The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 6, 1928, Page 6

wks OS ti _ mediately send in greetings for the Fifth Page Six Worker Publishing day, at 26-28 1696- ROBERT MINOR The Meaning of the Birthday of Our Daily Within a few weeks the Daily Worker will celebrate the fifth anniversary of its birth. Five years, in the ordinary course of events, is a short time, But the existence at this time of a Communist daily in the United States, the most powerful and ruthless im- perialist nation the world has ever seen, is a tribute to the vitality of our revolutionary movement, A mere review of the many struggles of eur paper, of the many attacks that have been made upon: us, of the many times that we were in imminent danger of facing ex- tinction, seems more like a narrative of a quarter of a century of struggle, than the record of five years. The fact that we have been able to weather every storm proves that our paper has a tremendous appeal to large sections of the working class. The fact that our Communist paper still has to face periods when we do not know from one day to the next whether we will be able to exist is not due to a failure to increase our influence among the mass It is because the class struggle itself intensifies and-from time to time throws our best supporters into open conflict with the enemy class so that their ability to contribute financially is weakened or temporarily destroyed. Those tens of thousands of workers who have come to look to the Daily Worker for guidance in the struggle against the pre- datory role of American imperialism, in the great mass movements in defense of victims of capitalist class vengeance as in the cases of Sacco and Vanzetti and in the struggle to liberate Mooney and Billings and other polit- ical prisoners, in ‘the struggle for racial equality and against lynching, in the bitter industrial struggles of the miners, the tex- tile workers, the needle trades, have made possible the coming ctlebration of the Fifth anniversary of the birthof our paper. But even as we approach the anniversary that marks a half decade of struggle there loom before us dangers equal to any that we have ever encountered. Much of the energy that we would devote to making a better fighting paper has to be diverted to the mere struggle to keep alive. Many campaigns that we could launch have to be abjured because we are not able financially to undertake them. But, in spite of this, never has there been a time when masses of workers were engaged in a struggle with the capitalist class that we did not take the lead in their behalf and print and distribute free thousands of copies to guide them in their fight. We are sure that the thousands of miners who went through the long struggle in Western Pennsylvania and Ohio and the monstrous betrayal of the Lewis machine will never forget that the only daily’ in the English language that + fought for them and gave them direction was this paper. Were these miners working and able to contribute to us in such an amount that when our Fifth birthday comes we could be assured of the next year we are sure they would do so. All other workers who have faced the savage anti-union drive of the em- ployers would do the same. We are sure that thousands of these workers will rally to the task of making the Fifth anniversary the greatest in our history. It is not, however, on the basis of past struggles that we appeal to the working elass, but because of the mighty tasks that are ahead. The most menacing fact before the working class today is the danger of an- other imperialist war. In preparation for this struggle the ruling cl is doing all in its power to crush the working class at home and subdue the colonial and semi-colonial vic- tims of American impefialism. The Daily Worker, published in the very shadow of the financial colossus of the world, unmasks the war-mongers, hurls defiance at them and gives revolutionary direction to the masses of two continents—North and South America —in the fight against yankee imperialism. So wide is our influence that many of the labor publications of Latin-America follow our lead in their campaigns against im- perialism. Especially to the members and sym- pathizers of the Workers (Communist) Party must the necessity be evident of sup- porting the paper so that in the coming months we will be able to fight more effectively than ever before. A greater cir- culation for the Daily must be obtained. Every reader should secure a number of new subscribers. Every unit of the Party and every labor or fraternal organization that realizes the necessity for the Daily should im- Anniversary edition accompanied by funds. | 4 Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, D SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $4.50 six mos. $2.50 three mos. By Mail (outside of New York): $3.50 six mos. $2.00 three mos Address and mail all checks to The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. $8 a year $6 a year A Chilean Holiday In complete self abasement before Hoover, the personification of American imperialism, the government of President Auguste B. Leguia, of Chile, declared yesterday a na- tional holiday. The eminences of the Chilean government including the minister of foreign affairs, the minister of justice and the presi- dent of the senate, bootlickers all, paid homage to the next president of the executive committee of yankee imperialism. That the visit to Chile of Hoover was far from popular with the masses was evident by the fact that the port of Callao eight miles from the capitol city, Lima, was filled with army detachments brought in to over-awe the population and prevent any hostile demonstration against the president-elect. Economically Chile is a vassal state of Wall Street. To protect its interests the United States government strives to main- tain in Chile a government that will protect its interests. Three years ago the Chilean peso, with the aid of American finance capi- tal, was stabilized at about 12 cents. It has been maintained since, with further infusion of yankee gold. The finances of the govern- ment have been reorganized and Chilean government bonds are in the hands of Wall street bankers, which means that the finance capitalists have a claim for years to come upon the taxes collected from its subjects by | the Chilean government. Heavy investments of yankee capital in the nitrate fields and copper mines, the principal industries of Chile, constitute another reason why it is to the interest of the United States to main- tain a puppet government there. Chile is one of the semi-colonies under the sway of dollar despotism. Its extracting in- dustries, nitrate and copper, are developed in order to furnish raw material for the United States, while small manufacturing and light industries to produce commodities for the Chilean market are stifled so that Chile must remain dependent for finished products upon the United States. The stifling of inde- pendent development was emphasized this ‘year by the failure of a group of Chilean in- dustrialists to sell sufficient bonds to estab- lish an industry for producing farm machinery. Such an industry would have crippled part of the Latin-American market for products of the harvester trust, hence the banks did not attempt to handle the bond issues. At the same time the United States bankers are waging a fight in Chile to drive out the last vestiges of British investments. That the rising power of American im- perialism is triumphant in Chile over’ the de- clining imperialism of its English rival is proved by the recent purchase by New York bankers of the Chile telephone company from its British founders. Likewise American finance capital has secured complete control of the, former English electric light and power company which supplies Santiago, Val- paraiso and adjacent territory. This subjection of Chile to American im- perialism is the reason for the “good will’ Council declared once more that|there have been no results. visit of Hoover during his Latin-American tour. This sort of thing is called progress by the imperialists who loudly proclaim that investments of capital in a so-called back- ward country help to develop it. As Lenin correctly said: “Far from developing colonial | countries imperialism only depraves them.” But in Chile, as elsewhere in Latin-Ameri- ca, the lackeys of. American imperialism at the head of the puppet governments, are care- ful to mobilize the armed forces against the people of their own country while they grovel before the representatives of the government of Wall Street. Beneath the thin shell of pomp and circumstance attendant upon the hoover tour is the increasingly deep and ominous resentment of the Latin-American masses who see in Hoover only the most malignant type of butcher. As against the tour of Hoover, which is calculated to consolidate the power of im- perialism in Latin America, must be created a powerful, bloc of anti-imperialist forces. throughout all that vast territory that, hand in hand with the revolutionary forces of the United States, will eventually be able to crush the imperialists and all their agents. Protecting Shipping Profits The so-called “investigations” of the sinking of the Vestris with the loss of 111 lives, will be re- ported upon separately by both American and Bri- tish “experts,” who have both revealed their “ex- pertness” in shi the U. S. Department of Commerce under Herbert Hoover, which was responsible for allowing the ship to go to sea in an unseaworthy condition. The fact that there will be two separate reports, one from the British and another from the Amer- icans, does not, it is said, mean that the “two groups are not in accord.” While British shipping is a bitter rival of American shipping, both have an interest in protecting profits by continuing to use rotten old tubs for transport. If sailors drown | the companies can get others and collect insurance on the lost hulk, ECEMBER 6, 1928 = | SOMETHING UP HIS SLEEVE By Fred Ellis (Special Correspondence) NEW ORLEANS, Dec. 4.—The annual conyention of thesAmerican |Federation of Labor, which met at |New Orleans November 19-28, was | jone of the most reactionary on |record, It was unmistakably dull, of militancy. Even conservative |delegates remarked on the mechani- \eal, lifeless quality of the conven- |tion, and one A. F, of L. leader com- plained about it from the floor. The delegates were under the complete domination of the A. F. bureaucracy, voting a series of re- actionary measures, in most cases without much debate. |reflecting the Federation’s total lack! of L.| Only Action Was Against Communists, Not Against Exploiters of Labor on the Communists, and the follow- ing day the delegates listened to an address by Paul McNutt, chief of the American Legion, who urged the \A. F. of L. to support the proposed “universal draft law,” providing for the wartime conscription of labor. | Pretending that the proposed law prevents profiteering, McNutt said |that the last war created new millionaires equalling the number lated, and that a large number of |Chinese, as well as 60,000 Euro- peans, are smuggled into the United States every year. While the New Orleans conven- tion of the A. F. of L. was in pro- gress in New Orleans, the confer- lence of the governors of 48 states) jwas meeting in the same city. On) |November 21, Governor Brewster of |Maine revealed to the governors’ | ;000,000,000 fund, called for by Driest A. F. of L. Convention The workers must not be fooled again by Hoover and the America® Federation of Labor reactionaries, who are using Hoover’s scheme to cover up their bankruptcy and to |continue their betrayal of the work- ing class. If the capitalist govern- ment should ever build up’ the $3,- the Hoover scheme, this fund will be used for more intensified speed-up, further reduction of wages an fresh attacks upon the unions. Such a fund would be used primarily to prevent the organization into unions of the millions of workers in the basic industries.” The Workers Party manifesto This almost unanimous subordina-|of Americans killed in the war. The |conference Hoover’s scheme for re-|&dded a series of unemployment de- tion to the leaders’ policy of class- collaboration was in part due to the complete absence from the conven- tion of progressive and Communist delegates. For the past few years ithe A. F. of L. unions have steadily expelled left wing elements. At the |same time, left wing groups have | abandoned the A F. of L. and formed new unions of their own. A num- |ber of left wing unions have been or- | ganized this year, notably in mining, |textile, and the needle trades. While the new unions have not formed a jfederation of their own thus far, they automatically withdrew the ymore advanced elements from the |A. F. of L. The ruthless expulsion policy of the A. F. of L. officials pangs this state of affairs inevitable. | Same Old Red Hunt. | “At the opening of the New Or- \leans convention, the A. F. of L. |made it clear that it does not intend |to change its policy toward revolu- tionary workers. The Executive “there can be no compromise with |the Communists.” The organizations |affiliated with the A. F. of L., the ‘Council added, have taken “a de- termined stand to expel every Com- munist .from the ranks of the or- ganized labor movement.” Simul- taneously the A. F. of L. leaders re- ‘affirmed their policy of class-col- laboration, declaring that the prog- ress of the working class depends on | cooperation with the employers “and not on conflict and antagonism.” They fawned on the employers by boasting that “as economic states- men we are doing a constructive work second to no other group in the country.” War against the Communists and movements for col- laboration with the employers were the outstanding themes of the New Orleans convention. i The official report of the Exec- utive Council claimed for the A. F of L., a total paid up membership o! 2,896,000 in 1928, compared with 2,818,000 in 1927. This apparent increase of 83,000 members, how- ever, is more than offset by the 100,- 000 members of the Railway Clerks |Union, suspended from membership \during 1927. The return of the membership in this union, reinstated last May, represented an increase of |100,000, making a net loss of 17,000) lin the total figures. | The facts behind these figures |were further clarified by Daniel J. Tobin, the outgoing treasurer of the |A. F. of L., who in his speech of \resignation before the New Orleans ‘convention, frankly admitted that \widespread unemployment and lack elding the Lamport-Holt line arit~ of interest on the part of the A, F. of L. membership has resulted in a great falling off in the membership. |Tobin said that the policies of “conciliation” and class collaboration advanced by President William Green have resulted in a weakening of the unions. Militarists Supported. Tobin’s speech, however, was an isolated note in the general chorus of class-collaboration. Green opened the convention with a violent attack a Legion commander sought to obtain the A. F, of L.’s support for the/plan, the government authorities surance, immediate enactment of a War Department’s plan to conscript |would in prosperious times store up |!aw providing a 40-hour 5-day week, | \lieving unemployment. Under this | mands, including unemployment in- \labor under the pretext that it will |construction projects costing about immediate emergency help for all conscript wealth. McNutt was fol- lowed by Col. Join C. Ross of the |United States army, who told the A. F. L, delegates that “we are pre- paring for war because that is what this reserve of construction pro-|all unemployed, and public works | the army exists for.” These mili- |$3,000,000,000, and release this re- | serve at times of unemployment. Governor Brewster drew a glowing picture of how the release of) ljects during a crisis would) workers unemployed two months or more consisting of eight weeks |wages for all workers; municipal publie kitchens and medical care for undertaken by the government on taristie speeches found an echo injhelp the contractor, the manufac-|the basis of union wages and con- the A. F. of L. The Metal Trades |turer, the merchant and the worker, | ditions. Department endorsed the naval bill providing for fifteen new cruisers. No Plan to Organize. jand bring an end to unemployment.) |The A. F. of L, officials completely jendorsed the scheme. They said Hoo- | Following the endorsement for, the Hoover plan, the A. F. of L. conven- tion listened to Secretary of Labo As at previous conventions, the A.|ver’s plan embodied their own be-|Davis, who praised the attitude of F. of L. officials raised the slogan of |liefs, and Green added that it was the American workers, saying the organizing the unorganized. Point-|“an unqualified endorsement of la-| worker realizes that the more he ing to the discontent of the unor- ganized workers, Green urged the ‘delegates to “double the member- \ship” of the A. F, of L. by 1929. He jurged the organization of mass in- \dustries, especially automobiles. A |resolution to that effect was passed jat last year’s convention, but so far The Executive Council urged the restric- tion of immigration from Lati: America and the Philippines, accu: ling the CROM (Regional Federa- |tion of Labor of Mexico) of failing to fulfill its agreement to restrict |Mexican emigration to the United States. Various delegates to the ‘convention complained that the Chi- nese exclusion laws are being vio- |bor’s program.” Workers Party Hits Hoover. The Workers (Communist) Party, ‘on the other hand, issued a mani-| lfesto attacking, simultaneously. | Hoovers unemployment scheme and | |his journey to Latin America. | “Hoover’s so-called ‘employment | stabilization’ scheme,” the manifesto declares, “is nothing but a hollow promise. It was made at this time in order to pacify the restlessness of the millions of unemployed and partially employed workers. It was made at this time in order to fool jand mislead the masses regarding Hoover’s imperialist trip to South | America and to the war preparations of the United States government. | JINGOI | Energetic propaganda intended to bring the American workers to the} support of the aggressive imperial-| t expansion of American foreign ommerce, is being conducted by Dr, Julius Klein, the lieutenant of Hoover, in control of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, The American »workers will be ‘asked to support the programs of naval construction and imperialist conquest in Latin America on the \basis of the following argument, presented by Klein in his annual re- port: | “Should our foreign commerce suddenly be cut off it would mean not merely displacement of a great army of workers, with its rebound on their families and dependents, |but sueh a shock to industry, such a severe depression, as would throw out of employment also hundreds of | thousands' of those who are produc- ing for purely domestic consump- tion.” > Klein declares that “The welfare of all our people is bound up in our exports.” Foreign sales of farm products of the United States repre- | sent one-seventh of the total agri- | cultural production, In the case of wheat, cotton and tobacco, ‘the proportion exported is far greater. Of the 10,000,000 workers on the ST PROPAGANDA Hoover’s Lieutenant Bids for Workers | {000 are. producing crops for export; in the cotton regions at least half the workers depend on foreign mar- kets. In American factories, he says, 1,000,000 men and women are making goods consumed abroad. | Concert int Los Angeles | for ‘Daily’s’ 5th Year LOS ANGLES, Cal., Dec. 5.— Paul C. Reiss, Los Angeles Daily Worker agent, announces the ar- réngements for the celebration of the fifth anniversary of. the Daily Worker in-that city. The event will take place at the Music Arts Hall, 283 So. Broadway, and the program will include national speakers, names to be announced later, a con- cert, a @ussian singer, ballet danc- ivg, a Picneer namber All loca’ ivganizetions are asked to keep his date open, ¢ STEEL PROFITS GOOD DETROIT, Mich., Dec. 5.—Direc- tors of the Truscon Steel Co. de- clared a three per cent cash divi- dend today. The regular six per cent dividend, as well as an extra) four per cent stock dividend, was also declared, making stock divi-, produces, “the greater the fund from which his wages come.” Presi- dent Green announced that the A.) F. of L. will seek a 40-hour 5-day working week, but this also is an old slogan of the A. F. of L. about which nothing has been done. The A. F. of L. officials did take real action, however, in organizing the| “American Wage Earners Protective Conference” with the object of fight- ing for a higher tariff. The confer- ence, representing 17 trade unions, met in New Orleans at the same} time as the A. F. of L. convention, and elected Matthew Woll president. For Kellogg War Move. The A. F. of L. delegates passed resolution pledging support to the Kellogg treaty. For the first time since 1917, no resolution urging the recognition of the Soviet Union was | presented at the convention, This was due to the absence of the left- wing elements who in former years always presented such a resolution, only to see it always defeated by the Green-Woll machine, , Prof. John Dewey, a liberal. headed the recent American educa- tional mission to the Soviet Union. In its report to the New Orleans convention the A. F. of L. educa-| > tional committee declared that Prof. | Dewey is “recognized everywhere as the leading educational authority of America.” Since that report was written, Prof. Dewey has returned to the United States and has begun | publishing a series of articles on the Soviet Union in the liberal New Re- public. Woll and other A. F, of L. officials declared at the convention that Prof. Dewey was making state- ments in favor of the Soviet Union and that the A. F. of L. was un- willing in any way “to encourage the Communists.” The convention thereupon voted to delete from the educational committee’s. report the passage about Prof. Dewey's pre- eminence as an American educator. Prof. Dewey is a member of the American Teachers Federation, which is affiliated with the A. ¥. of L. He is in no sense a Communist and has never made any statements supporting Communism or the So- viet government. His articles in the New Repudlic repeat over and over again that he is no political or eco- nomic exnert and therefore wishes fo avoid discussing Soviet politics and economics and to confine himself ex- farms, Klein asserts, at least 1,260,- dends for 1928 total ten, per cent. ’ clusively to the “moral” and “men- who | ‘Misleaders in the American Labor Unions By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER “Skinny” (Martin) Madden lai the basis of organized graft in th Chicago building trades. He becam« a real power in the industry in 189 business agent of the Steamfit s’ Helpers. Bold, courageous, un scupulous, hail-fellow-well-met, anc a powerful organizer, he soon dom inated the whole Chicago building ituation. Carroll, the cor ident of the Building Trade: became his tool. Soor “Skinny” reached the throne him self. Madden muleted the employer: right and left. He levied “fines’ against employers for infractions o! junion rules, sold them “strike in- |surance,” declared strikes and ther jealled them off ‘for cash, all of jwhich graft found its way into the |pockets of himself and his cronies |In 1909 Madden, together with Mike |Boyle and F. A. Pouchot, were con | victed of extorting thousands of do!- | {lars from employers. In connectior | with this trial Luke Grant said that | Madden d ced a bribe of $20,00C }on the Insurance Exchange Build- jing, or $1,000 per floor. He was given only $10,000. Work stopped at the tenth story. Like his kind, Madden was connected closely with | the capitalist politicians of his time. |These rallied to his defense. Pres- ent at his trial were many well- known politicians. Senator Broder- jick put up bonds of $50,000 for him, |Madden’s friends succeeded in pack- |ing the jury with union men and he and the others got off with ight fines, i | “Skinny” Madden ruled the unions with an iron hand. In his service was a network of plug-uglies ready to do his bidding no matter how rough the job. He was elected for lic. in his union. The elections were simple. All those favoring him were asked to step.on one side of the hall, all those against him, cn the ether. Few dared risk opposing him. Mike Dc telley, leader of the Stock- jyards Workers, once brought in a resolution in the Chicago Federation of Labor condemning the notorious Driscoll, a pal of Madden’s. Sk-~ily aZcerward Donnelley was beaion and nearly killed. He never fully re- covered, By gun and _ blackjack Madden terrorized the local labor movement. One of the most lurid events in | the history of American trade union- |ism was the capture of the Chicago | Federation of Labor from the Mad- den gang in 1905 by the Fitzpatrick- Nockels-Dold progressive faction. It is a wild ‘story of Madden’s fruit- | less efforts to hold on by the use gunmen, ballot box stuffing, and | Police assistance. Though his power “as at that time broken in the Chi- cago Fed-ration of Labor Made \temained ezar of the Building Trade¢ | Council for severs! years longer, | died in 1912. Maden viewed the labor move- ment simply as a means to further his personal ends. Like labor fakers generally, if he led any fights to |improve his werkers’ conditions, which he often did, it was because | this was necessary in order to main- tain the organization which was lis | base of ,operatiens. Madden, who |t@me to Chicrge as a hobo, bacame |vealthy from his knavery. A cop- ‘ervative estimate put his fortan2 at | $200,000, He owned several saloons and was interested in various other enterprises, He was a rabid oppon- ent, of socialism ard every plogics Sive movemert in the trade unidus. Gompers was his close ally. He sneered at honesty and earnestness in the labor movement, a favorite |saying of his being, “Show me an honest man and I'll show you a fool.” 1 In an article entitled, “The Walk- \ipg Delegate,” in The Outlook, Noy. 10, 1924, Luke Grant, who was close- jly in contact with Madden in his palmy days, thus describes him: “He was flashily dressed. His trousers were fresh from the iron- ing board of the tailor, and his coat was the latest cut. He sport- | ed a fancy lavender-colored waist- | ccat, and in his shirt-front a dia- mond sparkled. Patent leather shoes acorned his f-_.. His whole appearance indicated that he had no lack of money and spent much of-it upon himself.” Madden lived like a lord, in luxuri- ous apartments. When taken to task his wealthy manner of life he defended himself like a typical labor faker, as follows: “Sure I have an auto. What of it? Don’t the hod-carriers, plas- terers and bricklayers know it? They think a lot more of me be- cause I sport it. The say, ‘Well, there’s some class to our boss. ain’t there?” I sponed money, Sure I do. But most of it is for the good of the service, as the police ccpartment calls it. Nobody can tell me about tho best way te put up @ front to the whole class of workingmen. The more front you expose the more they will think of you.” tr He tal” aspects of the October Revoiu- tion. Though he praises the Sovie: leducational system and exhibits some enthusiasm for the intellectual sides of Soviet life; he wea able, |with accuracy, to reply to the A. F. jot T.. condemnation that he has never endorsed Communisin. |, The A. F. of L. conveaticn ad- joarred November 28. The next con- vention will meet. ‘at Toronto, \Canada. yy “Ts, casual