The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 28, 1928, Page 6

Page Six Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by National Daily W. Asn., Inc, Daily, Except S Union Square, New York, N. ROBERT MINOR WM. F. DUNNE... A Compliment from the Enem) monthly orga) the “National Defense Ma ed in its issue for November- f an appreciation of the A screaming, dull-witted bi- of militarism zine,” pub! December a sort activity of the Wo: and particularly that of the Y (Communist) League, forces of United States The magazine is the off a long string of serve Officers’ amon, “National Patriotic Association.” on the work of the Commun stupid and misleading title Pacifism” (No! gentlemen are not pacifists!), but “THE FRUITS OF PAC “Communists are engaged in a gram of ‘boring from wi Training Camps. “The Young Workers (Commu District No. 7, established a comm the trainnig camp at Camp Custer commenced the circulation of a nu Camp Custer Rookie,’ Volume 1, Number 1, of which contained the following statement on page 4: “The Young Workers League is fighting against the of the youth of this country bosses’ wars. enemies are. will utilize their training not workers but to do like the Rus: establish a real government that will protect the interest of the workers and the farmers. The camp authorities will no doubt use vari- ous means to intimidate those discuss ‘The Rookie.’ to be cowed into submission- to read this paper.’ Yo “You may say that any boy of sound parentage in the training camps will not be susceptible to this liter- ature and the arguments set forth by the Communists, It is well, however, to remember that even though the forces of Communism gain bu ¢ Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable Addr Assistant Editor ers (Communist) Party, the Communist e re acknowledgement of the growing effective- ness of Communist work in the armed forces. hin’ in Citizens’ Military We aim to organize the youth of this country so as to know who their real So that when war comes they We urge all readers not orker Publishing unday, at 26-28 Y. Telephone s “Daiwork? By M $ $8 a year $6 a year Editor : lar ari >wn respect for “f rom within,’ It sia wi oung Workers 7 how long it will g the armed Eh: e ion of including Re. of reaction—it s the another by an print it as an IPISM” Thanks. nation-wide pro- tionary mist) League of nunist nucleus in last summer and cleus paper, ‘The | class who are a huge scale. (Communist) militarization to fight the to kill other sian worker— t nist work! Pacifism is eb aeans war-making. u have a right own” it one or two re- Pi ss into civil war SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): Address and mail all checks to The Daily Worker 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. By so doing they are gradually battering nd making headway with their program of ‘boring »verthrow of the monarchial government of Rus- s finally accomplished. | ven though the danger in the United States may e exceedingly slight at this time, unless it is stamped out before making further headway, who may say | | been obtained within the ranks of our armed forces, and that there may follow a duplication of the Rus- Revolution when America will succumb to the | arbarie and heathen forces of Communism.” | The authoritative character of this voice article by an assistant secretary of war and Communist message through at any cost to the workers and farmers who are to be cannon-fodder of the coming imperialist war. fore the work among the young men of our | j Now as never before must the revolu- | | | tary training camps must be multiplied to talist class, through its government at Wash- ington, is now actually in the midst of bloody imperialist war in Latin-America and prepar- ing at break-neck speed for war with Great Britain—world-war. But pacifism has no part in the Commu- class wtih which to facilitate their imperialist 4.50 six mos. $2.50 three mos. 3.50 six mos. $2.00 three mos. military authority in the country was through this means that the before a successful majority has carries in the same issue an assistant chief of ordnance of the U. S. department of war—gives some weight to its acknowledgment that the Com- munist revolutionary work among the mili- tary forces has greatly increased. be carried Now as never be- attracted to “vacation” mili- For the United States capi- the poison of the capitalist Not pacifism, but the defeat of the “our imperialist pacifism but the defense of the Union of So- cialist Soviet Republics and of the colonial revolts against imperialist, not pacifism but the transformation of the imperialist war robber-government, not | for the overthrow of the dic- -ARM DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 28, 1928 a iA ae. alt SQUAD IS RESTORED (Note: The fifth installment of the Comintern thesis on “The Struggle Against Imperialist War and the Tasks of the Communists” is published in this-issue. It was adopted at the 6th World Con- gress at its recent sessions in Mos- cow.—EDITOR.) * 3. The Proletarian Civil War Against the. Bourgeoisie. * * 24, The imperialist war of 1914- 1928 was, in a number of countries .-eruits out of training camp: _ it will mean j munism. Slowly, but surely, Commu: are gaining daily. every hundred boys that attend the if this number is gained in all camps that many new workers for Com- organizers new recruits throughout the country “In previous years Communists have been very se- cretive about forces of the they are bec defy military activities in t! ture among m their activities among the military nation and the training camps; now coming bolder and bolder and openly authorities, and invite arrest for their he dissemination of Communist litera- ilitary students and soldiers of the reg- tatorship of the criminal, imperialist capi- talist class and the establishment of the dic- tatorship of the working class—this is what the Communists work for. The armed masses upon which the Wall Street government depends for the bloody conquest of the world will one day listen to the voice of their own class cause, and these same masses will bring about the downfall of their own parasite ruling class. in Eastern and Central Europe, |transformed into civil war, which, in Russia, ended in the victory of the proletariat. The lessons of the | October Revolution are of para- |mount importance in determining |the attitude of the proletariat to- wards war. They show: 1) that in their im- | perialist wars the bourgeoisie must | place weapons in the hands of the | workers, but that in critical mili- |tary situations, defeats, etc, they | lost command over the mass armies; LEWIS IS RE-ELECTED “UNANIMOUSLY” By THOMAS MYERSCOUGH (Sec. Treas. Dist. 5, N. M. U.) “The fact that the re-election of President Lewis was by unani- mous vote is a demonstration of the confidence which the member- ship has in his leadership” “This is the first time in more than twenty years that a presi dent of the United Mine Worke of America has been re-elected without opposition”. . . The above remarks were spewed from the mouth of Ellis Searles, rupt and crooked as Lewis himself | in the eyes of the vast army of miners in the United States. This opposition was John H. Walker; president of the Illinois State Fed- eration of Labor, a former official of District 12, U. M. W. A., and and aspirant to the office of Inter- national President of the union be- fore Lewis was even known outside of his own balliwick and only known there for the reactionary tenden-/| cies which now are his chief stock in trade. | |2) that a real and sustained strug- |gle against this war implies that jwork must be carried on to revolu- tionize the masses of the soldiers |e, work in preparation for civil jwar, and 38) that the ground for civil war must be thor.ughly pre- pared by the proletariat and the the entire machine by substantial majorities and we know how they have done things in the past, and | even in the recent past, with the| referendum vote to put over the re-| duction of wages, so we can expect to hear soon that the elections have been stolen again in Illinois. In the Pittsburgh district there was no election because Fagan and his gang were also unopposed. Of course opposition here was impos- sible because there is no more U. M. vil War in Peace. fime Also. The civil wars in Ge: and 1923, in Bulga: thonia in 1924, and July 1927, prove that proletarian civil war may not only break out in times of bourgeois imperialist wars, but also in the present “nor- mal conditions” of capitalism; for present-day capitalism intensifies |The question of rebellion must be] put openly to the masses. | The rebellion must be based on} the rising revolutionary temper of | the entire working population, par-| ticularly of the semi-proletarians | ard poor peasantry. Work in Army. | Persistent and intensified work) must be conducted for the purpose disintegrating the bourgeois | armies, which work, at the moment of the uprising, will assume the character of a struggle for the army. Activities for organizing rebellion and military preparations must both cceupy a prominent place in the work among the proletarian masses and among the toilers in the colo- nies and semi-colonies. The time for launching the rebel- | lion will be determined by the state of maturity of the objective and | subjective prerequisites for it. The | time can be fixed definitely only if the closest contact exists between |the Party and the masses of the revolutionary proletariat, Art of Rebellion. c) In regard to carrying out the of The Struggle Against Imperialist War and the Tasks of the Communists “peace”; against “realistic paci- fism,” which regards the Soviet Union and proletarian and colonial revolutions as a menace to peace; against “radical” pacifism, which, under the mask of opposition to “all war,” strives to discourage defense | of the Soviet Union. | Counter-Revolutionary Socialists. b) Social Democracy is passing to active counter-revolutionary pre-| paration for war against the Soviet Union. Hence, it is necessary to \intensify the campaign against the) |Social Democratic leaders of the| |Right as well as of the Left, and also against their Trotskyist and |anarcho - syndicalist hangers - on. | Above all, the slogans with which | these will try to justify war against the Soviet Union such as: “Fight | for democracy against dictatorship”; |“degeneration”; “Kulakization”; “the | Soviet system is approaching the Thermidor stage”; the legends they |spread about “Red imperialism”; |the slogan of “Neutrality” in the By Fred Ellis “enemy” in such a war is the Soviet Union, i.e., the fatherland of the in- ternational proletariat, the follow- ing changes must be made in tac- tics as-compared with the tactics employed in “purely” imperialist war: a) The proletariat in the imperi- alist countries must not only fight for the defeat of their own govern- men’; in this war, but must actively strive to secure victory for the Sov- iet State. b) Therefore, the tactics and the choice of means of fighting will not only be dictated by the interests of the class struggle at home in each country, but also by considérations for the outcome of the war at the front, which is a -bourgoeis class war against the proletarian state. ec) The Red Army is not an “enemy” army but the army of the international proletariat. In the event of a war against the Soviet | Union, the workers in capitalist | countries must not allow themselves event of war, etc., must be exposed to be scared from supporting the | masses. and discredited in the eyes of the | Red Army and from expressing this support by fighting against their Champions of World’s Workers. own bourgeoisie, by the charges of editor of Lewis’ private mouthpiece,, For this election, in which Lew o to the capitalist press a few days ago. Little does the “public” know of the true state of things, however, that is responsible for such state- ments being issued. Neither are they aware that men of the type of Lewi and his “Man-Friday” (Searles have an abounding faith in the gul libility of the “headline-reading pub- lie” and because of this, these fakers get away with all kinds of political trickery, for statements to the press such as the one above can only be ) for the purpose of political expe- diency. The Miners’ Election (U. M- W, A.) After reading arles’ statement in the press, one kicked out miner (one expelled from the U. M. W. A. for being a progressive and oppos- ing Lew asked with rightful in- dignation: ‘“‘Who the hell elected him When we were all kicked out of the union?” Of course, none of us could answer him except to say that there Pare still a number of fakers who are yet on the payroll and who will _ remain there as long as there is any money to divide, and that each one of these has proved in the past to he quite capable of casting one vote for each pound of flesh he carries, and in this manner quite a large number of votes are secured. Of course, they are aware that we are all living in an ege that demands efficiency, so they dispense with the old routine method of marking in- dividual ballots, and instead employ *he quicker and surer method of marking only the return sheets, of which they can secure the amount lesired, and so Lewis was elected! No Opposition! Why? | But with all the expulsions and charter revocations, ‘done by Lewis) ‘> make sure that the recent coal was elected “unanimously,” Walker announced his candidacy and was, nominated, but was ruled off the ballot by Lewis, because “he was! not employed at the trade.” Walker, | if the laws of fakers mean anything even among themselves, has as much of a right to become president of the U. M. W. A., as Lewis has! to remain so, because he is as much of a miner (?) as Lewis is, prizes his membership in the U. M. W. A. as much as Lewis does, and because of that pays his dues into it as reg- ularly as Lewis does and last, but not least, he is as capable of as much tion and corruption in or- ganizational. matters as is the in- cumbent president, John L. Le Yet, in spite of the above-mentioned qualifications, Walker was ruled off the ballot, Lewis was unopposed and, with the able assistance of his army of organizers, “John L,” was elected unanimously, District Elections | In the various districts consider- able opposition shows itself, but no} hope is held out for the miners even if every one of the opponents are elected, From reports coming in to the office of the National Miners Union, the opposition generally con- sists of the office seeking variety who, if elected to office, would be as bad as the gang they are to replace, jor they are the weak element that believes the U. M. W. of A. needs only to wash its face and then every- | thing would be hunky-dory: | They seem to forget that the old union has changed from the secret variety into the open-faced kind of company union with the bosses ex- ercising more and more control as! the days go by. | visited by John P. White, ex-na- W. A. in the Pittsburgh district than there is Knights of Labor, but ru- mor has it that a very heavy vote was cast for the International of- ficials in the district, but this is to leave the impresion that there still a large membership in the trict but there isn’t. Alex Howat Back in U.M.W.A. In Kansas there is a different pic ture than prevails elsewhere, for th erstwhile Howat has been reinstate and was also unopposed for the of fice of president of District 14, Kan- sas. What a gloomy position he must find himself in now! Howe the fighter, expelled for his opp sition to Lewis and the Industri Court (no strike) law of ex-Gove: nor Allen, hounded all over the cour try by Lewis aad his agents, denice the right to enter Canada while on a tour with the writer, framed up by character assassins working for Lewis, and now, when all the fight- ers have been kicked out of the U. M. W. A. he has been rein- stated. That he has been reinstated be- cause of a change of heart by Lewis, not even Howat himself can believe, but there must be a motive for the | act and I am of the opinion that Howat cannot see that far ahead. He was nominated by a majority of the local unions in Kansas, but the same has been true in other | elections ever since he was expelled | and each time he was ruled off the | ballot. | This time however, he has been tional president of the U. M. W. A.,| ex-labor adviser to the government’s | fuel administrator during the war, | later a scab rubber manufacturer | 'and now a special representative of} the class struggle to an acute de- gree and at any moment may create an immediate revolution: itua- tion. The proletarian upris i Shanghai in March 1927 and in Can- ton in December 1927 contained im- portant icssons for the proletariat, especially in the nationally oppressed colonial and semi-colonial countries. Events in Shanghai parti show how proletarian uprisings can be utilized as a weapon in a na- ional war against imperialism and s lackeys. Lessons of Civil War. All this makes it incumbent upon ¢ Communists, primarily in con- ction with struggle against im- rialist and counter-revolutionary ars, to put the question of prole- rian civil war openly to the masses vd to study the lessons of the -n:entioned uprisings. 25. These lesons are: a) In regard to the necessary conditions precedent for rebellion. A revolutionary situation must pre- vail, i.e., the ruling class must be in a state of cri: for example, as the result of military “defeat. This mis- ery and orpression of the masses must be intensified to an extraordin- ary degree, and the masses must be active and ready to overthrow the governmént by revolutionary mass action. A tried and tested Commu- nist Party, having influence over the decisive masses of the proletariat, must exist. Preparing for Rebellion. b) In regard to the preparations for rebellion. The rebellion cannot be based solely on the P. ty; it must be based upon the broad masses of the working class. Of de- cisive importance is the prepara- tory work in the prc'starian mass erganizations, particularly in the : | 28. The international working rebellion. The rule must be: NO | class, and the toilers generally, look jPlaying with rebellion. The rebel-| to the Soviet Union as their cham- Hon once launched must be vigor-| pion, and their attitude toward the ously prosecuted until the enemy S| Soviet Union is one of growing utterly crushed. Hesitation and | sympathy. Bearing this in mind, lack of determination will cause the| and also that the broad masses of utter defeat of the revolutionary|the workers will understand much ermed uprising. The main forces| better than in 1917 that the next n be ‘thrown against the main imperialist war against the Soviet forces of the enemy. Union will be open class war; that Efforts must be made to secure) the masses of the toilers are now the superiority of the proletarian | wiser from the experience they had forces at the decisive moment at of the first imperialist war and that be decisive place, and without de-| the vanguard cf the proletariat now | lay the rebellion must be carried | has a strong revolutionary organi- over the widest possible territory. | zation in the shape of the Commu- There is an art in rebellion; but re- | nist International, it may be safely bellion is not purely a military prob-| asserted that the opportunities for cularly, | We have district elections being strike would not be lost by the oper-|cotentested. In Illinois, the so-called ators and won by the valiant men| opposition is claiming the complete of the pxks, there was still an op- | rout of the Fishwick machine, while a r asition left even tho it was 4 cor-! Fishwick is claiming the election for \ AOE NONE DESI TINEA 4 RL AAR IR BIA OAT aban: tA gn pes M. | trade unions; to secur2 their active ewis in the south-west fields where | participation in the work of pre- he was instrumental in getting the | paring for the rebellion, and the cre- etal et Elia ation of special organizations for re- To Be Continued bellion, which shall unite the masses. ? Da lem, it is primarily a politeal prob- lem. Only a revolutionary Party can lead a rebellion. On the out- ‘break of the rebellion the Party must subordinate the whole of its activity to the requirements of the armed struggle. |B. The Proletariat Defends’ the Soviet Union Agaimst the Imperialists. | 26. Imperialist war against the |Soviet Union is open, bourgeois, jcounter-revolutionary, class war |against the proletariat. Its princi- pal aim is to overthrow the prole- |tarian dictatorship and t introduce a reign of white-guard terror against the working class and the toilers of all countries. The basis for the tactics of the proletariat in capitalist countries in the struggle against such a war is furnished by the Bolshevik program of struggle against the imperialist war, i.e., transform the war into civil war. The methods and tasks of this struggle, prior to the outbreak of ,the war and during the war must, however, be adapted to the concrete conditions under which it was pre- ‘pared for, and to its openly class character, case, the “enemy” is not an imperi- alist power, but the proletarian dic- tatorship, introduces certain import- ‘ant modifications in anti-war tac- tics. Propaganda Work. 27. The propaganda tasks in connection with imperialist war and the preparations for war against the | Soviet Union, stated concretely, are | as follows: a) Pacifism is being transformed | from a mere screen to conceal war | preparations into one of the most \important instruments for these i preparations. Hence, it is necessary to intensify the campaign against pacifism and against its specific slo- gans; against the Soviet Union in the name of “civilization,” and The fact that, in this | | fighting against war are far great- er now than they we-e in previous | times, and consequently that there jis every reason for adopting bolder tactics. | Greater Anti-War Possibilities. | a) The possibilties of preventing |War against the Soviet Union by intensifying class struggles to the point of revolutionary, mass action |against the bourgeois governments | are much greater at the present | time than the possibilities for such action were in 1914. An example of | revolutionary action was given by the British workers in 1920, when, | by forming Councils of Action, they | forced their government to abandon their intention of declaring war | against the Soviet Union, |b) The conditions favorable for transforming a war against the | Seviet Union into civil war against the bourgeoisie will be much more | sp-edily created for the proletariat | than in an ordinary imperialist war. c) Therefore, although the Com- munists in capitalist countries must reject the phrase “Reply to war by | general strike,” and have no illu- | sions whatever about the efficacy | of such phrases, nevertheless, in the jevent of war against the Soviet |Union becoming imminent, they | must take into consideration the in- creased opportunities for employing the wéapon of mass strikes and the general stri’ se, prior to ‘the outbreak of war and during the mobilization. Aid of Oppressed Nationalities. d) In the event of an ‘tack upon the Soviet Union the Communists in oppressed nations, as well as those in imperialist countries, must exert all their efforts to rouse re- bellion or wars of national libera- tion among the national minorities in Europe and in the colonia and semi-colonial countries against the imp6rialist enemies of the Soviet State. 29, In view of the fact that the 2 ‘the international revolution and to treason that the bourgeoisie may | hurl against them. | Defense of USSR. | 30. Although the proletariat in imperialist countries is not bound by the.-duty of “national defense,” in | the land of the proletarian dictator- ship, however, national defense is an unfailing revolutionary duty. | Here, the defenders are the armed | proletariat supported by the poor peasantry. The victory of the Oc- tober revolution gave a socialist fatherland to the workers of the world, viz., the Soviet Union. De- |fense of the Soviet Union is a mat- ter of class interest for the inter- national proletariat as well as a debt of honor. In 1919-1921, the Soviet govern- ment was able to defeat the inter- rentionist forces of fourteen states, among which were the most power- ful imperialist states, because the international proletariat intervened on behalf of the proletarian dicta- torship in the U. S. S. R. by revolu- tionary mass action. A renewed im- perialist attack on the Soviet Union will prove that in spite of all the preparations made for this attack and in spite of the counter-revolu- tionary efforts of the Social Demo- crats, this international proletarian solidarity still exists. Allies of Proletariat. The proletaridt’s allies in the de- fense of the U. S.'S. R. are: 1. the rural poor and the mass of the middle peasants and 2. the national revolution and to protect the work of building up semi-colonies, 31. The international policy of the U. S. S. R. is a peace policy, which conforms to the interests of the ruling class in Soviet Russia, viz., the proletariat, and to the in- terests of the international prole- tariat. This policy rallies all the al- lies of the proletarian dictatorship around its banner and provides the | best bi for taking advantage of the antagonisms among the imperi- alist states, Guard Proletarian Revolution. The aim of this policy is to guard protect the work of building up so- cialism—the progress of which is re- volutionizing the world. It strives to put off the conflict with imperial- ism for as long as possible. In re- gard to the capitalist states, to their mutal relationships and to their re- lationships with their colonies, this policy implies: opposition to im- perialist war, to predatory colonial Salary Graft By Fakers of Brotherhoods By WILLIAM Z, FOSTER. The railroad unions, especially the four Brotherhoods, are the most lav- ish in the over-payment of their of- ficialdom. The late Warren S. Stone of the B. of L. E. was the star in this respect. He received $25,000 sal- | ary, and about as much more for ex- penses, as head of his union, in ad- dition to $25,000 yearly as chairman of the Board of Directors of the General American Radio Corporation, and perhaps various other salaries for his numerous jobs. At the 1924 convention of the B. of L. E. Stone is said to have declared that he was indifferent as to whether or not the union kept him even at this price. He displayed a contract from a New York bank guarantceing him, should he accept, a salary of $50,000 per year for 10 years. Stone had two “assistants” at $15,000 per year and expenses. There were also nine other “assistants” at $9,500 and expenses per year. (In connection with the big bank scandal at the 1927, B. of L. E. convention the salary of the head of the union was set at $15,000.) W. G. Lee, head of the B. of R. T., gets the same salary as a justice of the United States Supreme Court, $14,000 per year, not to speak of lavish expense accounts and salaries coming from his various industrial interests. The B. of R. T. secretary’s salary is $10,000. Other officials of this reactionary union are paid ac- cordingly. Similar conditions pre- vail in the O. R. C., the president re- ceiving $12,000. In “The Labor Her- ald,” Oct. 1924, C. R. Hedlund writes as follows of the upper bureaucracy in the B. of L. F. and E.: “The locomotive fireman, who earns his living about as laboriously as any human being on earth, who fires some of the largest engines in freight services for the entirely inadequate sum of $5.43 per day, nevertheless pays his Grand Lodge officials the following salaries: To the president $12,000 per year; to nine different vice-president $7,000 per year each; to the secretary, $10,- 000 per year, to one so-called ‘legis- lative representative’ stationed at Washington, D. C., $7,000 per year; to the editor of the union magazine, $7,000 per year; to the medical ex- aminer, who looks over applications for insurance, $9,000 per year. This makes a total of $118,000 for 15 of- ficials!” To the foregoing salaries must be added the usual huge expense ac- counts, which often run more than the salaries. The constant tendency is to raise official salaries. This was the case even when the wages of the railroad workers were being slashed on all sides. The unions of the lesser skilled and less strategi- cally situated workers exhibit the same tendencies to over-pay their of- « ficials. Thus the head of the Main- tenance of Way Workers receives $500 more per year than a United States senator. Fitzgerald of the Railway Clerks gets $10,000. Ryan of the Railway Carmen gets $8,000, ete. As against these fabulous sal- aries, the average yearly wage of railroad workers in 1926, figured on a full time basis and discounting un- employment, was only $1656. Over-Paid Miners’ Officials. In the United Mine Workers the parasitic system of extravagantly paid union officials is firmly estab- lished. Never did this manifest it- self more shamefully than at the 1927 convention. With the union miners suffering widespread unem- ployment, which had reduced their annual incomes to not more than $1,200, and with the union confront- ing a life and death struggle with the employers, Lewis and his crew made the raising of the officials’ salaries one of the central issues of the convention. To Be Continued state certainly does not imply that | the Soviet State has become récon- |ciled with capitalism, ss the social democratic and their Trotskyist al. lies declare in order to discredit the‘, Soviet States in the eyes of the in- ternational proletariat. This policy able; that in the process of a prole- tarian dictatorship. It is merely an- other—and under present conditions —a more advantageous form of fighting capitalism; a form which the U. S. S. R. has consistently em- ployed since the October revolution, h No Illusions About Peace. 32, The proletariat in the Soviet Union harbors no illusions as to the possibility of a durable peace with the imperialists. The proletariat knows that the imperialist attack against the Soviet Union is inevit- able; tha in the process of a prole- tarian world revolution wars be- tween proletarian and bourgeois states, wars for the emancipation of the world. from capitalism, will nec- essarily and inevitably arise. — Therefore, the primary duty of the proletariat, as the fighter for, socialism, is to make all the neces- sary political, economic and military strengthen its Red Army—that mighty weapon of the proletariat— and to train the masses of the toil- ers in the art of war. There is a glaring contradiction between the imperialists’ policy of piling up armaments and their hypocritical talk about peace. There is no such contradiction, however, between the Soviet goy- ernment’s preparations for defense and for revolutionary war and a consistent peace policy. Revolution. ary war of the proletarian dictator- ship is but a continuation of revo. campaigns, and to pacifism, which camouflages these campaigns. The peace policy of the proletarian lutionary peace policy “by other means.” To Be Continued j 8 i preparations for these wars, to!) 4