize their training not to kill other workers but to do like the Russian worker— establish a real government that will protect the interest of the workers and the farmers. The camp authorities will no doubt use vari- ous means to intimidate those who read and discuss ‘The Rookie.’ We urge all readers not to be cowed into submission. You have a right to read this paper.’ “You may say that any boy of sound parentage in the training camps will not be susceptible to this liter- ature and the arguments set forth by the Communists. It is well, however, to remember that even though the forces of Communism gain but one or two re- eruits out of every hundred boys that attend the training camps, if this number is gained in all camps it will mean just that many new workers for Com- | munism. Slowly, but surely, Communist organizers are gaining new recruits throughout the country | daily. “In previous years Communists have been very se- cretive about their activities among the military forces of the nation and the training camps; now they are becoming bolder and bolder and openly defy military authorities, and invite arrest for their activities in the dissemination of Communist litera- ture among military students and soldiers of the reg- * wn respect for military authority in the country and making headway with their program of ‘boring | from within,’ It was through this means that the overthrow of the monarchial government of Rus- sia was finally accomplished. “Even though the danger in the United States may be exceedingly slight at this time, unless it is stamped fore making further headway, who may say long it will before a successful majority has obtained within the ranks of our armed forces, i that there may follow a duplication of the Rus- sian Revolution when America will suc*umb to the barbavie and heathen forces of Communism.” e authoritative character of this voice 1ction—it carries in the same issue an article by an assistant secretary of war and another by an assistant chief of ordnance of the U. S. department of war—gives some to its acknowledgment that the Com- raunist revolutionary work among the mili- tary forces has greatly increased. Thanks. Now as never before must the revolu- tionary Communist message be carried through at any cost to the workers and farmers who are to be cannon-fodder of the coming imperialist war. Now as never be- fore the work among the young men of our class who are attracted to “vacation” mili- tary training camps must be multiplied to a huge scale. For the United States capi- talist class, through its government at Wash- ington, is now actually in the midst of bloody imperialist war in Latin-America and prepar- ing at break-neck speed for war with Great Britain—world-war. But pacifism has no part in the Commu- nist work! Pacifism is the poison of the capitalist class wtih which to facilitate their imperialist war-making. Not pacifism, but the defeat of the “our own” imperialist robber-government, not pacifism but the defense of the Union of So- cialist Soviet Republics and of the colonial revolts against imperialist, not pacifism but the transformation of the imperialist war into civil war for the overthrow of the dic- tatorship of the criminal, imperialist capi- talist class and the establishment of the dic- tatorship of the working class—this is what the Communists work for. The armed masses upon which the Wall Street government depends for the bloody conquest of the world will one day listen to the voice of their own class cause, and these same masses will bring about the downfall of their own parasite ruling class. THE STRONG-ARM :, DECEMBER || 1928 Et Pes Le Wen Mee. eee es i Le a Aw A AD ' ‘ 4 4 Rey eee wn NS SQU: D IS RESTORED By Fred Ellis ets af espns, cat Salary Graft By Fakers of Brotherhoods By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER. The railroad unions, especially the four Brotherhoods, are the most lav- ish in the over-payment of their of- ficialdom. The late Warren S. Stone of the B. of L. E. was the star in | this respect. He received $25,000 sal- | ary, and about as much more for ex- | penses, as head of his union, in ad- dition to $25,000 yearly as chairman of the Board of Directors of the General American Radio Corporation, and perhaps various other salaries for his numerous jobs. At the 1924 convention of the B. of L. E. Stone is said to have declared that he was indifferent as to whether or not the union kept him even at this price. He displayed a contract from a New York bank guaranteeing him, should he accept, a salary of $50,000 per year for 10 years. Stone had two “assistants” at $15,000 per year and expenses. There were also nine other “assistants” at $9,500 and expcnses per year. (In connection with the big bank scandal at the 1927, B. of L. E. convention the salary of the head of the union was set at $15,000.) W. G. Lee, head of the B. of R. T., The Struggle Against Imperialist Wa (Note: The fifth installment of the Comintern thesis on “The Struggle Against Imperialist War | and the Tasks of the Communists” is published in this issue. It was | | adopted at the 6th World Con- gress at its recent sessions in Mos- cow.—EDITOR.) * * * | | | 3. The Proletarian Civil War Against the Bourgeoisie. 24, The imperialist war of 1914- |1928 was, in a number of countries |in Eastern and Central Europe, | {transformed into civil war, which, | in Russia, ended in the victory of |the proletariat. The lessons of the October Revolution are of para- mount importance in determining | the attitude of the proletariat to-| | wards war. | They show: 1) that in their im- perialist wars the bourgeoisie must | |place weapons in the hands of the! | workers, but that in critical mili-| |tary situations, defeats, etc., they | !The question of rebellion must be | “peace”; put openly to the masses. The rebellion must be based on the rising revolutionary temper of the entire working population, par- ticularly of the semi-proletarians ard poor peasantry. Work in Army. Persistent and intensified work must be conducted for the purpose | of disintegrating the bourgeois | armies, which work, at the moment jof the uprising, will assume the character of a struggle for the army. | Activities for organizing rebellion | and military preparations must both | cccupy a prominent place in the| work among the proletarian masses and among the toilers in the colo- nies and semi-colonies, The time for launching the rebel- lion will be determined by the state of maturity of the chbjective and subjective prerequisites for it. The| time can be fixed definitely only if the closest contact exists between | LEWIS IS RE-ELECTED “UNANIMOUSLY”: By THOMAS MYERSCOUGH (Sec. Treas. Dist. 5, N. M. U.) “The fact that the re-election of President Lewis was by unani- mous vote is a demonstration of the confidence which the member- ship has in his leadership”. . . “This is the first time in more than twenty years that a presi- dent of the United Mine Workers of America has been re-elected without opposition”. . . The above remarks were spewed) from the mouth of Ellis Searles, editor of Lewis’ private mouthpiece, | to the capitalist press a few days ago. Little does the “public” know of the true state of things, however, that is responsible for such state- ments being issued. Neither are they aware that men of the type of Lewis and his “Man-Friday” (Searles) have an abounding faith in the gul- libility of the “headline-reading pub-| lie” and because of this, these fakers get away with all kinds of political trickery, for statements to the press uch as the one above can only be for the purpose of political expe- diency. The Miners’ Election (U. M- W, A.) After reading Searles’ statement n the press, one kicked out miner one expelled from the U. M. W. A, for being a progressive and oppos- ing Lewis), asked with rightful. in- dignation: “Who the hell elected him when we were all kicked out of the union?” Of course, none of us could answer him except to say that there are still a number of fakers who are yet on the payroll and who will) remain there as long as there is any maoney to divide, and that each one of theses has proved in the past to| ve quite capable of casting one vote | for each pound of flesh he carries, | and in this manner quite a large number of votes are secured. Of| course, they are aware that we are) ali living in an age that demands| efficiency, so they dispense with the old routine method of marking in- dividual ballots, and instead employ the quicker and surer method of marking only the return sheets, of which they can secure the amount | esired, and so Lewis was elected! No Opposition! Why? But with all the expulsions and| harter revocations, done by Lewis » make sure that the recent coal rile would not be lost by the oper- viors and won by the valiant men of the picks, there was still an op-/| | opposition was John H. |rupt and crooked as Lewis himself | in the eyes of the vast army of| miners in the United States. This Walker, | president of the Illinois State Fed- eration of Labor, a former official of District 12, U. M. W. A., and and aspirant to the office of Inter- national President of the union be- fore Lewis was even known outside of his own balliwick and only known there for the reactionary tenden-| cies which now are his chief stock in trade. | For this election, in which Lewis was elected “unanimously,” Walker announced his candidacy and was nominated, but was ruled off the ballot by Lewis, because “he was | not employed at the trade.” Walker, | if the laws of fakers mean anything | even among themselves, has as, much of a right to become president | of the U. M. W. A., as Lewis has to remain so, because he is as much of a miner (?) as Lewis is, prizes his membership in the U. M. W. A. as much as Lewis does, and because of that pays his dues into it as reg-| ularly as Lewis does and last, but not least, he is as capable of as much reaction and corruption in or- ganizational matters as is the in- cumbent president, John L. Lewis. Yet, in spite of the above-mentioned qualifications, Walker was ruled off 2) that a real and sustained strug- | gle against this war implies that work must be carried on to ‘revolu- tionize the masses of the soldiers, \ie., work in preparation for civi i ..,| War, and 8) that the ground fo: the entire machine by substantial | ojyi war must be thor.ughly pre- majorities and we know how they| pared by the proletariat and the have done things in the past, and | pa even in the recent past, with the referendum vote to put over the re-| duction of wages, so we can expect to hear soon that the elections have been stolen again in Illinois. Civil War in Peace. fime Also. The civil wars in Germany in 1920 and 1923, in Bulgaria in 1923, in Es- thonia in 1924, and in Vienna in July 19 In the Pittsburgh district there civil war may not only break out | Was no election because Fagan and in times of bourgeois imperialist his gang were also unopposed. Of wars, but also in the present “nor- course opposition here was impos-| mal conditions” of capitalism; for sible because there is no more U. M.| present-day capitalism intensifies W. A. in the Pittsburgh district than | the class struggle to an acute de- there is Knights of Labor, but ru- | gree and at any moment may create mor has it that a very heavy vote|an immediate revolutionary situa- was cast for the International of-|tior. The proletarian uprisings in ficials in the district, but this is | Shanghai in March 1927 and in Can- | lost command over the mass armies; | 7, prove that proletarian | the Party and the masses of the | revolutionary proletariat. Art of Rebellion. c) In regard to carrying cut the | rebellion. The rule must be: n playing with rebellion. The rebel- iion once launched must be vigor- ously prosecuted until the enemy is ‘utterly crushed. Hesitation and |lack of determination will cause the utter defeat of the revolutionary ermed uprising. The main forces must be thrown against the main forces of the enemy. Efforts must be made to secure the superiority of the proletarian forces at the decisive moment at tke decisive place, and without de- ° lay the rebellion must We carried | over the widest possible territory. There is an art in rebellion; but re- | bellion is not purely a military prob- lem, it is primarily a politcal prob- | Jem. Only a revolutionary Party ‘an lead a rebellion. On the out-| against “realistic paci- fism,” which regards the Soviet Union 21 proletarian and colonial revolutions as a menace to peace; against “radical” pacifism, which, under the mask of opposition to “all war,” strives to discourage defense of the Soviet Union. Counter-Revolutionary Socialists. b) Social Democracy is passing to active counter-revolutionary pre- Union. Hence, it is necessary to intensify the campaign against the Social Democratic leaders of the Right as well as of the Left, and also against their Trotskyist and anarcho - syndicalist hangers - on. Above all, the slogans with which these will try to justify war against |the Soviet Union such as: “Fight for democracy against dictatorship”; “degeneration”; “Kulakization”; “the | Soviet system is approaching the Thermidor stage”; the legends they \spread about “Red imperialism”; the slogan of “Neutrality” in the | event of war, etc., must be exposed jand discredited in the eyes of the masses. Champions of World's Workers. 28. The | class, and the toilers generally, look |to the Soviet Union as their cham- |pion, and their attitude toward the |Soviet Union is one of growing \sympathy. Bearing this in mind, jand also that the broad masses of |the workers will understand much | better than in 1917 that the next |imperialist war against the Soviet Union will be open class war; that the masses of the toilers are now | wiser from the experience they had of the first imperialist war and that | the vanguard cf the proletariat now |has a strong revolutionary organi- | zation in the shape of the Commu- nist International, it may be safely asserted that the opportunities for fighting against war are far great- |er now than they we-e in previous times, and consequently that there paration for war against the Soviet | international working | to leave the impresion that there is|ton in Decomber 1927 contained im- | teak of the rebellion the Party still a large membership in the dis- trict but there isn’t. Alex Howat Back in U.M.W.A. In Kansas there is a different pic ture than prevails elsewhere, for thc erstwhile Howat has been reinstated and was also unopposed for the o/ fice of president of District 14, Kan- sas. What a gloomy position he must find himself in now! Howzi the fighter, expelled for his opp« sition to Lewis and the Industri. Court (no strike) law of ex-Gove nor Allen, hounded all over the coun try by Lewis aad his agents, denie« | the right to enter Canada while on the ballot, Lewis was unopposed and, 4 tour with the writer, framed up with the able assistance of his army by character assassins working for | of organizers, “John L.” was elected Lewis, and now, when all the fight- | portant iessons for the proletariat, especially in the nationally oppressed colonial and semi-colonial countries. Events in Shanghai particularly, show how proletarian uprisings can be utilized as a weapon in a na- onal war ogainst imperialism and “‘s lackeys. Lessons of Civil War. All this makes it incumbent upon re Communists, primarily in con- ection with struggle against im- rialist and counter-revolutionary ars, to put the question of prole- arian civil war openly to the masses rd to study the lessons of the ®ove-mentioned uprisings. 25. These lesons are: a) In regard to the necessary unanimously, District Elections | In the various districts consider-| able opposition shows itself, but no| hope is held out for the miners even! if every one of the opponents are| elected. From reports coming in to} the office of the National Miners | Union, the opposition generally con- | sists of the office seeking variety | who, if elected to office, would be as | bad as the gang they are to replace, | or they are the weak element that) believes the U. M. W. of A. needs | only to wash its face and then every- | thing would be hunky-dory- | They seem to forget that the old| union has changed from the secret | variety into the open-faced kind of} company union with the bosses ex- ercising more and more contro] as the days go by. | We have district elections being cotentested. In Illinsis, the so-called opposition is claiming the complete ‘out of the Fishwick machine, while osition left even tho it was as ¢ € Fishwick is claiming the election for / | ers have been kicked out of the U. M. W. A. he has been rein- stated. That he has been reinstated be- cause of a change of heart by Lewis, not even Howat himself can believe, but there must be a motive for the act and I am of the opinion that Howat cannot see that far ahead. He was nominated by a majority of the local unions in Kansas, but the same has been true in other elections ever since he was expelled and each time he was ruled off the ballot. This time however, he has been visited by John P. White, ex-na- tional president of the U. M. W. A., ex-labor adviser to the government's fuel administrator during the war, later a scab rubber manufacturer and now a special representative of International President John M. Lewis in the south-west fields where he was instrumental in getting the wage cut to $5 a day. To Be Continued conditions precedent for rebellion. \A revolutionary situation must pre- vail, i.e., the ruling class must be in a state of crisis, for example, as the |result of militazy defeat. This mis- ery and oppression of the masses must be intensified to an extraordin- ary degree, and the masses must be active and ready to overthrow the government by revolutionary mass jaction. A tried and tested Commu- | nist Party, having influence over the | decisive masses of the proletariat, | must exist. Preparing for Rebellion. b) In regard to the preparations for rebellion, The rebellion cannot be based solely on the Pssty; it must be based upon the broad masses of the working class. Of de- |cisive importance is the prepara- tory work in the pro'etarian mass crganizations, particularly in the trade unions; to secur. their active participation in the work of pre- paring for the. rebellion, and the cre- ation of special organizations for re- pele which shall unite the masses. |must subordinate the whole of its | | activity to the requirements of the {armed struggle. The Proletariat Defends the Soviet Union Against the Imperialists. | 26. Imperialist war against the |Soviet Union is open, bourgeois, counter-revolutionary, class |pal aim is to overthrow the prole- | tarian dictatorship and t. introduce la reign of white-guard terror |against the working class and the toilers of all countries. The basis |for the tactics of the proletariat in |capitalist countries in the struggle jagainst such a war is furnished by the Bolshevik program of struggle jagainst the imperialist war, i.e., transform the war into civil war. The methods and tasks of this struggle, prior to the outbreak of the war and during the war must, however, be adapted to the concrete conditions under which it was pre- pared for, and to its openly class character. The fact that, in this case, the “enemy” is not an imperi- alist power, but the proletarian dic- tatorship, introduces certain import- ant modifications in anti-war tac- ties. Propaganda Work. 27. The propaganda tasks in connection with imperialist war and the preparations for war against the Soyiet Union, stated concretely, are as follows: a) Pacifism is being transformed from a mere screen to conceal war preparations into one of the most important instruments for these preparations. Hence, it is necessary to intensify the campaign against pacifism and against its specific slo- gans; against the Soviet Union in the name of “civilization,” and ee —_—-~V—-_ war |against the proletariat. Its princi-| is every reason for adopting bolder tactics. Greater Anti-War : Possibilities. a) The possibilties of preventing war against the Soviet Union by intensifying class struggles to the point of revolutionary, mass action against the bourgeois governments are much greater at the present time than the possibilities for such | action were in 1914. An example of | revolutionary action was given by |the British workers in 1920, when, by forming Councils of Action, they forced their government to abandon their intention of declaring war against the Soviet Union. b) The conditions favorable for transforming a war against the Soviet Union into civil war against the bourgeoisie will be much more sp-edily createdsfor the proletariat than in an ordinary imperialist war. c) Therefore, although the Com- munists in capitalist countries must reject the phrase “Reply to war by. general strike,” and have no illu- sions whatever about the efficacy of such phrases, nevertheless, in-the event of war against the Soviet Union becoming imminent, they must take into consideration the in- creased opportunities for émploying the weapon of mass strikes and the general. si , prior to the outbreak of war and during the mobilization. Aid of Oppressed Nationalities. d) In the event of an i ‘tack upon the Soviet Union the Communists in oppressed nations, as well as those in imperialist countries, must exert all their efforts to rouse re- bellion or wars of national libera- tion among the national minorities in Europe and in the colonial and semi-colonial countries against the imperialist enemies of the Soviet State. 29, In view of the fact that the ih 4 and the Tasks of the Communists | “enemy” in such a war is the Soviet | Union, ie., the fatherland of the in- ternational proletariat, the follow- ing changes must be made in tac- tics as compared with the tactics employed in “purely” imperialist war: a) The proletariat in the imperi- alist countries must not only fight |for the defeat of their own govern- | men’; in this war, but must actively strive to secure victory for the Sov- jet State. b) Therefore, the tactics and the choice of means of fighting will not jonly be dictated by the interests of the class struggle at home in each \country, but also by considerations |for the outcome of the war at the front, which is a bourgoeis class war against the proletarian state. ce) The Red Army is not an “enemy” army but the army of the international proletariat. In the event of a war against the Soviet Union, the workers in capitalist countries must not allow themselves to be scared from supporting the Red Army and from expressing this support by fighting against their own bourgeoisie, by the charges of treason that the bourgeoisie may | hurl against them. Defense of USSR. 30. Although the proletariat in imperialist countries is not bound by | the duty of “national defense,” in | the land of the proletarian dictator- ship, however, national defense is an unfailing revolutionary duty. Here, the defenders are the armed proletariat supported by the poor peasantry. The victory of the Oc- tober revolution gave a socialist fatherland to the workers of the world, viz., the Soviet Union. De- fense of the Soviet Union is a mat- ter of class interest for the inter- national proletariat as well as a debt of honor. In 1919-1921, the Soviet govern- ment was able to defeat the inter- -entionist forces of fourteen states, among which were the most power- ful imperialist states, because the international proletariat intervened on behalf of the proletarian dicta- torship in, the U. S, S. R. by revolu- tionary mass action. A renewed im- perialist attack on the Soviet Union will prove that in spite of all the preparations made for this attack and in spite of the counter-revolu- tionary efforts of the Social Demo- crats, this international proletarian solidarity still exists. Allies of Proletariat. The proletariat’s allies in the de- fense of the U. S. S. R. are: 1. the rural poor and the mass of the middle peasants and 2. the national revolution and to protect the work of building up semi-colonies. 31. The international policy of the U. S. S. R. is a peace policy, which conforms to the interests of the ruling class in Soviet Russia, viz., the proletariat, and to the in- terests of the international prole- tariat. This policy rallies all the al- lies of the proletarian dictatorship around its banner and provides the best basis for taking advantage of the antagonisms among the imperi- alist states, Guard Proletarian Revolution. The aim of this policy is to guard the international revolution and to Protect the work of building up so- cialism—the progress of which is re- volutionizing the world. It strives to put off the conflict with imperial- ism for as long as possible. In re- gard to the capitalist states, to their mutal relationships and to their re- lationships with their colonies, this Policy implies: opposition to im- perialist war, to predatory colonial campaigns, and to pacifism, which camouflages these campaigns. The peace policy of the proletarian | gets the same salary as a justice of \the United States Supreme Court, | $14,000 per year, not to speak of \lavish expense accounts and salaries jcoming from his various industrial jinterests. The B. of R. T. secretary’s salary is $10,000. Other officials of \this reactionary union are paid ac- | cordingly. Similar conditions pre- | vail in the O. R. C., the president re- | ceiving $12,000. In “The Labor Her- ald,” Oct. 1924, C. R. Hedlund writes as follows of the upper bureaucracy in the B. of L. F. and E.: | “The locomotive fireman, who earns his living about as laboriously |as any human being on earth, who |fires some of the largest engines lin freight services for the entirely | inadequate sum of $5.43 per day, | nevertheless pays his Grand Lodge \ officials the following salaries: To |the president $12,000 per year; to lnine different vice-president $7,000 per year each; to the secretary, $10,- 000 per year, to one so-called ‘legis- |lative representative’ stationed at Washington, D. C., $7,000 per year; to the editor of the union magazine, $7,000 per year; to the medical ex- aminer, who looks over applications for insurance, $9,000 per year. This makes a total of $118,000 for 15 of- ficials!” To the foregoing salaries must be added the usual huge expense ac- counts, which often run more than the salaries. The constant tendency is to raise official salaries. This was |the case even when the wages of ithe railroad workers were being slashed on all sides. The unions of the lesser skilled and less strategi- cally situated workers exhibit the same tendencies to over-pay their of- \ficials. Thus the head of the Main- tenance of Way Workers receives $500 more per year than a United States senator. Fitzgerald of the Railway Clerks gets $10,000. Ryan of the Railway Carmen gets $8,000, ete. As against these fabulous sal- aries, the average yearly wage of railroad workers in 1926, figured on a full time basis and discounting un- employment, was only $1656. Over-Paid Miners’ Officials. In the United Mine Workers the parasitic system of extravagantly paid union officials is firmly estab- lished. Never did this manifest it- self more shamefully than at the 1927 convention. With the union miners suffering widespread unem- ployment, which had reduced their annual incomes to not more than $1,200, and with the union confront- ing a life and death struggle with the employers, Lewis and his crew made the raising of the officials’ salaries one of the central issues of the convention. To Be Continued state certainly does not imply that the Soviet State has become recon- ciled with capitalism, ss the social democratic and their Trotskyist al- lies declare in order to discredit the Soviet States in the eyes of the in- ternational proletariat. This poliey able; that in the process of a prole- tarian dictatorship. It is merely an- other—and under present conditions —a more advantageous form of fighting capitalism; a form which the U. S. S. R. has consistently em- ployed since the October revolution. No Illusions About Peace. 82. The proletariat in the Soviet Union harbors no illusions as to the possibility of a durable peace with the imperialists, The proletariat knows that the imperialist attack against the Soviet Union is inevit- able; tha in the process of a prole- tarian world revolution wars be- tween proletarian and bourgeois states, wars for the emancipation of the world from capitalism, will nec- essarily and inevitably arise. Therefore, the primary duty of the proletariat, as the fighter for socialism, is to make all the neces- sary political, economic and military preparations for these wars, @® strengthen its Red Army—thet mighty weapon of the proletariat— and to train the masses of the toil- ers in the art of war. There is a glaring contradiction between the imperialists’ policy of piling up armaments and their hypocritical talk about peace, There is no such contradiction, however, between the Soviet gov- ernment’s preparations for defense and for revolutionary war and a consistent peace policy. Revolution- ary war of the proletarian dictator- ship is but a continuation of revo- lutionary Peace policy “by other means, i Bo Be Continued =, , 4