The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 21, 1928, Page 6

Page Six sel Baily Published by National Daily Worker Publishing As’n., Inc., Daily, Except Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Telephone, Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable Address “Daiework” ROBERT MINOR... . Editor WM. F. DUNNE Assistant Editor Fight the War-Mongers The mass meeting to be held tonight at Central Opera House unde. the banner of the Workers (Communist) Party is among the first of a series of nation-wide demon- strations against the ominous dangerjof an- other world war. Every worker here in the very citadel of imperialism, in the shadow of Wall Street, who is conscious of his class in- terests, should attend this meeting. It is the working class of the United States that must lead the fight against the ravages of American imperialism. Not only is it essential to expose the inso- lent war preparations of the United States ruling class, the most vicious, the most powerful, bloody and arrogant ruling class on earth, but definite steps must be taken to combat these war plans in every way. To in- dulge in demands for partial or complete dis- armament, or to yield to pacifist illusions and whine about “peace on earth” while capi- talism exists is objectively to aid the prepara- tions of the war-mongers. The revolutionary demand, the working class demand, must be disarming of the capi- talist class and arming of the proletariat, in order to be in a position to crush completely the rule of the capitalist class. To realize such a demand a whole series of determined revo- lutionary acts are necessary—the drive to or- ganize the war industries in order to be in a position to cripple them, the penetration of the armed forces of the nation and agitation demanding refusal to fight against the work- ing class at home or engage in imperialist war abroad; demanding that the soldiers and sailors go over to the side of the working class against their capitalist despoilers. In a word, the one effective weapon against the war threat is the revolutionary weapon. With the war clouds lowering more and more with the hand of Yankee imperialism again revealed as the fomenter of war, this time in the Bolivian-Paraguayan struggle, jt is imperative that not a moment be lost in preparing for the greatest anti-imperialist drive ever waged in the history of this country. All working men and women and youth cf Greater New York should come tonight tc Contral Opera House and demonstrate under the following slogans: Fight against the danger of a new im perialist world war. Prevent the dispatch of United State troops, ships or munitions to the Bolivian- Paraguay war center. Defeat Wall Street’s: war on Nicaragua. Demand the immediate withdrawal of the marines. Stop the annexation plot. Support the revolutionary army and masses of Nicara- gua. sgh ye Wor Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party os DAILY WORKER, NEW YURK, FKiway, vncemBER 21, 1928 . SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $8 a year $4.50 six mos. $2.50 three mos. By Mail (outside of New York): $6" year $3.50 six mos. $2.00 three mos. Address and mail all checks to The Daily Worker. 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. * Fight the imperialist jingoism of the trade union -bureaucracy—perfect agents of the imperialist butchers! Down with the treacherous pacifism of the socialist party which serves as the cloak for the bayonets of the master class! In the coming war we will work to trans- form the imperialist slaughter into civil war for the liberation of the working class and colonial and oppressed peoples, for the over- throw of imperialism. Defend the Union of Socialist Soviet Re- publics against which the imperialists will direct their military forces! Fight the war danger! Hoover, Imperialist -Drummer 10. Increasing Imperialist Aggression. But the most outstanding result of the election campaign is to be noted in the fact that the government is re- doubling its"effort and is increasing fivefold its pace of preparation for war. What else is the meaning of Hoover’s “vacation” in Latin America? He is going to visit nine countries. He is going as a ‘‘mes- senger of peace” on the biggest battleship in the American navy. Hoover, a dove of peace, perching on the turrets of the battleship Maryland! What is the meaning of this “gracious pilgrimage of friendship and good will?” The United States has a total commerce of about two billion dollars annually and an investment of about five billion dol- lars, in Batin-America. Hoover will appear as a | salesman, a drummer, a booster of the products of | American imperialism—ideological as well as | material. This policy is very clearly stated by the Magazine of Wall Street (Nov. 17, 1928). “The whole power of the government will be put behind the expansion of foreign trade. As Secretary of Commerce, Hoover has built up he greatest governmental organization for the romotion of foreign trade that any nation has ever had. With presidential initiative in his hands, it may be confidently expected that our foreign traders will find the government more than ever the leader in opening channels for American goods the world over.” From “The 1928 Elections,” by Jay Lovestone in the December issue of “The Communist.” Besides, in 1931, there will be another conference on the limitation of naval armaments in Washington. this is a continuation of the one Harding gave birth to in 1921. At this férthcoming conference there will be the sharpest clash between Great Britain and the United States over naval supremacy, over he mastery of the sea lanes. If the Kellogg pact is to serve American imperial- ‘sm as an instrument of imperialist aggression, ad- hefence must be won for it in Latin-America, where t has none today. Hoover’s task will be to “sell” the Kellogg pact to the Latin-American countries. The League of Nations and British influence will have to be minimized; the Monroe Doctrine and Ambrican influence will have to be enhanced through the acceptance of the Kellogg pact. Hoover will engineer the job successfully, in all probability: Lloyd George has already said: “I am alarmed about the situation. The nations are sharpening their knives on the very stones of the Temple of Peace.” From “The 1928 Elections,” by Jay Lovestone in the December issue of “The Communist.” MUSSOLINI “LEGALIZES” TERROR By PIETRO (Vienna). TherItalian senate, at its session reld_on Nov. 16, sanctioned two bills m the authorized powers of the Great Fascist Council, and on the “Magna Charta of labor.” Charter “Legalizes” Terror. The fascist newspapers praise the iew laws as a “democratizaticn” of ) Position in vi sm and as expo party, or as {izations and insti the head of the presidents of the b ue of the “importance of their position as deaders of fas- ties of cultural life, in great organ- the ministers, the under-secre- taries of state, and the like. | Working class on April 21, 1927, the anniversary of the legendary found- ing of Rome, and which has now been. made Jaw, has frequently been dealt with in the labor press. This charta aims at nothing more nor less than the “abolition of class war,” the “reconciliation of the an- tagonistic interests of employers and employed, and their subordination to ments of the fa: leading personali- tutions,” that is, | government, the senate and cham- , IN THE WiNTER OF “PROSPERITY” wey speRRNE STARRY LPUS TOMAS By Fred Ellis How Our “Daily” Was Born 1009 North State St., Chicago, be- gan. John J. Ballam was manager By HARRISON GEORGE | It was early in January, 1924. At the printshop up«the narrow stair- way at 1640 North Halsted St., Chi- cago, linotype machines were rat- uling, calls for “copy” resounding in the front. office, and the presses be- | ‘Communist Spirit Wins Out for Only English |gan to roar as the first English- § - 4 . language Communist daily paper #anized rebellion against the trait- |came off the folding machine to be |Creus leadership of the whole six- |grabbed by eager hands. On its|tecn craft unions over the issues of front page ran the announcement: | ane aoe and amalgarnation ier: * " Be : into one railway union. The Daily Worker is born! It\ "he fakers held the fort, how- |comes to fight! It comes to inspire * ever, and the shopmen lost out. But an call’ the many. to struggle! ane in those days, as in these, rising |Daily “Worker is the voice of the | cnerity for capitalists, their at- [hole aresGes Class! s |tacks on labor as the open-shop | Communist Spirit Wins. [drive took form, and the defeat of | Ringing Words stating an accom-|the masses in wage struggles, all plishment. In’every great city mass ;cannot stop a Communist Party. meetings of celebration hailed the | which has correct, policies. new weapon of the American Work-| ‘The attacké only gave the Party ers Party. But behind the celebra- ‘and its’ paper, “The Weekly,” tion lay a lot of hard work, sacti-|immunition against, capitalism. fice and Communist enthusiasm, Capitalism may be wallowing in which always wins by hard work cyorincreasing wealth, but the and sacrifice. |workers may at the same time be Two years before a weekly paper, |cxisting in ever-increasing poverty. “The Worker,” had been established | The “Weekly” pointed this out to at the merging of “The Toiler” and |the workers when they were in a “The Workers’ Council.” It_ had | receptive mood. The A. F. of L. fought well, but the Workers Party | bureaucracy. were launching their was getting too big to be satisfied |class collaboration schemes. with a weekly, which could not re- “B. and O. Bill” Jghnston had just spond fast enéugh to the needs of |discovered a,new way to fool the| |the struggles in which the Party was | machinists, and the fakers every-— jengaged. A four months’ average | | League, helped by the “Weekly,” or-| where were leading a retreat that more | | was to turn into utter surrender and | make -imperative the formation of | | new. trade unions which would fight. \“The Weekly” thrived on the in-| lerease of reaction, just as did the) | Party. Reaction? We Eat It! Right in the middle.of the shop- |men’s strike, the “Ohio gang” of those politicians headed by-Harding | and Dirty Daugherty, arrested the whole Workers’ Party 1922 conven- | tion at Bridgeman, Michigan. Did “The Weekly” suspend or did the Workers Party itself roll, over and die? Decidedly not!... Communist Parties thrive or. such altacks when lhe masses recognize the Party and | \its paper as the tried and. true voice lof their aspirations. So the Party grew in membership and “Tie Weekly” grew. in influ- ence. The Party decided ‘'The Weekly” must become’ the}, “‘Daily,” \and a drive began to raise $100,000 | to start’ it. é Busy. Baby. Busy days and weeks and months. nt the old Party headquarters. at lin 1922 showed the Workers Party {had 12,394 members; in 1925 the figure had gone up to 15,233. Put Itself Out of Business. “The Weekly” helped to bring | |this growth about, of course, but | | by so.doing it. made itself incapable | jof handling further advances. On| | its staff were Engdahl, as maraging teditor; Wicks, labor editor; Robert Minor and Art Young were its car- | toonists, and Nick Dozenberg, busi- ness manager. These had a lively time on the |‘Weekly,” trying to give every struggle its deserved attention Boe The flaniacon ‘his forehead: paly fel a len spy Batons oe | Than the flame within. sinking speli, in 1920-21, Ameri. | He-haw ‘called tous “from can capitalism took a shot of federal reserve smelling salts and began} }again to be “prosperous” along in March, 1922. He labors in a thousand di Waiting to slay Pharaoh’s I have seen him building Laid his hand on my shou | Listening, Waiting By J..C. EDEN. This Moses with clear-seeing eyes, Broad-boned and iron-sinewed, bitter-eyed; I have seen him descend into mines, | And whispered mid the roar of frenzied machines. iverse places, z | son. ‘| the ships, paler | the: dynamo, | Ider on the rolling ship, | of the campaign for the “Daily,” the writer was publicity manager, hav- | ling emerged but a short time before | from a little vacation of five years at Leavenworth penitentiary. he work? Did the workers re- spond? Emphatically; we did and they did, The writer remembers, wistfully, vhat he was editor, or father, if you like, of “The Baby Daily Worker,” a miniature edition of the “Daily” which was to come. Like all babies, its function was to cry out loud and keep everybody awake, plugging for “The Daily.” Is did its job. The farmers. were in revolt in those years, too, end the “Weekly” did.a large share in putting the Workers Party at the lead of the movement which culminated at the Chicago convention on July 3, 1923, which formed the Federated Farmer- Labor Party. But the Workers | Party also grew, as it has since grown, in power and wisdom. This struggle added to the need for a “Daily.” On the eve of the birth of the Daily Worker, the Workers Party held. its Third Convention. This convention hailed the establishment of the “Daily,” as follows; “The Thigd Convention congratulates the thousands of members and sympa- vhizers who co-operated with the Daily Worker Campaign Committee in the drive to establish the Daily Worker.” “An Important Step.” The Workers Party Convention nd the Communist International, oth reviewing the struggles of the year for the workers and exploited farmers, recognized the “Daily” as a necessity. The greetings of the Communist International to the ‘hird Convention not only said that | “the organization of the Federated Farmer Labor-Party was an achieve- ment of primary importance,” but in calling attention to this and other | struggles pointed out that “the'estab-' lishment of an English Communist daily was a most important step.” Why Not Communist Sundays? Did) he fascist dictatorship, by which he latter is “stripping off its in- liyidual character.” This is natur- ally a piece of hypocrisy. The fas- sist terror regime is long out of the wrsery stage of petty-bourgeois “in- lividualism:” The mew laws are merely the juridical “incorporation in the con- stitution” of a state of affairs ias long existed de facto: the cruel ule of force, embodied in thousands f institutions of the bourgeois state and exercised by the Italian nig capitalists and large landowners snd- by their executive organ, the treat Iaseist Council, ove 2 rorking population of Italy 1 rule of force which toler It is ates no pposition, not even from the bour- reo's camp. Elected Chamber Abolished. The law relating to the Great “ascist Council represents an ex- ension of the law already passed on ‘yanchise reform, The pivot on vhich this reform turns the aboli- ion of the chamber of an elected wody. Its members are to be prac- ically appointed by the fascist arty organs, for the franchise re- ‘orm grants the Great Fascist Coun- il the right to select the deputies »greeable to it from the names pro- vozed by the fascist organizations ‘or the elections to the chamber. Fascist Council Becomes State. ‘The new law on the powers be- towed on the Great Fascist Council even further. It embodies the ive state, as the “synthesis ole of the forces and in- titutioM¥of the nation.” The law he composition of the Council, whose mem- from all those who claim to this ‘ The Great Fascist Council is ac- corded both. advisory and deciding powers. Its deciding powers relate to the preparation of the lists of candidates for the chamber election. Its advisory rights relate chiefly to constitutional qui serves on this point however that “the opinion of the Great Fasci Couneil is equally obligatory in these questions.” Council Dominates Everywhere. Should a new government be formed, the Great Fascist Council has the right to submit to the king. a list of ons from whom the new premier is to be chosen. The com- petency of the Great Fascist Coun- cil extends to every department of the corporative state: to the trade unions, the corporations, ‘the cul- tural institutions, ete. The educa- tion of the youth also falls under its competency. And finally, it is the supreme organ of the fas party itself, determining its policy | and appointing all its functionaries. The new law on the competency of the Great Fascist Council, com- bined with the franchise reform, forms a worthy conclusion tc that |process which began with the “cor- rection” of the results of the first election contested after the fascist seizure of power (when the oppo- sition gained a large number of |seats in parliament), and was since continued by the murder of Mat- |teotti, the gradual elimination of all \non-fascist deputies from parlia- | ment, and finally in November, 1926, by the dissolution and prohibition of all non-fascist parties and of the free trade unions. Charter “‘Abolishes” Class War. The “Magna Charta of labor” with which Mussolini blessed the italian ions; the law ob- | the higher interests of national pro- duction.” Strikes are prohibited. Labor disputes arc settled by au- thorative labor courts, “by means of which the state intervenes for the | purpose of settling the conflicts.” | It is obvious that the “labor law” pursues solely one aim and object: the immediate suppression of the) slightest movement, the least. pro- test of the workers against exploi- tation, What the “reconciliation of the antagonistic interests of employ-| ers and employed” really means nme to light ut the last congress of the fascist trade unions, at which the pressure of the masses obliged even a fascist trade union leader to admit: “It would be a delusion to sup- pose that the reign of class war has been finally abolished. It is abolished for the workees. From the other side class war is being continued.” Before these two bills were laid before the senate, Mussolini held a® “lapidary” speech proclaiming that these laws: “will give all Italians and the whole world, a feeling of the un- shakable stability and unlimited duration of the fascist regime.” Economic Crisis Continues. The facts in Italy speak a differ- ent language. The industrial and | agricultural crisis in Italy contfnues. |The policy of currency stabilization has brought with it the reduction jof production, the limitation of home {consumption as result of the im. poverishment of the working classes, and a decline in the prices of agri- |cultural products. | The markets stagnate, both at home and abroad. Unemployment Strikes In 1922. Boy! /But the capitalists began |to feel their oats! Their Railroad |Labor Board started to slash wages | of the: railwaymen. The big rail- | way strike movement broke out, but | \it, too, was “spotty,” since it was | confined by the fakers to seven crafts while. the other nine went on) working. Not that all the men in| the scabbing unions liked to break , their ~ fellow-workers’ strike. A} \storm ‘of’ protest arose among them | and the Trade Union Educational about 800,000. Wages are being | ruthlessly cut down: ’- Except in | Warsaw, where. still somewhat lower’ | wages are paid, no workers are paid |so badly as those of-Rome. . The vil-).- |lage is becoming more and’ more | proletarianized,, : Workers Reorganizing for Defense. Fascism is striving to master the difficulties by, the bloodiest, terrorist | methods. “The death, penalty ‘has been. saa nee as an instrument) |of intimidation. But in. spite of} “prohibjtions” and terror, the work- | ers nd poor peasantry are begin-| ning’ to defend themselves, Signs of activity may be observed |among*them. This is proved by the resistance offered to pacifism on the part of the Communist. Party in 1927-28. And by the fact that the Communists and revolutionary work- ers have succeeded in defending their class organization, the newly «ganized Italian Trade Union Fed- ovation, against the treachtry of the reformist deserters. These facts cannot: be done away with either by the new laws, or by Mussolini’s fine phrases on the sta- The dynasties of Egypt are deep underground, he murmured; With pyramids for gravestones, Tapering to the sky in eternal silence. | The haughty kings whose: curtest words Bent the backs of a million slaves \ Are dried bones dogs won’t eat, | But the voice of the rebel lives, on. Not engraved on clay tablets, but written In the hearts of laboring men. ‘ The“eloquent peasant’s words; ring in the centuries’ en He has slipped me the word, this»man, Knowing I will not forget, And he has gone down in the mine, Climbed down in the ship, Bitter-eyed, Waiting, Listening, Biding his time. is Keep Negro Workers as Slaves Ponce Hci i A group of ugly, unrepaired hotises at Armour fertilizer plant at Nashville, Teyn. Negro workers and their families live here and pay rent to their bosses for the privilege of having the bosses’ pigs a few iis rife; the figure already totals a bility of the fascist regime, v feet away in their back yor! “Daily.” “The Communist daily must be- come the organ. not of the revolu- tionists alone, but of the whole working class,” was the greeting of the Communist International. To ajd in making it so, the Party had carried out a plan that would do well to’ repeat now, in 1928. It had organized “Communist Sundays” all over the country to go from house to house, soliciting subscriptions, leaving sample copies and rousing interested support among the work- ers. Just because the workers liked our “Daily” and because the Com- munist International and the work- ers of the Soviet Union hailed its ‘establishment, reaction ‘attacked it .|-before. its: birth, Ellis Searles was }just. making his. annual “discovery” that there are Communists in Amer- dea, and took a. whack at the Enemies Fail.” “Old “Whiskers” Charlie Hughes, who was then Secretary of State, was fighting against recognition by the U. S: of the Soviet government. He attacked ‘the Party and the “Daily,” using .a forged “Zinoviev letter,” the first one of a series of such forgeries, one of which. was later used -to put the skids. under the yellow reformist MacDonald of England. t - But all enemies could not. stop the “Daily” being born. Its first issue was out on January 13, 1924, and it has been fighting for your intewests, reader, ever since. But now,we ask, what are you doing for the Daily Worker fifth anniversary ? Can it expect subscriptions and help from you? It has earned all you can do for it, Make it grow! ‘Misleaders in the American Labor Unions By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER It is esimated that Brindell took $1,000,000 in graft during the two years before he was exposed. Among |the larger items were: Todd, Iron and Roberston, $32,000; A. Hersh- kovitz, $25,000; G. A. Northern Wrecking Co., $17,120. The highest demand he made was for $60,000 from the Gotham National Bank Building. He compromised for $25,- | 000. How he worked is shown by | the following testimony to the Lock- | wood Committee by Hugh F. Robert- | son, a builder, constructing the Cun- ard Building and Cunard docks: “I think it was Brindell that used the term ‘strike insurance.’ This was insurance against any labor trouble on the job. He said that if we could get strike insurance it would be a good thing to have. I wanted to know what kind of an | arrangement we could make. He quoted the sum. He said he .vanted | $50,000 for ‘strike insurance.’ He wanted $20,000 immediately and the rest of the payment to come along {on request to be strung along.” After an appointment wit Brin- dell, says Robertson: “He took me back to the office in an automobile and I put $20,000 on | the seat of the auto. I charged that | $20,000 to sundry expenses.” | On later visits wih Brindell, dur- ing luncheons at the Hotel Commo- dore and on automobile rides, $12,000 more was paid in four payments by Robertson. To further his grafting schemes, Brindell had a strong organization | which he used ruthlessly against the employers and his enemies in the labor movement. He almost com- | pletely suppressed democracy in the junions. The Building Trades Coun- | cil, of which he elected himself presi- dent for life, was a mere clique of grafters, taking orders from -him. Only three unions, themselves equal- ly corrupt, ventured to oppose his autocratic rule, the bricklayers, painters and house wreckers. Where necessary he did not hesitate to ex- pel A. F. of L. locals and to organize dual bodies against them. Neverthe- less the A. F. of L. constantly sup- ported him, as it does countless other grafters and fakers, Brindell, elthough sharing the plunder with his associates, was greedy and sel- fish, This contributed much to his downfall. Once, for example, a | xsi- ness agent reported that he had been offered $12,000 to wink at non-union |men employed on the job. Brindell |took the matter out of his hands, got $32,900 and put it all in his own pocket. Brindell bled his unions. His sal- ary as president of the Dock Build- lers ran- to $35,000 per year. He was known as the highest priced la- bor leader in the world. Of the 50 cents paid monthly by each of the 115,000 members of the Building | Trades Council, a large portion went jinto the pockets of the grafters. | Thousands of workers paid to union | officials as much as $10.00 per week for working: permits, little of which money ever reached the union treas- | uries. Brindell- once proposed to his enemy, Zaranko of the House Wreck- ‘ers, that the latter’s 1,800 men could | join the Building Trades Council on |the basis of $50.00 initiation fees jand $10.00 weekly from each of | them so long as they remained in | the trade. Small wonder that Brin- | dell became rich, He had a big es- | tate in the Adirondacks, the mil- jlionaires’ playground, where he spent | his summers. He had investments | in many companies. Together with P. Stadtmuller and \J-. Moran, both business agents, cxindell, after being held on $100,- W dail, was convicted of extortion and »entenced to from 5 to 10 years in the penitentiary. The specific charge was that he had accepted a bribe of $5,000 from Max Aronson to settle a strike. Although every- body knew he was guilty of rob bing the workers, Brindell was given the full support of the reactionary union officialdom. Only after his conviction did Gompers wail: “I knew Brindell when I believed he was thoroughly honest and I re- gretted very much that he has gone | wrong.” In Sing Sing Brindell, because of his wealth and political influence, was granted extraordinary privil- eges. He had special food and |clothes, and whiled away, the time | with a radio. Business agents came to see him and he ran the building trades unions from inside the prison, Once he was found outside the walls with his family. This caused a scandal, and, with much publicity, he was transferred to Dannemorra, where the discipline is severe. But later, without publicity, he was shift- ed to Great Meadows, where the re- gime is milder even than in Sing Sing. He was finally paroled, hav- ing served three years and nine months, Afver his release Brindell tried to “come back” in the labor movement. But he was too badly discredited, His election ticket in his union, the Dock Builders, was defeated 1,500 to 7. Finally he was expelled from the union. He died in the latter half of 1926, ‘ Brindell is gone, but Brindellism goes on in the New York building trades. Tompkins, Halkett, Crow- ley, and dozens of others carry on the old corruption, It procecds with less clamor and more finesse than in the cays of ‘the master grafter, Brindell, but it goes on destructively, undermining all that is healthy and progressive in the labor movemenf, | | =