The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 26, 1928, Page 6

ee Sa a % = Page Six DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, Wi DNESDAY, DECEMBER 26, 1928 Demand Complete Unity of Communists Against Right Danger and Trotskyism (Continued From Preceding Page) ganda; further improving and strengthening of the Party press (Daily Worker) and publications; to transform the Daily Worker into a true leading organ of the Party and a s’ spokesman of the American working class study of the work of Marx and Lenin; more energetic awing the mass of Party members into an unde nding of the ks; broad ideological campaign against the Right danger and " ism. XII. Work Among Women. Department nationally 2 ricts, has lent a certain im- peius to the Party’s participating in and leading the struggles of the working women but on the whole the department and the work of the Party generally among working women is still very weak. There is a general underestimation of the importance of the work among ‘women in the Pa which must be overcor The Party has to The establis id in some combat a c n attitude which manifes lf in emphasizing the organization among housewives at the expense of the work among factory women. In some districts the Women’s Committees are of an insufficiently proletarian character. (New York), XIII. Young Workers League. The ng Workers League has participated as a distinct force in the mass struggles of the workers (mining, textile). There is a decisive yn in the work of the League toward the proletarian youth as against the former student and clerk orientation of the since then expelled former leadership (Abern, Schachtman, Mass, Edwards, Borgeson, Carlson). Effective results were achieved by the League in its anti-militarist and anti- ialist work which, however, must be further strengthened. The arty must increase its support and direction given to the Young Workers League. It is the duty of the party to combat the opportunistic attitude displayed in underestimating the role of the youth and the work of the League. XIV. Labor Defense. The failure of the Party fraction in the I. L. D. to help develop it into a mass organization must be registered. Especially there should be noted in this respect the failure to build district organizations. The most dangerous error here is the development of a special attitude of “I.L.D.ism” (Cannon-Abern), holding this work as some- thing distinct from the general P: work, and in certain respects even above it. fficient emphasis has been laid here on basing this work on the organizations of the workers and on the shops. A serious Right error is also to be noted in the proposal to make the Party the tail of the liberals in the Mooney campaign (Wagenknecht). XV. Cooperatives. The Party has achieved some results in its being able to mobilize left wing forces for a sharp struggle against the Right wing in the Cooperative League of America, but at the same time we must note certain serious Right errors manifesting themselves in the Party’s cooperative work. 1. Failure to at all stages in the development of the cooperative movement to tie it up organically with the labor struggles, struggle of the workers in the unions, etc. 2. Tendency toward the development of producers coopera- tives as a substitute for struggle within the trade unions. 8. Failure to define the limitations of building cooperatives. 4, Tendency for development of “cooperative Communists” placing the interests of individual cooperators above the interests of the Party. reorie XVI Party Unity: energetic measures to bring about the unification of the Party. The Party must make a decisive effort to carry out the instruction of the Comintern World Congress, “The most important task confronting the Party is to put an end to the factional strife.” There is no principle basis today for the continuation of the factional struggle in the Party. For Trotskyists, there is no room in the Party. Per- manent factionalism is incompatible with Communist Party organ- ization. The present international situation, the growing menace of war, the sharpening attacks of the bourgeoisie against the Party and the working class, especially necessitates the unhesitating, fullest compliance of the entire Party with the decision of the Sixth World Congress for the “absolute subordination of the minority to the majority.” At the same time it is necessary to bring about an ex- tension of Party democracy, to promote political discussions, exercise thorogoing self-criticism, and uproot bureaucratism. THE RIGHT DANGER AND TROTSKYISM. In the present international situation the Right danger is the main danger in the Communist International and in its American section. At the same time though Trotskyism is defeated in the leading parties of the Comintern, it raises its head in the American Party menacing the Leninist line and unity of the Party. The Right danger has its roots in the partial stabilization of capitalism and in the influence of social democracy, and trade union bureaucracy. At all times a menace to the workers revolutionary party, the Right danger becomes, at a time of threatening imperialist world war, the greatest and most urgent of all dangers. In the United States the Right danger is especially serious because our Party has not yet gone thru a revolutionary struggle, because of the present strength of American imperialism, the corruption of the labor aristo- eracy, the reformist ideology of so large a section of the working class, and the general political backwardness of the working class. The outstanding types of expression of the Right danger in the Workers (Communist) Party since the last convention are: Certain forms of legalism, a tolerant attitude to the socialist party; passivity in strikes or even outright refusal to take leadership; an underestimation or a nihilistic attitude towards the national ques- tion and the struggle of the colonial peoples and an underestimation of the Negro work; white chauvinism; a static attitude on the trade union question; wrong attitude toward the labor party; an under- estimation of war danger and manifestation of pacifism; insufficient proletarianization; capitulation before difficulties; lack of faith in the Party; attitude of reservations of the Communist International; lack of internationalism: indifference and even hostility to theory. Cannon’s acceptance of Trotskyism is very dangerous because the recurrence of this social-democratic ideology parading under cover of left phrases is deeply rooted in the objective conditions—the strength of American imperialism, the contradictions of the simul- taneous development of reformism and the radicalization of certain sections of the working class tend to create confusion in some sections of the Party. The Party is at a turning point in its life, in the process of passing from a mere propaganda organization to a political party of action. The Party has become the leader of working class mass acti- vities. This creates new problems and new difficulties for the Party. Some sections of the Party have been unable to adapt themselves to this sharp turn. It is precisely for this reason that the platform of Trotskyism in the United States today is serving as the rallying point of all op- portunist elements within and all groups of renegades outside of our Party. The complete destruction of Trotskyism in our Party can be realized only through an uncompromising, energetic fight not only acc inst Trot m but against every manifestation of the open Right danger, through merciless self-criticism of all mistakes made by the Central Committee and by the Party as a whole. The line of the Party is based on an unqualified recognition of the fact that the Right dan: is the chief danger today in our Party as well as in the rest of the Comintern. Hence the endorsement by the Central Executive Committee of the position of the Central Com- mittee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Party conference of the Communist Party of Germany in their fight against the Right danger and those who show tolerance of the Right. Under its present leadership, the American Party has been in the forefront of the fight against Trotskyism from the very moment it reared its head in the Comintern. This fight against Trotskyism has been bound up with the fight against out and out opportunism and Right wing policies. It has been an unbroken fight, ranging from the expulsion of such crass opportunists as Salutsky, Lore, Eastman; such notorious Right wingers as Sulkanen, Askeli and Company to such a conscious, malignant enemy of the left forces in the Party as Cannon, now a blatant and militant Trotskyist. The convention must take all decisive measures to sharpen the fight against both dangers—against the open Right danger and against Trotskyist opportunism. 4 } The convention decides to take all necessary ideological and or- ganizational steps to root out every manifestation of the Right danger, the slightest tolerance of the Right danger and every vestige of Trotskyism. The convention decides to enforce vigorously all deci- sions of the th World Congress of the Comintern. Communist unity must be maintained as the guarantee for an energetic fight against the Right danger and Trotskyism. Unity on the basis of the unreserved acceptance of all decisions of the Comintern is the best guarantee for a successful fight against the Right danger and Trot- skyist opportunism. CONTRADICTIONS OF AMERICAN CAPITALISM—THE OUT- LOOK FOR STRUGGLE AND THE PARTY'S BASIC LINE. The Party convention endorses the position of the Central Exe- entive Committee which repudiates all notions that American capital- ism is unassailable, that American imperialism is invincibla The * “ ‘ hment of a Women’s The Sixth Party Convention must take | Central Executive Committee rejects without the slightest hesitation any viewpoint which tends toward a fatalistic attitude towards or conception of the present power of American imperialism. There is no room in our Party for those holding a pessimistic view. There is no room in our ranks for those who do not see the developing bases for sharp struggles in the United States. The Party roundly con- demns any policy or line based on blindness to or minimizing of the multiplying evidences of working class resistance to capitalist exploi- tation and oppression. Those who maintain clearly or vaguely that American capitalism is not subject to the basic contradictions under- mining international capitalism, or who give the slightest credence to the spurious bourgeois theory that American capitalism is so powerful and so “healthy” that the Anferican workers are immune from the propaganda of the class struggle, from Communist influence, are maintaining a position entirely at variance with the line of the Party. Those who are overawed by the boureoisifying factors retarding the development of class consciousness on a national scale amongst the American workers, are basing themselves on temporary and super- ficial phenomena and are against the basic lines of the Party. Those who do not see the increasing bases for Party work, the increasing opportunities for the development of a mass Communist Party in the United States, have no, place in our membership. Any conception which directly or indirectly lends the slightest support to the notion that the fate which befell the socialist labor party, the socialist party and the I. W. W., awaits our Party, is a non-Communist conception, the entertaining of which is incompatible with Party membership. What is the outlook for the class war and the role of the Party therein? What is our perspective? Though American imperialism is still on the upgrade, it would be a major, fatal mistake not to see the basic contradictions of American capitalism, not to see those factors which are bound to create serious complications for American imperialism. The Party convention em- phasizes that despite all the outward appearances of towering strength of American capitalism in the eyes of superficial observers, the con- tradictions of American imperialism are being intensified and not solved. Chief among these contradictions are: 1. The election of Hoover marks a sharp turn in the increasingly aggressive imperialist policies of the United States. But these very aggressive imperialist policies are bringing on in their train numerous complications in world politics. All these complications are bound to have their reflex in the inner situation of the country, in the rela- tions between the classes, in the class war in the United States. The conflicts resulting from these outer contradictions can only serve to sharpen the class war at home, to intensify the inner contradictions of American imperialism. The very fact that American imperialism is continuing to push back British imperialism on every front, insures an increasing rivalrf for the world market, for capital and commodi- ties; increasing naval and military competition between the British and Yankee imperialists. The increasing resistance to American im- perialism by British and other impdtialist powers, means sharper attacks against the workers at home by the American bourgeoisie. The increasing domination by United States imperialism over the Latin American countries brings about a rising resistence on the part of the Latin American masses against United States imperialism, and the sharpened attacks on the workers in the United States inevitably brings about increasing mass resistance by the workers. The increasingly aggressive participation of the United States in world politics, necessitates the building up of a huge navy, army and merchant marine. The maintenance of a huge war machine, a gigan- tic strike-breaking apparatus, can be realized only through increasing taxation and growing oppression, further making for a tendency of large sections of the workers, working farmers and even certain petty bourgeois.elements resisting imperialist aggressiveness. 2. Though American capitalism has for the present succeeded in delaying a deep-going crisis, the last economic depression has al- ready created many important complications for the bourgeoisie. Many important industries suffer from large excess productive capacities, The intensive installment buying system, on which American “pros- perity” is based to an extent, is only a mortgage on the future pur- chasing power of the workers and exploited farmers, and though this system may for a time serve as a factor for deferring an economic crisis, once the crisis is on, will become only an aggravating force. The very technical and organization progress of the industries calls for partial crises in the attempt to intencify rationalization-(textile, shoe, mining, etc.) and thus important sections of the working class are stirred to resistance against the capitalist drive. Mass production is producing murderous mass competition. The technical revolution in the United States is only a further source of mass unemployment. Prolonged unemployment means intense suf- fering to the bulk of the workers, especially because in America there is no social insurance. Prolonged unemployment will bring serious grief to the households of millions of workers based largely on install- ment buying. 3. The first violent stage of the agricultural crisis has been liqui- dated by the ruination of hundreds of thousands of farmers and through the driving of millions of the farming population into the cities. But fundamentally the agricultural crisis is not over. The basic reason for the agricultural crisis is the existence of the mono- polistic trusts on the one hand—a trustification movement is going on with terrific speed today—and the unorganized, the atomized status of the relatively technically backward farmers on the other hand. Despite recent growth of mechanization of American agriculture, the gap between the technical development of the manufacturing industries and agricultural remains, because of the more rapid rate of progress by the former. The resulting process of expropriation of large masses of the poorer farmers inevitably makes for greater resistance by these masses to bourgeois rule. The chronic agricultural crisis is conse- quently undermining the most important social foundation for allies of capitalist reaction, is destroying the illusions about the “indepen- dent farmers,” is turning tenants into veritable peasants and is, thru this helping to develop a powerful mass reserve and valuable allies for the proletariat in its decisive struggle against capitalism. 4. The industrialization of the South will serve to awaken new sources of resistance to capitalist exploitation. It means an expropri- ation of additional rural masses, a pauperization of great masses of Negroes, a proletarianization of new large sections of the population. The creation of this new powerful industrial centre in the United States will bring new unemployment, more wage cuts and general in- security of life for hundreds of thousands of workers in New England and in other sections of the land. 5. Further proletarianization: With the tremendous accumulation of capital in the United States, there is proceeding a terrific con- centration of ownership and centralization of operation. Capital is in- creasingly flowing into constantly fewer hands, Additional sections of the broad masses are being proletarianized. Example: Farmers, Negroes. This process develops a greater, a more powerful proleta- rian army to give final battle to the bourgeoisie. 6. The centralization and the bureaucratization of the United States government is making constant headway. The increasing strike-breaking role of the government is one of the most powerful factors making for the radicalization of the Amer- ican workers. The manifold tendencies of a special type of state capitalism manifesting themselves in the United States to an increas- ing extent are forces helping to turn the struggles of the working class more than ever before directly against the state and thus help- ing to deepen and give an increasingly political basis to the everyday struggles of the working class. 7. The existence of the Soviet Union: The very existence of the Socialist Republic of the Soviet Union is another limitation of para- mount importance to the growth of American imperialism. The existence of the Soviet Union serves as a source of inspiration to the forces of the proletarian revolution gathering in other countries and to the forces of resistance to imperialist aggression in the colonies. 8. Likewise the struggle for the liberation of the oppressed peoples of the colonial countries constitute another limiting force to the upward development of American imperialism. The struggle for the liberation of the oppressed Negro race, the growth of the national movement of the Negro people for realization of the national self- determination of the Negroes to the establishment of a Negro re- public in the South will help undermine one of the most important pillars of American imperialism. 9. The existence of the Communist Party 1s bound to play a role of decisive importance. The existence and growth of a conscious disciplined Party of proletarian revolutionists following the path of Leninism, is a factor of decisive importance in the limitation of the growth of American imperialism, in the mobilization of the working class and its allies for the overthrow of American capitalism. 10. The star of American capitalism is still ascending, but American capitalism is part and parcel of world capitalism which has already entered into the last, the declining stage of its development. As America becomes ever more a country exporting industrial com- modities, it becomes increasingly dependent upon the world market. This subjects it ever more deeply and extensively to all economic and political complications of international capitalism, The United States is becoming increasingly a country of exporting capital. Thus the United States is living more and more at the expense of*other coun- 5 tries. Coincident with and as a consequence of this growing pheno- menon of capital export, we have stagnation and parasitism becoming more evident on a growing scale. 11. Last but not least, American imperialism will not be able to bribe broad sections of the working class for many more years. United States imperialism is not the sole workshop of the world as Great Britain was for decades, There are other mighty imperialist powers limiting the expansion of American imperialism, competing with it on every front. Thus the menace of a new imperialist war is looming up ever bigger on the horizon; a war which will prove a catastrophe to international capitalism, a war which through the existence of the Communist International will be turned into civil war. The very present strength of American imperialism generates con- tradictions in American capitalism—conflicts and antagonisms in the entire bourgeois world. The sharpening contradictions of American imperialism are opening up before us manifold opportunities for struggle against the bourgeoisie, for developing a mass Communist Party, for mob ing the working class for the destruction of Amer- ican imperialism. The Party must turn full face to the most exploited sections of the American proletariat, which is the main body of the working class in the United States. resentment of the masses. Strike movements and readiness for or- ganized struggle among large: sections of the workers must follow. The magnificent fight put up by the coal miners, the heroic resist- ance of the textile workers, are evidence of the potential militancy in the ranks of the American workers. Our Party must be prepared ideologically and organizationally not only to respond to this situation but to organize and lead the workers in the impending mass struggles for the overthrow of capitalism. In the period of rising working class struggles, the Party must make it one of its central objectives to expose and defeat the trade union reactionaries, the socialist party leaders, the reformists of all kinds, the propagandists and apologists of capitalist prosperity, all of whom aim to paralyze the militancy and readiness of the workers to struggle, to chain the workers to capitalism. Social reformism, social democracy, and their reflex in our midst, Trotskyist opportunism and outright opportunism, must be fought with the maximum resourec and vigor at the Party’s command. In the face of the sharpening war danger, in the face of the creasing attacks of the capitalists, in view of the new period of wo1 ing class struggle that we are entering, the unity of all Communi forces, the complete unification of the Party was never more necessary and never more imperative than it is today. The efforts of the American ruling class to solve the present con- tradictions by further pressure on the toiling masses at home. and intensified imperialist exploitation abroad, is calling forth bitter On the basis of Marxism-Leninism, under the leadership of the Communist International, the Party will go forward to becoming a mass Bolshevik Party. By ALBERT RHYS WILLIAMS. | THAT hectic night in November with the alarm that Kerensk, |and the wild division was moving up on Petrograd. The factory whis- tles shrieking the tocsin to war. Out of the shops and slums march long lines of slanting bayonets, | women with rifles, boys with picks |and spades, Freezing slush oozes into their shoes, winds from the Bal- |tic chill their bones. But in their veins burns a crusading fire and |they push on to the front. They | plunge forward into the black copse | against hidden foes. They stand up to the charging Cossacks and tear them from their horses. Into the jears of their dying comrades they | whisper, “Peace is coming! Power is ours!” Magnificent the rise of |the poor and exploited with arms in their hands fighting for power j and winning it. Now in the villages a sight not | less magnificent—the poor and ex-| of rye we had to pay him two, Then | ploited using the power that was won, | One sees the poor mujik, one| ime serf of the landlord, plowing} | with his own horses the land he }once ploughed for the landlord, |reaping for himself the fields he! | once reaped for another. | One sees illiterates with joy- | illumined faces making the once | all-so-mysterious books yield up | their secrets to them. “The czar | only wanted us to plow and pay |taxes. He put bandages on our eyes. The Soviet took them off and now we can see!” One sees the batrak (barefooter) | now rising to self-esteem, a mem- | ber of a union writing contracts. This is from a_batrak’s letter to me: “In the old days when we came to the koolak (hardfist) for work, we had to kneel with caps off and often got only a kick. If he said} ‘come tomorrow!’ we thought it great luck. If he lent me one pood we were the blackbone and we didn’t dare open our mouths to the white- bone. Now we can speak to any- one and go anywhere into any hall |or building. So I'say the revolu-| | tion has pulled us poor peasants and| batraks out of the grave. We are just born anew and we know it.” To see the batrak rising to the consciousness that he has a govern- ment of his own; the poor peasant rising in economic stature; the il- literate rising with pens in their hands—is that less impressive than to see the masses in 1917 rising with guns in their hands? Only the hopelessly childish will think so. Only the romantic will fail to see the revolution in the processes now at work in the villages. It is still October. Only with new implements and new strategy, to meet the new situation. Then, thrusting guns into the hands of the masses; now, books and papers. Then, enlisting the masses into regi- ments and Red Guards; now, in co- OCTOBER PLOUGHS DEEP IN THE VILLAGE operatives and unions and machine artels. Then working with armored cars; now with tractors. Then with the Soviets chiefly as political for- ums; now as organs of economic re- construction. Then with the slogan, |“Take over the land!” now, “Or- ganize the land! Plow it deep!” Then destroying the old order; now building the new society. Then initiating the revolution; now deep- ening, widening, extending, consoli- dating it, everywhere. | Everywhere! That is what makes | the experience of these years so | impressive. The astounding univer- | sality of the new phenomena, I have not entered a mountain ooul or Cossack stanitsa or a forest ham- let or straggle of houses on a far off river without feeling the pulse of the revolution, In the “deafest” village, in the furthest flung out- post on the distant frontiers, it is at work. *Reprinted by courtesy of “The Labor Defender.” i RUMANIAN (Red Aid Press Service) | BERLIN, (By Mail)—After a, long and serious illness the Ruman-| ian Communist, Konstantin Ivanus,| |died in the Virchov sanitorium in | Berlin, Ivanus was a carpenter of peasant) origin. Always standing with the radical wing of the labor movement, | shortly after the war he joined the illegally existing Communist groups. Since 1921 he was a member of the Central Committee of the Commu- nist Party of Rumania, and of the central council of the carpenters’ | union, The trust of the labor movement, especially of the wood workers, and} of the peasantry, in Ivanus, was great. He was arrested in 1924. Again released, Arrested again in 1925, he was sentenced: to two years in prison in the process against the Central Committee of| the Rumanian Communist Party, In} this process the workers and peas-| ants from the forest regions stood by his side. They made their state- ments and refused to take the re- ligious oath at the trial. Ivanus already had diseased lungs| when he began to serve his term.) The previous arrests, the hunger| and thirst strikes which he had been thru, had ruined his health and eat- en away his lungs. He was impris- oned a sick man. The hellish pun- ishment system of the Rumanian) prisons did the rest. In 1927 Ivan- us was released from jail very ser- iously sick. The Red Aid section of Berlin- Brandenburg, which had adopted the persecuted workers of Rumania, in- vited Comrade Ivanus to come to Berlin and seek a cure here. His) joy was indescribable when he came| to Berlin and felt the care given| him and his two children by the Red Aid organization. Everything was done to receive the courageous | fighter of the working class. In| vain! The best care could not re-| pair what was destroyed in the hell! of Rumanian class justice. Konstantin Ivanus is dead. Again Rumanian torture with its Siguran- za has done its work. Again one of the best fighters of the labor | movement is physically destroyed, | It is a question here not of a sin- gle case, not of one instance of per- secution, but of a complete system which aims at the destruction and death of all revolutionary fighters.) The change of government in Ru-| mania has brought with it no change | in this respect. The pompous re- ports of the lifting of the censorship and of military rule, which are meant to arouse the impression that in Rumania the course of the white terror would be left behind, are all bluffs. The Rumanian Papers now) appear, as always, with the stamp “censored,” the processes against the revolutionary trade unions con- tinue before the military courts as before. The trial against the 30 workers and intellectuals of Galatz, which is seen to begin, is to come before the martial tribunal; the Process against Stefanov and com- rades, which has been delayed from day to day, is also to come up be- fore the military court. There still sit in the prisons and cells of Rumania many revolution- ary fighters whose life and health are being destroyed there. Konstantin Ivanus is dead. His death must be a bugle call to the workers of the world. The workers of the world must fight side i ern EN LEY an ee sla LIFE AND DEATH OF A' COMMUNIST by side with the Rumanian work- ers to open the prison doors of Ru- mania. Full, unconditional amnesty for| all prisoners who were sentenced be-} cause of political or military rea-| KONSTANTIN IVANUS sons or who were sentenced because of supporting the agrarian reform, must be achieved. Stop political trials, the persecu- tion of workers’ organizations and trade unions. On the grave of Ivanus, the in- exhaustive fighter, the victim of terror-justice, must the workers of all countries pledge to support the fight which their Rumanian class brothers are carrying on. Huiswood Will Teach Negro Problems Class at the Workers School “Problems of the Ametican Ne- gro,” with Otto Huiswoud, director of the Negro Department of the Workers (Communist) Party, as the instructor, will be given at the Workers School on Friday evenings beginning Dec. 28. This course will be one of the most important courses to be given by the Workers | School, in view of the impcrtance of the Negro problem, both for the Ne- gro race and entire working class. The course will deal both with the history of the American Negro and with the problems facing the Negro race and the American working class today. Among the topics to be taken up are the following: 1. The Negro problem asa world prob- lem. 2. African background of the |Negro in America, 8. History of | slavery — anti-slavery movements ‘and slave revolts. 4. The Negro in \the reconstruction period and post- construction period. 5. Present so- \eial conditions and class divisions. 6. Special consideration of Negro proletariat. 7. Agricultural work- ers and farmers. 8. Development land role of the petty-bourgeoisie and |bourgeoisie. 9. Present race move- ments, 10. Status of the Negro in America. 11. Policy of Party and Communist International. 12. The colonial question, The Workers (Communtaty Party “Singing Jailbirds” to Be Given for Working Women Saturday Eve York can see the best of New Play- wrights productions, “Singing Jail- birds,” and at the same time help build the New York Working Women’s: Federation, by attending the performance of the play on Sat- urday night, Dec. 29, at the Prov- Lares Playhouse, 123 MacDougal St. “Singing Jailbirds” has been hailed by many proletarian critics as the best play which the Playwrights Theatre has produced, and advise every worker to see it. The pro- ceeds of Saturday night’s per- formance will be used for the fur- ther building of the Working Wom- en’s Federation, which is sorely in need of funds to continue its im- portant work. Tickets can be ob- tained at 26-28 Union Square, Room 202. ic lt alli To: Workingmen and women of New | Di Women’s Federation to See Sinclair Play at ProvincetownSaturday Upton Sinclair's “Singing Jail- birds” will be given at a benefit for the New York Working Women’s | Federation this Saturday evening. |The proceeds of this performance will go towards the building of a militant working women’s organiza- tion, one of the purposes of which | will be the prevention of the murder of working class leaders as portrayed in the Sinclair play. Tickets for the pertormance may be obtained either at the box office of the Provincetown Playhouse, 133 MacDougal St., or at Room 202, Workers Center, 26 Union Square. CALL SCAB A SCAB, JAILED. BARRY, England (By Mail), Four dock strikers are in jail, in connection with the recent strike of riggers and dockers. They are charged with calling a strikebreaker a “blackleg.” i Os OPEN DAILY from 9 a. m-9 p. m. mechanics wear and | i | RDER A BUNDLE Anniversary the occasion reached before. This edi photos and Price, $10 per Baily Worker H + ‘ ‘ H 1 i 1 A Please send mi fights for the enactment of the 40- hour, S-day weeks és Our glasses are fitted by expert (Formerly Polen Miller Optical Co.) OPTOMETRIS' 's 1690 LEXINGTON AVENUE., Corner 106th St. 500,000 COPIES of the Anniversary Edition JANUARY 5, 1929 FIFTH BIRTHDAY the anniversary of the only revolutionary fight- ing English Daily in the world. We must make this WorKER to thousands of workers that we have never have additional features, special er many times the present size. Order a few days in advance. peee nena nase nennennnccecenenneneneceeesccenammammansedscnnscen: 26 UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK CITY. -copies of The DAILY WORKER to insure comfortable neat appearance. Tre — OPTIC Now for distribution on for bringing the DatLy h —