The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 15, 1928, Page 6

> Gn tales —— Tea tee RR RRB ROM a a ee ed Page Six D Published by National Daily Worker Publishing Except Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y.' Telephone, Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable Address “Daitvork”? Ass’n., Inc., Daily, ROBERT MINOR WM. F. DUNNE wi eleinsg Sirius esd Assistant Editor aily Ss Worker Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party In Face of Disaster the Class Struggle Goes On The rabid editorial and news writers of the capitalist press cannot find words with which to denounce members of the crew of the Vestris who are reported to have saved themselves when the ship sank, instead of giving up their life-boats to passengers. Such an attitude is quite in keeping with the attitude of the ruling class toward the work- ing cla; If the sailors and other membe of the crew did save themselves without re- gard to the fate of the passengers it is to their credit. Victims of capitalism, among the most ex- ploited and oppressed of wage slaves who are compelled, in order to exist, to risk their lives year in and year out on boats operated for profit, the seamen are considered mere menials Whose mission in life is to live like dogs in filthy, stinking quarters in order that the tired capitalists and their families may traverse the globe in search of pleasure and in order that commerce may continue to flow hither and thither for the benefit of the ruling class. Another ruling class tradition of the sea is that it is the duty of seamen to die in order that the first and second class pas- sengers, the bourgeoisie and petty-bour- geoisie, travelling on the seas may live. If the crew of the Vestris did try to save themselves first they are to be congratu- lated for having done so. Such an act is a phase éf the class struggle. All the talk of the reptile press about class lines being wiped out in face of disaster is so much pif- fle to fool the working class. Even in the open sea, face to face with death, class lines still exist and the class struggle goes on. If the seamen of the whole world serve notice on the ruling class who own the ships that unless ample life-boats, life-preservers and other protective measures are provided so that crews as well as passengers can be rescued, the passengers will go to the bot- tom and the crews will save themselves, it is a certainty that the ruling class who do most of the sea voyaging will, as a matter of self- preservation, be forced to yield to the de- mands of the masses who slave on ships at sea. The sinking of the Vestris with the re- sultant loss of life is a most flagrant exam- ple of capitalist greed and avarice. Ample facts are at hand to show that the boat was not fit to sail the seas. Furthermore, after the danger was imminent, the captain, a loyal lackey of the ship owners, refused to send an S. 0. S. call because he did not want the company to be forced to pay salvage on a disabled ship. Instead he waited too long, with the disastrous results already known. But primarily the governmental inspec- | tors are to blame for permitting a ship to leave port that was obviously unfit and that contained life-boats that were defective. However, so long as capitalism exists such conditions will prevail; ship companies can afford to bribe government officials rather than place their ships in shape for voyages. It is probably cheaper in the long run to pay the damages for death and occasional loss of cargo than to make ships safe for crews and passengers. Consider for a moment the rotten tubs that sail the seas under the flags of the capitalist class governments and the new Soviet ships that sail under the Red Flag of the proletarian revolution. The new Soviet ships reserve their best quarters, not for so-called first-class passengers, but for the ship crew. They sail under a flag that symbolizes the rule of the workers and peasants and hence the welfafe of the work- ers is the first consideration and the ques- tion of commerce of secondary importance while on capitalist ships, like the Vestri the question of profits comes first, and the lives of the crew last, if at all. When sailors become aware of these facts they become class conscious revolutionaries, who utilize their opportunities in the ports of the world to fight for the abolition of capitalism. ' Workers (Communist) Party. SS SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $8 a year $4.50 six mos. $2.50 three mos. By Mail (outside of New York): $6 a year $3.50 six mos. $2.00 three mos. Addyess and mail out checks to The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. It is the duty of the workers on land and sea to always remember the class struggle and never for a moment to yield to the capitalist sophists who try to make us be- lieve that we should be heroic and sacrifice our lives in order that the ruling class might live. Deflating the Farm Bloc Leader Senator George W. Norris of Nebraska, successor of the late Robert M. LaFollette as leader of the “progressives” in the United States senate, was left high and dry by the votes of his own constituents in his own home state when he bolted the republican candidate and began bellowing up and down the countryside for Tammany Al. Smith. While Senator William E. Borah con- veniently forgot all the rhetorical attacks he had made upon Herbert Hoover in the days before the 1928 nominations and tried to con- vince the farmers: that Hoover was their friend who would rescue them from bank- | American Ultimatum to Europe ruptcy, his liberal and “progressive” col- league, Senator Norris, devoted his talents trying to prove that Smith would do all that Borah claimed for Hoover. Deeply stung by the failure of his con- stituents who sent him to the senate to fol- low his lead into the Tammany camp, the senator from Nebraska begins to upbraid the farmers. According to the flamboyant Norris “the farmers have themselves decided that no farm relief is necessary.” Never for a moment would he admit that the farmers were probably unable to perceive any differ- ence between the programs of Smith and Hoover and, not goaded to that point of ex- tremity where they would support the candi- |to the whole world that it is mak- dates of the one party with a genuine program for farm relief, the Workers (Com- munist) Party, they decided to vote as they had been accustomed to, and hope for the best. What is significant in regards to Norris and the rest of his “insurgents” is the com- plete failure of that group to agree on group | support of any candidate. It is significant, but not surprising, for the simple reason that Norris and his ilk represent the impotent middle class, the well-to-do farmers, the small industrialists, the merchant princes of the prairie towns and cities, in short the petty bourgeoisie—a class that constantly vacil- | lates in face of any situation requiring action. | The Hoover landslide has rendered the so- | called progressive bloc impotent. Its mem- | bers will continue to roar and bellow and | whimper in the cave of the winds at Wash- | ington, but their “balance of power” is gone. As if to add insult to his humiliating de- feat in his own state, the republican spokes- men have already announced that no organi- | zational measures, such as depriving him of | committee appointments upon the reorgani- zation of the senate, will be taken against Norris. He, like the class he’serves, is so | futile that he is regarded with amused toler- ance rather than fear. Norris and his crew are also tolerated be- cause they are most valuable servants of the big bankers and industrialists whom they | cavail against, inasmuch as they persistently sow the most: vicious illusions among the masses of workers and farmers. For in- stance at this particular time, when the United States imperialist powers are pre- | paring for a new world war, it is the par- ticular role of Norris, Shipstead, Brookhart and their ilk, to create the illusion that mere parliamentary verbiage can avert such a catastrophe. It is the task of such people to horn in on labor struggles under the guise of conducting a “senatorial investigation” and pave the way for a sell-out under the guise of “arbitration” when the employers are on the verge of being forced to yield to the workers’ demands—as was the case of the Pennsylvania-Ohio mine struggle. Workers and farmers should refuse to be deceived by such agents of capitalism as the “liberal” politicians and should affiliate with the one party that represents the interests of the class yictims of imperialism—the | i | He suggested that he has b Coolidge Sure ef Fat) ty cveepsted that he has been | Tob. Says Employment prosperity” and attempted to prove iS et Counter Revolutionary | | Nanking Regime to Get | JPaERICAN imperialism is mobi | election victory of the republican | | pointment THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 15, T9zs HAIL, CAESAR’ By Fred Ellis By JOHN PEPPER. izing all its strength. The big} reaction serves as a basis for a new} imperialist offensive of unprece-| dented vigor and brutality against Latin America and Europe. Before Hoover's election States finance capital made United | it clear | ing preparations for the permanent occupation of Nicaragua. The ap- of American financial jout five continents. | workers. lialism struggling for its final hege- | tries. |quainted with his Latin American |bolize this purpose of his voyage \the most powerful, and economic “advisors”’ by the} Nanking government showed further | |steps of United States imperialism towards the penetration of the tre-. mendous Chinese market. Even be- fore election day the Coolidge ad- ministration did not leave unutilized any opportunity to fight for an in- creasing share of the world market, but Hoover's election means a new era in the history of American im- perialism. Coolidge is a provincial lawyer compared to Hoover, the sea- soned agent of imperialism through- Mr. Coolidge won his spurs in the service of capi- talism as strikebreaker of the Bos- ton police strike, but Mr. Hoover is notorious throughout the whole world as the ruthless exploiter of Indian slaves, Chinese coolies, Rus- sian serfs, and American wage-| Mr. Hoover is an ade-) quate president of American imper- mony over the world market. The republican reaction is utiliz- ing its big victory along the whole front. Aggressive step follows aggres- sive step with unusual swiftness. Hoover is preparing for his trip to visit the Latin American coun- The new czar of American finance capital wants to get ac- vassals. Republican advertisement calls this trip a sign of “good will” and “peace-making,” and to sym- Hoover will make the trip on board most modern dreadnaught, Maryland, which boasts of having thegheaviest, most efficient gun equipment. The second step was President Coolidge’s Armistice Day speech. As the best manifestation of the mote “peace” the president of the most powerful imperialist country lemphasized with an unheard-of |sharpness and aggressiveness—the \need of a big navy policy. The British Daily Telegraph, and |with it the whole capitalist press |of Europe, calls Coolidge’s speech an indictment of a whole continent. A Washington dispatch of the New York World states that “President | Coolidge has delivered an ultimatum to Europe.” The same report in the same paper reveals: “President Coolidge and Presi- dent-elect Hovoer are walking hand-in-hand in establishing the foreign policy of this government, which proposes to walk gently but to carry the big stick.” Coolidge’s speech, which he made | |“‘earnest” and “sincere” will to pro- | | Cutlock Is Very Good WASHINGTON, Noy. 14.—Con- tinuing the pre-election propaganda of permanent prosperity, President Coolidge yesterday let it be known that the employment outlook for the | eoming winter is “better than a year ago.” Apparently the little boss servant who is frequently spoken of as the coming head of the steel ‘rust, has no fear of securing a job, after his present $100,000 position is done. * “Employment conditions are high- -y encouraging,” the little servant f the big bosses declared suavely o the newspaper correspondents to vhom he gave his regular weekly int _ that practically no unemployment now exists. It was found, however, \that the extent of his “studies” was lapparently limited to reading the misleading unemployment figures |recently issued by Secretary of La- bor. Davis. Coolidge again quoted his labor secretary who this time is supposed to have found that there is a good demand throughout the country for | labor. | While reliable figures still give the number of unemployed at over 4,000,000 and predict an even more ‘acute winter than that of last year | Coolidge is planning in his last con- Recognition of Britain LONDON, Noy, 14 (UP).—Great Britain is now negotiating a tariff | treaty with China, which if ratified | will automatically result in recog- | nition of the Nanking regime, Un- |Ger Secretary of State for Foreign | Affairs Locker Lampson told the house of commons today. so Aiea aE | JENGOIST APPOINTMENT WASHINGTON, Nov. 14 (UP).— President Coolidge approved today 1ecommendation of Secretary of War Davis for appointment of Col. Edward A. Kreger as judge advo- gress message to continue the play |cate general of the army with rank ‘pn the note of “prosperity,” ee of major general from Nov. 16, = in complete agreement with Hoover, | is the most significant document of | American imperialism. It is an joutright, brazen-faced declaration of the claim of United States im- perialism to world hegemony, It states: “Recent developments have brought to us not only a new economic but a new political re- lationship to the rest of the world.” It declares frankly for the utmost preparedness policy of the United States government: “It is our duty to ourselves and to the cause of civilization, to the | preservation of domestic tran- quility, to our’ orderly and law- ful relations to foreign people, to f#aaintain an adequate army “Preparedness Is Once Again the Slogan of the American Master Class” and navy... . It is obvious that, eliminating all competition, world standards of defense re- quire us.to have more cruisers.” It proclaims American imperial- ism as the supreme arbiter in world | affairs: “The gravest responsibilities that can come to a people in this | world have come to us. We want peace not only for the same rea- son that every other nation wants it, because we believe it to be right, but because war would interfere with our progress. Our interests all over the earth are such that a conflict anywhere would be enormously to our dis- advantage.” a It admits the growing controver- sies between American imperialism and European imperialisms: “It is always plain that Europe and. the United States are lack- ing in mutual understanding.” The spokesman of American im- perialism demands increased arma- ments for the United States: “We do not need a large land force. The present size of our regular army is entire adequate, but it should continue to be sup- plemented by a national guard and reserves, and especially with | the equipment and organization in all industries for furnishing supplies. When we turn to the sea the situation is different, We have not only a long coast-line, distant outlying possessions, a foreign commerce unsurpassed in importance, and foreign invest- ments unsurpassed in amount, the number of our people and value of our treasure to be pro- tected, but we are also bound by international treaty to defend the Panama Canal. Having few fueling stations, we require ships of large tonnage, and having searcely any merchant vessels capable of mounting five or six- inch guns, it is obvious that, based on needs, we are entitled to a |firm will to try to disarm the other | larger number of warships than. a nation havirtg these advan- tages.” Claiming for itself the right to increase its military equipment, American imperialism declares, in the words of its spokesman, its capitalist countries. It demands limitation of armaments for the other capitalist countries, and threatens to insist upon the pay- ment of the war debts and to stop the granting of any American loans. Coolidge said: “We do not wish to finance Preparation for a future war.” The “big stick” of American im- perialism has never been brandished with such aggressiveness as in this ultimatum to European imperialism. And the third step of the United States government immediately fol- lowed the second. The statement of the General Board of the Navy Department translated Coolidge’s ultimatum from political language into the technical language of “navy con- struction.” The statement by Sec- retary Wilbur lets loose all the furies of war. The basic principles of American imperialist domination of the seas are here formulated in the most menacing form. First: “To create, maintain, and oper- ate a navy second to none.” Second: “To make war efficiency the ob- ject of all training.” Third: “To develop and to organize the navy for operations in any part of either ocean.” Fourth: j “To make the strength of the navy for hattle of primary impor- tance.” Fifth: “To support in every possible way American interests, especial- ly in the expansion and develop- ment of American foreign com-. —_——_—___ STEEL STRUCTURE By HENRY They rise REICH, Jr. above the cataclysmic yawning of earth to the staccato of hammers, : strange parallelograms of steel, like crazy spiderwebs | clinging to the sky. ' Yet in these structures I see only the stark outlines of crucifixes rising (hide them if you will . with mortar and stone) - and on these frameworks ‘ I see stretched out the bleeding limbs of toilers — of myriad toilers — crucified. Crucified by the creed of a system that rears these crosses upon Golgothas of gold, THE GREEN HACKENSACK Here winds the road that sent up troubled dust As Washington’s wild reds trudged in retreat. Upon the young green land has settled a crust, Benéath which, blind, we walk with wavering feet. “Great things go on above,” the slave-sheets say: “Work hard, spend nothing, you'll get there some day.” Such roads as these were better blotted out ; That speak of Freedom louder than a shout, For men, with greatening hearts, wake dreams that were, And spurn the lie that life’s That gas pump never slacks a greedy blur. its dirty tide, The robot whirling the handle waggles his ears Dust and an angry cloud by And sees, with hope’s deep pain and single tears, the river Ait 1 merce and the American mer- chant marine.” Sixth: “A marine corps . . .the main- tenance in readiness of an expe- ditionary force.” Seventh: “To organize the navy as far as possible so that expansion only will be necessary in the event of | war.” | Eighth: | “To replace all old cruisers with modern cruisers of 10,000 stand- | ard tons displacement, carrying 8-inch guns, and, in addition, to | build similar cruisers.” | | Ninth: m “A system of outlying naval and commercial bases suitably dis- | tributed, developed and defended, is one of the most important ele- | ments of national strength.” | Tenth: | “To maintain and operate a system of naval districts organ- ized for rapid expansion in war.” Eleventh: | , “To acquire accurate informa- | tion pertaining ta the political, | military, naval, economic and in- | dustrial policies of our own and | of foreign countries.” The most powerful imperialist country in the world declares in | these eleven essential points of the |statement of the navy department. that it is building a navy second to |none, And that declaration is not |ohly a plan. Hoover’s election and | the solid majority of the republican | party secured in the last elections in the senate and house are guaran- tees that American imperialism will carry out the “constructive” and | “peaceful” work of naval construc- tion. Senator Borah, the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee of the senate, has already disclosed that the “senate leaders” are al- ready agreed upon early passage of the naval construction bill. In other ‘words, the senate will pass the 16- ship, quarter-billion bill previously tatives. But this will only be the cember still under the Coolidge ad- ministration. The second step will be carried out by Hoover himself— the. realization of the three-quarter billion program of 71 cruisers. ‘ready taking steps to carry out the | other part of the big imperialist | program expressed by Coolidge. | Senator Tydings of Maryland has | announced that when congress re- assembles in December, he will offer a resolution expressing the sense of | jthe senate in opposition to any) more loans by American banking in- | terests to European nations which | are maintaining large military es-| tablishments—so says a Washing- ton dispatch in the New York Times, The capitalist press is jubilant over the militaristic plans of the United States government. Pre- paredness is once again the slogan of the day for the American mas- ter class. Wall Street is going mad in its “Hoover boom,” reaching al- most every day new climaxes in its stock exchange turnover. The re- publican government is ready to safeguard its capitalist “prosperity” with all means and at all costs. The working class of the United States must watch very carefully every move of the government. The Com- munist Party must denounce and fight every step of American im- | perialism in the course of its policy |of war preparations. The growing aggressiveness of American imper- ialism in suppressing the peoples of Latin America and China and in struggling with the other imperial- ist powers for world hegemony must be met by the working class with |increased activity, increased organ- ization, with a higher stage of con- adopted by the House of Represen- | first step to be carried out in De-| Misleaders in | the American Labor Unions By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER (Continued) aS especially disastrous form of |44 working’ class betrayal is union seabbery: that is, where the leaders keep one or more unions in an in- | dustry at work while others strike. | This degrading practice of union seabbery, which is more prevalent in the United States than in any other country, has lost the workers hun- dreds of strikes and has spread in- calculable demotalization in their ranks. In numberless cases where, for example, the machinists struck, the union boilermakers stayed at | work, where the carpenters went out |the organized bricklayers remained |at the /job, where the longshoremen tried to tie up the docks the union sailors manned the ships loaded by scabs, where the printers struck the | pressmen stayed at work, and where |the railroad firemen declared a | strike the engineers stuck at work |and helped the employers break it, and vice versa, in practically all the | industries. And, of course, there is jalso endless scabbing between the industries, the railroad workers haul coal produced by scab miners, the miners produce coal for scab rail- roads, scab steel mills, etc. The | trade union leaders have done noth- |ing-to check this shameful system |of mutual betrayal by the unions. On the contrary, their system of | leadership being based upon it, they | have clung to it and bitterly resisted | every effort of the rank and file to |force a consolidation of the labor | organizations and to develop a real | solidarity of labor. | Labor Spies. And finally, to specity no more forms, there is the utter and shame- ful betrayal exemplified by the labor | detective, the under-cover man of |the employers. Mulhall exposed many of these degraded creatures | | | | who are often degenerate trade’\/ union officials, Sydney Howard and | Robert W. Dunn, in their book, “Th Labor Spy,” show how the whole contemptible system works and paint graphic pictures of many of these sorry heroes. The corrupt practiges |which flourish unchecked in the | unions contribute largely to produc- ling these labor spies, who, well | placed and influential, infest the | trade unions in astonishing numbers. | When a trade union official takes money from a capitalist politican for misleading the workers in election times, or when he accepts a bribe from an employer for calling off a strike, and great numbers have done and are doing both, he is on a toboggan of corruption which may easily carry him to the very lowest depths of treachery to the working clas, even to actually spying. In the ensuing pages we shall meet with every sort of bribery and work- ing class betrayal. We shall see the innumerable ways in which the re-) actionary leaders demoralize the| workers and the devious ways they |are recompensed therefore by the employers. It is a sad picture, and |one which will shock the honest and devoted elements who make up the | overwhelming mass of the rank and file and the lower officialdom of the unions, but it must nevertheless be | painted. To know how corrupted the | upper trade union leaders are, is the first requisite for the launching of a | movement to cleanse our organiza- | tions. | In the Coal Mining Industry. | No body of workers have made a |more determined and loyal fight to |establish a real union than have the |coal miners. For decades they have |fought, and worked, ‘and sacrificed. | And no body of workers have had to ‘contend with a more venal and | treacherous upper leadership. The history of the Miners’ Union for the | past 30 years has been marked by | the most heroic struggles of the rank and file and lower officialdom and by blackest treason on the part |of the general leadership. , | John Mitchell was perhaps the most brilliant leader ever produced, by the miners. Energetic, resource- ‘ful, a capable organizer, he came f And American imperialism is al- forward like a flash in the struggles of the anthracite miners in the late nineties. He quickly became presi- dent of the U. M. W. A. But just as quickly he degenerated into a tool of the employers. Debs says of him: (Debs, His Life, Writings and Speeches.) = “There was a time when I ad- mired and applauded Mitchell’s leadership. I thought I saw the coming of a man. But alas! Little by little, I have seen him suc- b to the blandishmeats of the pMtocrats. He is today their beau ideal of a labor leader.” (To Be Continued.) Capture Reactionar: Chief in Mexico; Fina’) Ammunition _ Supplies, MEXICO CITY, Nov. 14—The discovery of a counter-revolutionary center and the arrest of two school teachers yesterday led to the cap- ture of Jose Gomez Garduno, reac. tionary leader, today. The school teachers, Elena Her- nandez and Maria Bland Calderon, were arrested when police discovered that their schoclhouse in the suburb of Tacubaya contained stores of am- munition and counter-revolutionary literature. Garduno and the school teachers were held at police headquarters for investigation. sciousness of the revolutionary Pacifism ix an enemy of prorking cinak. The cera