The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 25, 1928, Page 6

| iy ~areed Continued from Preceding Page extends to the women in the home as well as in shops and mills. Nunierous. political organizations of women have been develop instruments of the bourgeoisie, such as the National Women’s Part the League of Woman Voters, the Federation of Women’s Clubs, ete. Capitalist womens’ peace societies have been built which call anti- war conferences to spread pacifist illusions. Never before in the ory of the capitalist political parties have they made such inten- e ‘efforts to control the women workers as during the recent residential elec when women’s burea' clubs, were organized ons atus previou card of. are carried out through the capitalist rey, and the reactionary bureaucracy of the American h has completely ignored the women work- part, they become more eas ion and war schemes, ed with the task of serio under- women workers and proletarian house- st the war danger and capitalist rationali- point to a developing class-cénsciousness and among women workers, Where women are or- have been drawn directly into battle as workers ls, they have demonstrated their fighting spirit, ond to organization and struggle, as a result g sharp attacks made upon the working class in the zation. The sharpening of the class so drawn into battle thousands of proletarian house mothers. This has been demonstrated in mining, needle, textile and other indus’ Our F ist consider the women workers a vital element in a2! its camp: he organization ofthe unorganized women must be- come a primary task, especially in the building of new unions in in- dustries employing women (needle, textile). Women workers must be mobilized in-the campaign aaginst imperialist war. The prole- tarian housewife must be drawn into active participation in industrial and politcal struggles. Thus far, our Party, has seriously underestimated the import- ance of women’s work. Under the leadership of the present C. E. C. the Women’s Department, established almost a year ago, has failed to function, and to consider the women in industry a basic factor in our struggle against the war danger and capitalist rationalization. The National Women’s Committee has been practically liquidated. No program of action has been formulated on the basis of the C. I. decisions and no direction has been given to the various districts from the center. The basic task of mobilizing the women workers in the shops and mills, and organizing the unorganized women, has been completely neglected, and instead our policy has been orientated on the house- wives. We failed to mobilize the women in the shops and working class women generally for miners’ relief. Under the influence of the Party, Working Women’s Federations were organized in several cities, but no Party apparatus for women’s work was built up. In the needle trades especially, and also in textile, where women work- ers have played a decisive role in the development of the left wing, there has been almost a total lack of special work among women, or building up of apparatus for women’s work. The Party has failed to take advantage of the textile and mining strikes for the organization of women. The leading committees for women’s work have resisted the inclusion of proletarian elements, and are composed predominately of professional women and housewives. The Party’s Concrete Tasks. The concrete tasks of the Party present themselves therefore, as follows: A. First and foremost, the establishment of working women’s delegate conferences, factory groups and circles where women are employed as a basic instrument in the campaign to organize the un- organized women and mobilize the women already organized for general economic and political struggles, such as—campaigns against imperialist wars, wage cuts, speed-up, election campaign, strike relief, defense of class war prisoners (Mooney and Billings, New Bed- ford cases), and other political campaigns, The Party nuclei, Party fractions, and the TUEL shall be used a as basis for this organiza- tion work, with the participation of the Working Women’s Federation and women’s trade union auxiliaries. As these working Women’s Delegate Conferences are developed, they must become the non-Party centers for mobilizing the working women for the class struggle. B. The development of the Federations as coordinating centers for all language and other working class housewives’ organizations, in the various cities where they are organized, on a local basis, whose functions shall be. to draw housewives into the various campaigns inaugurated by the Party and auxiliary organizations. We shall not organize a national Federation. Cc. An energetic propaganda campaign among the Party mem- bership to work out a clear Party attitude to the organization and carrying out of women’s work. D. A national program for women’s work must be drawn up which will advance concrete workin gwomen’s demands whereby the effects of rationalization on the extent and conditions of female labor and the consequences of the growitig economic depression as well as the relation of the war danger to the women workers will be dealt with. E. The establishment of a Women’s Department and national women’s committee in the center that will direct and supervise wom- en’s work throughout the Party. A more active direction by the Poleom of this work. F. Proletarianization of the women’s committee in the center and in the districts. G. The publication of a central women’s organ by the Party, and the issuance of pamphlets on women’s work. H. In the new unions we shall form women’s sections with ational and local committees to put into effect the Party programs “on women’s work in these respective unions. We shall form women’s auxiliaries to these unions only in exceptional cases, such as mining, these to be decided in each instance. In the old unions we shall fight for the estabishmetn of women’s sections. In the women’s auxiliaries to these unions we shall establish party fractions and left wings to further our women’s work and to draw these auxiliaries into our women’s conferences. ty n 8 THE BUILDING UP OF A MASS COMMUNIST YOUTH LEAGUE. The war danger, and the decisive role which the working class youth must be made to play in the struggle against it, makes our activities among the youth of primary importance. The changes in American industries during and after the war, the developing changes in the structure of American capitalism, ra- tionalization, stoppage of immigration, etc., have brought forth for the first time on a large scale an army of native and Americanized un- skilled young workers. This changes the pre-war composition of the mass of unskilled and semi-skilled labor, which previously was almost exclusively composed of foreign-born workers. This development strengthens the eelments of homegeneity of the working class, and gives to the young workers a historic role in the present period of serving as the connecting link and bridge be- tween foreign-born adults and the bulk of the native working class, This new role played by the young workers has been demonstrated in the recent struggles and in the building of new unions, where the young workers play an important role in the political and organiza- tional leadership. The growth of the war danger and with it the general capitalist program of militarization of the population, particularly of the young workers plus their changing role in industry, explains the strenuous efforts made by the bourgeoisie to corrupt the working youth wit! bourgeois ideology for’the purpose of weakening their fighting capa city and growing class consciousness. The growing aggressive role of American imperialism, the actu ality of the war danger, the intensification of the class struggle at home, tend to arouse the young workers an dto create increasingly favorable opportunities for work among them. The Communist Youth International in its recent letter to the American League states that: “The growing contradictions between the U. S. and England, the sharpening of competition on the world markets will sooner deepen and broaden this depression than liquidate it. The working class youth which is involved more than ever in industry on a ‘basis of equality’ with the adult workers goes thru all the effects of depression, unemployment, increased exploitation, and reduced wages. Furthermore the working youth is suffering even more from depressions than the adult workers, because on the labor market of the working youth, there are always new growing reserves and comp€titors. Therefore, one is justified in saying, that rationalization and its effects, far from improving the condi- fions of the working youth, have made it considerably worse. This worsening is so considerable that it activizes the ‘American . youth workers who politically were up until now completely apathetic’ as was pointed out by the CYI in 1926. The worsening vf the position of the working youth which became more notice- able only last year (1927) enabled us to declare ‘we cannot s: that the working youth of America is almost an inert mass’ (from the letter of the CYI to the American League, 1927) and now when the worsening of the youth workers’ conditions is be- coming more evident to the largest part of the working youth, we cam say teday—the working youth today is no more the most a wo oe | DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1928 backward part of the American proletariat, and it is in many cases the most advanced and conscious t of the proletariat. The latest mining and textile strikes, ete., in which the working youth played to a great extent a leading and organizing role, can serve as a good example,” The increased role of the you the worsening of thei tarization of the yout able conditions for The Party m' mass proletarian Cor tage of the present workers in the class struggle, growing activization, the mili- e war danger ate favor- Communist Youth League. one c¥ its main tasks to build a League, which will take advan- ha YCL will al a reserve for the Pa: ng new American and proletarian elements which will help to change the present poor social composition of the Party and small proportion of American proletarian elements. the recent struggles, paid insufficient attention to the YCL and in some cases even checking the initiative and activities of the League (Passaic, needle trades, New Bedford, mining, etc.). The Party did not give organizational help and direction in building and strengthen- ing the YCL. As yet the Party does not understand the role of the YCL as distinct from the Party, and many times considered it as a Youth Party as shown by opposing the raising of youth demands in working class struggles and not understanding the need of special youth methods. The Party fails to give to the YCL real political leadership, which is to an extent responsible for the weak organization status and slow growth of the League. Real political leadership is substi- tuted by factional leadership, the most glaring example of which was the withholding of the YCI letter from the League membership and the condemnation of it by the Poleom Majority because it (the YCI letter) disagrees with the CEC majority line, gives to the League the correct political line for League work and calls upon the League to fight the right danger in the Party. The Majority of the N. E. C. identifies itself with the Right Wing Line of the CEC Majority. The Majority of the N. E. C. (Zam, Kaplan, ete.) began with an analysis that the “young workers are an almost inert mags,” and that rationalization separates the young workers from the adult workers and removes them from the class struggle. Because of its student orientation and its acceptance and agreement with the analysis of the CEC which denies the grow- ing activization of the working class, the Majority of the NEC has failed to reorientate the League to the changing conditions and thus take full advantage of the activization of the young workers. This failure coupled with the absolute neglect to carry on systematic persistent trade union work and the building of shop nuclei is re- sponsible for the slow growth of the League as reflected in its poor social composition and small proportion of American elements. (37 per cent students.) The failure to reorientate the League is also re- sponsible for the pacifist mistakes committed in every section of the League. The NEC Majoriety since the world YCL congress has intensified its factional struggle against the Minority of the League, which is awake to and is fighting the right danger. The NEC did not carry on a real ideological struggle against Trotskyism, but utilized it as a factional issue against the minority. It did not abandon the right wing analysis of the CEC majority and shared in the right wing mistakes committed by the CEC since the world congresses. It re- fused to send out the YCI letter to the membership until again in- structed by the YCI and refused to reject the slanderous non-Com- munist attack of the CEC majority against the YCI letter. The absence of a core of proletarian functionaries and leadership in the League reflects the small number of American elements and the poor social composition of the League. CONCRETE TASKS OF THE PARTY. A. The Party must give systematic political direction to the activities of the League and assist by all means possible in the build- ing up of 2 mass Communist Youth League in the U. S. B. The Party must assist the YCL to develop its initiative in the mobilization of the Youth against the War Danger, against im- perialism, and militarism and against pacifism. C. The Party must help the League to actively participate in the organization of the unorganized young workers, the building of youth sections in the new unions, the intensification of trade union work generally, and above all the building of shop nuclei. D. The Party must direct the League to make all efforts to root itself in the shops and in the basic industries to strengthen the proletarian and American composition of the League and to develop a core of ‘proletarian functionaries and proletarian leadership. E. The Party leadership in the League must assist in the devel- opment of new methods of League work in order to attract and develop politically the young workers in the League. F. The Central Committee must educate the whole Party to the understanding that the growth of a mass Communist League in the U. S. is of decisive importance for the building up of a mass Communist Party. G. The Party should assist the League in devoting special at- tention to the organization of the Negro Youth. The incoming Ne- groes into industries are largely of young workers. The opposition of the N. E. C. majority to the C. I. and Y. C. I. line on Negro work must be corrected, CORRECTIONS OF GROSS RIGHT WING MISTAKES IN CO- OPERATIVE WORK The cooperative movement offers the Party important possibilities to come into contact with masses of workers, to link up their struggles as consumers with their struggles against the capitalists as pro- du@ers, to make the cooperative movement a fruitful rceruiting ground for our Party and a vital organ of the workers in the class struggle. But these objectives can only be achieved by a systematic and deter- mined application of Communist cooperative principles as laid down by the Comintern. Our Party leads and participates in many cooperative. enter- prises in various sections of the country. But practically no effort has been made to give real Communist direction to this work from the center, No comprehensive reports have been taken up by the Poleom on the national cooperative work. The C. E, C. cooperative committee has been allowed to collapse. No efforts have been made to study the lessons of the movement and to correct the mistakes made. This neglect is a serious mistake. The necessity for a careful survey of our work nationally in the cooperatives and to correct it in the sense of the Comintern program, is sharply emphasized by the gross right wing mistakes committed in the New York housing co- operatives, (A section of the Theses, relating to this omitted here, but will be published later.) vject, is 10. A PARTY ORGANIZATION ROOTED IN THE SHOPS. The Organizational Situation in the Party. The growing radicalization of the great mass of unskilied and semi-skilled workers, the Negroes, the agricultural jaborers and poor farmers gives our Party increased opportunities for growth. The principal reason for the relative weakness’ of our Party and its failure to grow is the Right wing political line of the Political Committee Majority. The difficulties and the protracted character of the process of crystallization of a correct line and a proletarian Yolshevik leadership have also militated against the growth of the rarty. Only through overcoming the difficulties arising from this process through the inauguration of ~ campaign of bolshevist self- criticism and through the correction of the politica! line and the set- ting up of a proletarian leadership able to put it into effect, can our Party make real organizaticnal progress. The organizational situation at the present time can best be de- scribed as chaotic. Organizational work has been seriously neglected in relation to all the Party campaigns. In the biggest campaigns of the Party (miners’, elections, etc.) it was very difficult to mobilize the membership to play a leading role. Only a negligible portion of the membership is organized in shop nuclei and in most cases even these nuclei are functioning in a very inefficient manner. Street nuclei are very frequently-merely a continuation of the old language and territorial branches, Very iittle or no effort is made by these nuclei to function in their territory or to systematically build shop nuclei. In most case$ our nuclei are merely ticket selling agencies and carry out no organizational or political work. Functioning trade union fractions are almost non-existent. Frac- tiens hold only occasional meetings to deal with specific problems, but no systematic, organized trade union work is done. The fractions in language organizations, on the contrary, con- tinue to function as regular units of the Party. Although language federations were supposedly liquidated in 1925 and the Party sup- ° pesedly put on a shop and street nuclei basis, we still have a score of parties instead of one homegeneous Party. The language com- rades, connected with these fractions, in many cases only work in the Cd language organizaticns with very little Party control over their ac- tivities. They often fail to participate in the general work of the Party and fail to introduce broad political issues into the language organizations. Discussions on Party questions take place in these fracticns, Party speakers ave sent, and votes are taken in the same manner as in regular Party units. Allowing for objective factors (lack of homogeneity in American working class, many languages, old trdaitions of “federations.” etc.) which make complete centraliza- tion of the Party a difficult task, nevertheless it must be stated that these wrong policies have seriously hamperec the process of establishing a single homegenious Party in which our whole mem- bership can be mobilized in support of the mass campaigns of the Party and the growing struggles ef the workers. Shop papers are few in number and are not put out regularly t in but few cases. Practically all are put out by the district offices and do not reflect the actual struggle of the factory workers. In the present way of handling them they have not been made to serve as a means of recruiting new members. In the regular work of the Party, the National and District or- ganization departments have failed to draw up organization plans to be carried out in conjunction with the general political campaigns of the Party. This failure has led to an almost complete failure to secure substantial organizational results from our campaigns. The Party apparatus is generally in a deplorable condition. Fiom top to the bottom, the tendency is to liquidate establish permanent committees and basic depariments or permit them to die. ‘The mem- bership is neing drawn to a lesser and lesser extent into Party work, Strong bureaucratic tendencies are developing which must be checked to insure the growth and political developmnt of the Party. Why Doesn’t the Party Grow? Our Party has failed to grow primarily because of the following reasons: a. The Right Wing political line of the Political Committee majority. Lb. The absence of shop organization, shop contact and orien- tation towards the shop by the Party. ec. ‘The sporadic campaign complex which generally prevails in the Party as a substitute for hard, continuous, systematic work, . d. Failure to follow up mass campaigns, work in auxil- iaries, trade union work, etc., with systematic recruiting efforts. c. Failure to connect political campaigns with daily strug- of the workers. . f. Failure to draw the membership, especially new mem- bers into the active political work and to carry on political educa- tienal work among them. g. Lack of political life in our nuclei and the poisoning etiect of ticket selling and other purely money raising campaigns not connected up with political struggles for which the member- ship has been ideologically prepared. h. The developing bureaucratic tendencies in the Party and the introduction of purely mechanical methods of Party control. j. The factional method and discrimination practices carried on in the Party by the Political Cou:mittee majority. gl Concrete Tasks. A. The Party must place as its maor task the setting up of shop nuclei, especially in the many industries and in coordination with the concrete programs for the organization of new unions. B. In connection with all political and trade union campaigns of the Party, the national and district organization departments must work up and send out detailed plans for systematic organizational work. These plans must cover the securing of new members, the setting up of shop nuclei, the securing of subscriptions for the Party press, and indicate the manner in which the general political in- structions ean be connected up with the daily struggles of the work- ers and thus carried into factories. C. Great attention must be given in the section committees and in the street nuclei to the carrying out of systmatic efforts to build shop nuclei in the factories in their section. In factories where we now have members, an effort must be made to recruit a sufficient number of workers to establish functioning nuclei. It is of vital im- portance to build up regularly functioning nuclei and section execu- tive committees. D. These efforts can only be successfully, accomplished by the aiost detailed and persistent work (home visits, recruiting from auxiliaries, subscriptions for Party press, etc.). The tendency in our Party is to do only spectacular work; it must be our aim to de- velop more consistency and continuity in the work of the Party. E. Every effort must be made to set up fractions in trade unions, Party auxiliaries and in language mass organizations, These fractions must be developed to the point where they are polit- ically able to carry out the line of the Party in these organizations. In presenting instructions from higher committees to the fractions every effort must be made to explain these decisions so that the workers fully understand the reasons for the application of such policies or tactics in a given situation. F. The nuclei of the Party must be developed politically. More explanation and clarification must be organized around the political- campaigns of the Party and an effort made to explain fully all of the campaigns of the Party to the membership. By these inethods the interest o fthe membership can be maintained and the recruiting power of the nuclei be developed. G. In recruiting for hte Party special emphasis must be placed on the drawing in of proletarian elements especially from the basic industries. The policy must be to draw these proletarian elements more and more into the leadership of all sections of the Party. H. The circulation of the Party press must be given more serious consideration than in the past. In every principal city efforts should be made to place one full time worker in charge of the work of build- ing the circulation of the Daily Worker, the language press, other Party publications and the press of our auxiliary organizations. Here also emphasis must be placed on the necessity for systematic follow up work (house to house canvasses, solicitation in factories, visiting members and supporters of auxiliary organizations, etc., etc.) I. The C. E. C. must inaugurate a thorough campaign of self- criticism and open a sharp and determined struggle against all bureaucratic tendencies. J. Especially must the Party concentrate on work among the Negroes, the unskilled and semi-skilled, farm laborers, poor farmers and women engaged in industry in its organization work. K. The Party must establish centralized direction over the activities of the Language fractions, the language Press, with a view of making these serve as instruments for Party agitation and propa- ganda among the masses of their respective languages. Language comrades must systematically be drawn into general Party work through the regular Party units. Language fractions must under no circumstances become substitutes for regular Party units. L. The Party apparatus must be made to become a living in- strument for the carrying out of Party work. Party departments (Trade Union, Anti-imperialist, Negro, Women, Agit-prop, Organi- zation, etc.) must be built up in regularly functioning bodies in the Party organizations. M. For the process of improving the Party organization we must systematically bring forth into leading positions (unit execu- tives, section and higher executive bodies) proletarian elements. ‘We must systematically build a cadre of competent proletarian func- tionaries, 11. RAISING THE IDEOLOGICAL LEVEL OF THE PARTY. The character of the problems and possibilities confronting our Party in the present objective situation, the nature of the tasks be- fore us, are such as to call particular attention to the basic import- ance of theoretical training. It is necessary that persistent efforts be made to raise the theoretical level of our Party membership from top to bottom. Such efforts are all the,more urgent because of the appearance in our Party of a serious right wing danger on the one hand and of Trotskyism on the other. A firm grasp of the funda- mental’ principles of Marxism-Leninism is the surest safeguard against both dangers. It is the prerequisite for correct policy. With American imperialism playing a unique role in the capi- talist world, with its inner and outer contradictions creating fissures at the very sources of its apparent strength, with a new turn in the situation plainly on the horizon, it is necessary that our Party make its own analysis of these circumstances from the standpoint of the Leninist theary, The Majority of our political committee has shrunk from this primary task, leaving the field free to bourgeois apologists. In discussing the question of Party ideology it is therefore axiomatic that the leadership of our Party must get out of ‘the stultifying atti- tude characterized by Comrade Bedacht’s remark at the February plenum to the effect that in capitalism “there is nothing new under the sun,” and must begin to do some real theoretical work. Moreover, there must be Leninist self-criticism of all the activi- ties of the Party. The Polcom Majority has made a mock of self- criticism by citing (in a statement on Trotskyism) a whole series of Right wing mistakes that have been committed, without stating that the Poleom majority itself was responsible for most of those mistakes and without explaining how they come to be committed. When we speak of raising the theoretical level of our Party, we must bear in mind the rank and file as well as the leadership, Only a party whose entire membership is imbued with an understand- ing of Marxist-Leninist fundamentals, only a Party whose member- : oe ship is able to avoid deviations in the daily work and to react at once against the deviations committea ‘:v its leadership, only such a party can develop and follow a Bolshevik lins. The present Polecom resisted all attempts to educate the membership in this spirit. The membership must be organized to study and digest all Com- intern decisions, not through the confused way in which such deci- sions have been put before the members up to now, not through fac- tional distortion (as in the glaring cases of the CEC’s misinterpre- tation of the CI decisions on the American question and of the Poleom document against the YCI sent out to the YWL units together with the recent letter of the YCI) but on the basis of sincese and correct Communist education. At the present time it is vital that the membership receive detailed analysis of the important decisions of the Sixth World Congress and Fourth R. I. T. U. Congress, pare ticularly since the decisions of the Ninth Plenum of the ECCI where the sharp fight against right wing dangers was initiated, were de- liberately kent from the membership of our Party. Insofar as the Agitprop Department of our Party has functioned at all, its activities have not been such as to raise the ideological level of the membership. Not even a beginning has been made in the sale of fundamental Marxist-Leninist literature. The Daily Worker, whose almost daily deviations are explained away by the Poleom on the ground of “unavoidable” (!) political incompetence of the staff, prints an editorial on the election of Hoover differing in point of fundamental analysis very little from the editorials of + the capitalistic papers. The Communist, under the editorship of Comrade Wolfe, gives itself over to compiling almost insurmountable lists of obstacles facing Communism in America, minimizing the struggles of the masses.and deprecating the role of our Party (re- cent articles by Pepper, Lovestone, Gitlow and Engdahl). Elemen- tary Marxian education in the nuclei is neglected entirely. The courses in the district schools are totally inadequate. A most serious example of the right wing line of the Polcom majority, as expressed in its agitprop apparatus is the Workers’ School in New York. In the direction of the school there is a mani- fest failure to understand the difference between education work among th workers generally and education of Party members to equip them for Party tasks—between general workers’ education and Party education. The result is that the school satisfies neither pur- pose. We have today no system of Party education. The Party members attending the Workers’ School make the criticism that it is a school for developing “professional students,” and does not fuse with the life of the Party. Its teaching staff is recruited largely from ,high school teachers, dentists and other non-proletarian ele- ments. In some instances the classes are conducted by petty-bour- geois liberals, whose ideology entirely foreign to the needs of our movement. i Another outstanding reason for the relatively low theoretical level of our Party membership lies in the fact that it is kept apart from all questions of Party leadership. In all the Party’s activities there is noticeable a separation of the leadership from the rank and file. The political committee decides upon a certain campaign, and the entire membership is called upon to Aake it up with little or no previous ideological and political preparation of the rank and file, or even of CEC members who do not belong to the Poleom. Numer- ous other instances might be cited to show the extent to which the present Party leadership has separated itself from the rank and file. Unless this situation is remedied it will be impossible for our Party to become a real Bolshevik Party. Concrete Tasks A. Deep-going Leninist analysis by the Central Executive Com- mittee and the Party convention, as well as by the leadership after the convention of the maturing inner and outer contradictions of American imperialism and of the process of radicalization of the masses. We must condemn ‘the opposition of the Central Executive Committee Majority to carry on such an analysis which has been urged by the Minority. B. Immediate establishment of a Research Department to aid such analysis and in the Party work generally. C. More thorough and systematic discussion in all Party units on the class struggle developments and the current tasks and cam- paigns of the Party. _ D. Full discussion by the membership of C. I. and Y. ©. I. decf- sions. E. Closer connection between the leadership and the rank and file of the membership. Central Executive Committee and D, E. C. plenums must be reported to and discussed by the membership. The Political Committee should so plan its work that the initiation of im- portant campaigns shall be decided upon by Plenums of the Central Executive Committee. These campaigns shall be taken up in the district committees with a Central Executive Committee member pres< ent to report. This to be followed by meetings of functionaries or general membership meetings. F. Development of a cadre of proletarian functionaries. G. Reorganization of the Agitprop Department, which must be- gin to function not only through the sending out of bulletins from the national office but as a working body organized in all the districts a tae of the Party. Closer contact with the Comintern Agitprop, i H. Reorganization of the staff of the Daily Worker from top to bottom, with an editor competent to lead the Party’s central organ and of the Party press generally. I. Correction of the right-wing editorial line of the Communist. Radical improvement of the editorial and business management of the Communist. Real effort to be made to increase its circulation, J. Popular distribution and popularization of the works of Lenin. Criticism of the high prices being charged by International Publishers, K. Organization of elementary Marxian education in the Party nuclei. : L. Extension of the circuit courses in the districts. M. Reorganization of the Workers School as an instrument of general workers education under Party control. Proletarianization of its teaching staff and revision of its courses to study, N. Organization of a system of Party education. Organization of a central Party School, and of district schools and unit courses—a whole educational system for Party members. O. Election by the Party convention of a committee to prepare the Party program in accordance with the decisions of the Sixth World Congress, 500,000 Anniversary Edition JANUARY 5, 1929 FIFTH BIRTHDAY a immes sae RDER A BUNDLE NOW for distribution on the anniversary of the only revolutionary fight- ing English Daily in the world. We must make this Anniversary the occasion for bringing the DAILY Worker to thousands of workers that we have never reached before. This edition will have ‘additional features, special photos and will be larger many times the present size. Price, $10 per thousand. Order a few days in advance, eee nccennennancnecenneeenarnceemenereesenencenncnsensnnnennm, Baily Worker : 6 UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK CITY. many .coptes of The DAILY WORKER Please send mé...++-+++ t the rate of $10.00 per thousand, Prrrrrrrrrrrrrerreree LY STATE, .cccvcaves