The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 9, 1928, Page 6

Baily Sr ere Bere Eran SIN AY ATA ODD a +00 THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 9, 1928 Seay Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party <a Published by National Daily Worker Publishing Ass’n., Inc., Daily, 26-28 Union Square, New Y Stuyvesant 1696-7 y, at ROBERT MINOR.. WM. F. DUNNE vas ae Editor istant Editor The Communist Party Gains ~ On the basis of the votes accredited to the Workers (Comnvunist) Party candidates -in Greater New York by the manipulators of the election machinery it is evident that the party of the class struggle almost doubled its vote 1924, the last presidential election. since The average vote in 1924 for the six lead- ing candide Party ws s of the Workers (Communist) 2; the average vote for the candidates running for the same offices this year was 9,678. t is clear, to be sure, that the vote is small in Comparison with the tremendous influence of the Party among the masses. Since 1924 the Workers (Communist) Party in New York, as elsewhere, has become the un- disputed leader of all militant struggles. In the bitter strikes involving the needle trades, where the most determined struggle had to be waged against the combined reaction of the employers, the Tammany police and courts: and the yellow socialist party, the Workers (Communist) Party played the lead- ing role. In the tremendous Sacco and Van- zetti demonstrations where hundreds of thou- sands of workers were mobilized in direct political demonstrations against the capi- talist state, the Party was unquestionably the Jeader and was so recognized by countless tens of thousands who went into the streets in protest against the murder plots of the Fullers and other agents of the strike-break- ing government. The New York workers are also familiar with the role of the Party in the great struggles throughout the country, es- pecially the struggles of the coal and textile workers. If the hundreds of thousands who come un- der the influence of the Workers (Commu- nist) Party had not been prevented from yoting by various election procedure which deprives millions of workers in some of the biggest industries of the franchise the Com- munist vote would have been far larger than it was. The returns for Greater New York, how- ever, while showing that the vote for Com- munism doubled, also revealed the fact that the so-called socialists lost heavily. Instead of going upgrade they are going down at a | SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $4.50 six mos. $2.50 three mos, By Mail (outside of New York): $2.00 three mos, $8 a year $6 a year $3.50 six mos, Address and mail out checks to The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. In the five boroughs of terrific pace. Greater New York the total socialist vote was but 49,370 as compared to a vote of 145,503 in 1924, and a vote of 130,927 in 1920. The socialist party’s loss, which is nothing short of a debacle for it, can be accounted for as having disappeared into two other channels. Those former supporters of the socialist party that had become really class conscious went over to the support of the Communists, while a large section of its middle class supporters went over to the side of the democrats and Al Smith for the simple reason that they could see no differ- ence between the program of Norman Thomas and the spurious socialist party and that of Al Smith and the democratic party controlled by the notorious open-shopper, Raskob of General Motors, a Morgan concern. Not merely in the every-day struggles of the workers of this country is the workers Communist) Party the one political organi- zation of the working class, but even in the most restricted field of political action, in the realm of parliamentary elections, our Party is decisively gaining while the socialist party of treason is declining. As returns are belatedly made public from the entire country it is certain that the re- sults in Greater New York will be at the least as good on a national scale. In many places the Communist vote is trebled. One little mining town voted practically as a whole for Communism. During the campaign the Workers (Communist) Party exposed the so- cialist party as the agent of the capitalist class, as a small party of capitalism whose special task it was to spread the most danger- ous illusions among the masses of the work- ers. Every class conscious worker must des- pise the pretenses of the swindlers who dis- tort the very name of socialism in order to conceal their services to capitalism. Just as the Workers (Communist) Party waged a relentless drive against the spurious social- ists during the campaign, so we will continue the fight against them as an important part of our struggle against imperialism. Let every worker and farmer who sup- ported the Communist candidates at the polls now become a member of the one party of the class struggle in the United States, LENIN’S COMPLETE WORKS By ROBERT (MOSCOW) On the occasion of the Congr of the Comintern, a complete int fational edition of ‘Lenin’s wi was exhibited at Moscow. This final c \opitee | feared, thirty volumes and will have the nature of a final and comprehensive Hitherto there have ap- in German, (“Materialism and | and comprehensive edition of the |°ism,” XXXII and 486 pages) and| effected by means of. the “Bulletin de Diffusion,” a small periodical serving the purpose of distributing Volume XIII | Communist literature. Empirie Criti- | 4 " A constructive diagram shows the i ich i |v xX («4 i \careful treatment and the develop- works of Lenin, which is of the very | Volume XX (“The Revolution of |C@Te lop: greatest practical and theoretical |1917,” from the Overthrow of Tsar-|™ent of the work of translation, ; : jism till July,” XIII and 581 pages); j mportance, has been preceded by | in French, Volume XX (the Baca |the Russian edition of the Lenin In- several years of propaganda for | Starting from the original text of Leninism, A survey of the foreign ings of the Russian Revolution,” X |Stitute, we can trace the work of \language editions of Lenin’s vy ings (i. e. outside the Soviet Union it-|and 756 pages); in English, in two |ttanslation by means of various ) !parallel editions, for England and |SPecimen sheets at different stages. shows that there have been 451 such |the United States, respectively, Vol- An illustrative survey shows the editions in 24 me tal of 44,831 pages of print. This | Pirie comprises 94 editions in German, ag- | Pages). gregating 7,401 pages, 47 editions languages with a to-|wme XIII (“Materialism and Em- |¢Urse of publication from the pre- Criticism,” h Added to these we have a|Ume and the preparation of subse- Japanese edition, published by the |(uent new editions. XXIV and 342/ liminary proofs to the finished vol- Special men- in French with 4,630 pages, and 41 editions in English with 4,631 pages. A special map of the world shows the spread of Lenin’s three best- known and most important works, “State and Revolution,” “Imperial- | ism, the Last Stage of Capitalism,” and “Radicalism, an Infantile Sick- ness of Communism.” A _ whole series of countries as yet possess no special edition of these standard works of Leninism, among them be- ing Mexico, the South American States, Asia Minor and India. Marxian Library. Besides these and other original works of Lenin (in Germany a col- lective volume of 800 pages, now entirely out: of print, appeared in 1925; in France ngland, Italy, Spain and Norway selected works | were published in*four volumes; be- sides this there were editions in Chi- nese and Japanese and articles and brochures in the principal lan- guages) copius and valuable litera- ture has appeared for the purpose of the propagation of Leninism. The | “Marxian Library,” which aims at treating foundations for the theo- vetic work of the Communist move- ment, has appeared in German, French and Chinese. The most suc- cessful item of this series was “Problems of Leninism” by Comrade Stalin. / It is on this gigantic basis that ‘thecomplete international edition of nin’s works is built up. Their ition in the most important 13 is being effected by three blishing concerns, the “Verlag fiir ur and Politik” of Berlin and (for the German language). “Editions Sociales Internation- of Paris (for French), and the ernational Publishers” of New (for English). The publica- has the authorization of the Institute at Moscow. The te ini tional edition of |firm of Kibokoku and appearing at the same rate and in the same make-up as the European and | American editions. Table Shows Progress. A special table affords a survey of the publishing program and the progress of translation work inthe most important languages. It shows that in spite of the great difficul- | ties, especially in the technicalities | of the translation, the work is pro- | gressing satisfactorily, gram is being pursued “with the greatest energy and in each of the principal languages from four to six volumes may be expected to ap- |pear annually, the Japanese edition presumably keeping pace with the |others, so that in the course of the ext few years the workers gf the | ading capitalist countries may | jhave the occasion of reading and | possessing the entire works of Lenin, i. e., the entire historical ex- | |perience of the Bolshevist move- ment. Very ample material is furnished | by the exhibition in regard to the} propaganda for the works of Lenin. In the “democratic” countries the compilers have to contend with the |greatest difficulties on the part of |the governments and of the mon- | opolist enterprises on the book mar- |kets. In France one of the official | bodies of the bourgeois book trade | has presumed to exercise an antici- patory censorship of the text of the | Lenin edition. Another monopolis- | tic organization has refused to dis- | tribute prospectuses on the grounds | | that its customers might easily take umbrage at such a suggestion. In |spite of all these difficulties great | |progress has been recorded in the | matter of distribution. One of the most successful methods adopted in |France has proved to be the special offer of four volumes of the Lenin | |edition at a reduced price on the in- The pro-pstandpoint of special tion should be made of the method of consultation employed in trans- lation, In the absence of an ideal type of translator with an equally perfect knowledge of various lan- guages and of all the diverse realms of thought, besides at least thirty years’ experience of the Bolshevist movement in theory and practice, it was necessary to arrange for a divi- sion of work in the sense that the rovgh translations were checked by various collaborators from the realms of thought, the final publication being effected on this basis. By this method the greatest degree of suc- cess was attained. A glance at the comparative pro- duction of bourgeois and social dem- ocratic publishers shows that the entire get-up of the Lenin edition is above criticism and _ technically surpasses the best publications of the bourgeois book trade. As re- gards price, a number of instances show that it has been found pos- sible to reduce the costs of produc- tion to a minimum and thus to pub- lish the complete international edi- | tion of the works of Lenin at a price | | defying all competition and amount- | ing to no’ more than half, and in the case of the German edition to no more than one-third of that of the corresponding editions of social- cemeeratic and bourgeois concerns. The complete international edition of Lenin’s works is, therefore, not only theoretically and politically but also from the standpoint of ils com- prehensive character, a unique oc- currence in the history of Socialist literature. The scientific character of this edition, which has even been recognized by leading bourgeois ex- perts, and the extraordinarily low price, which renders the acquisition of the books possible for every po- litically minded worker, are factors ich are bound to break all pre- comprise about/stallment plan and the propaganda! vious records in regard to its sale. [ “BY THIS SIGN WE CONQUER” By Fred Ellis | By A. B. MAGIL | LIARS must have not only good |“4 memories, but perfect teamwork | the same subject. New York work- jers have been witnessing a pathetic jand highly illuminating example of | bungling teamwork on the part of | those usually expert liars and fak- ers who still besmirch the name of | that movement which Marx and En- |gels founded by calling themselves | socialists, | On Saturday, Oct. 27, the Daily Worker and the Freiheit carried the |revelation that Benjamin Schlesin- iger, socialist party elector and |newly-elected president of what is left of the scab International La- dies’ Garment Workers’ Union, re- ceived $50,000 from Col. Herbert Lehman, banker and Tammany can- didate for lieutenant-governor, to carry on his campaign against the rank and file. In addition, the Jew- ish Daily Forward and the Amalga- mated Clothing Workers contributed $25,000 each, bringing the total of |Schlesinger’s “campaign fund” to $100,000. The Daily Worker pointed out that there was an obvious deal involved, Col. Lehman didn’t part with $50,000 out of sympathy with the tottering I. L. G. W. U. Fifty |thousand dollars are a good invest- ment if they can be converted into votes. Roger Baldwin, director of the American Civil Liberties Union, was chief authority for the information concerning this financial transac- tion. Old Tammany Supporter. That such a deal was not incon- sistent with Schlesinger’s past rec- ord was proven by the publication in the Daily Worker of Tuesday, Oct. 30, of a photostatic copy of a letter sent by Schlesinger in 1919, when he was president of the I. L. poration lawyer, warmly endorsing the candidacy of Untermyer’s son, Irwin, who was running on the dem- ocratic ticket. Just what this “so- cialist” got at that time for his ser- vices to Tammany Hall we didn’t know. In additicn, we might have mentioned Schlesinger’s efforts in |1916 in behalf of the re-election of Tammany’s district attorney, Swan, jand the official committee of the |Joint Board, Cloak and Dressmak- |ers Union, which Schlesinger and his to greet Al Smith on his election as | governor. | What was the answer of the yel- |low Forward, Schlesinger’s personal organ, to these charges? What was the answer of Schlesinger himself, who-gets $15,000 a year as an adver- tising agent for the Forward? Not a word all week. Six days of silence. Until finally, on Friday, Nov. 2, both the Forward and the |Amalgamated Clothing Workers | suddenly recovered their speech. Renegade Replies. Writing in the Advance, organ of the Amalgamated Clothing Work- ers, the renegade, J. B. S. Hardman, chief philosopher of “the higher” class collaboration (of which Beck- erman’s piece-work in the New York district, his terror against the rank and file, his fake elections gre of course cardinal principles), replied in characteristic fashion, “A pretty story this would have madg,” writes “Comrade” Hard- man, “had not every part of it been an ugly lie. To start with, Roger Baldwin made no such statement. All he did was to report some’ time ago, on behalf of the American Fund for Public Service, of which he is a director, that certain loans were advanced by that fund to the Inter- if they intend doing their lying on | G, W. U,, to Samuel Untermyer, cor- | reveal because—we don’t happengto | |national Ladies’ Garment Workers’ | |Union three years ago when that union was engaged in a big strike in New York City. In connection with his report he also mentioned that other organizations, including the Amalgamated and the Forward made contributions to the union, And among the banks from \which the international secured loans |to carry on the strike was the bank- ing house of Lehman Brothers, of which Herbert Lehman was one of \the owners.” (Emphasis mine.—A. |B, M.) No Strike 3 Years Ago. Of course, only Communists, “superb and reckless liars,” to-bor- row “Comrade” Hardman’s elegant |phraseology, would stop to quibble over the fact that there was no cloakmakers’ strike in New York City three years ago. A philosopher of the higher class collaboration can jevoke strikes out of the thin air if |they don’t already exist to suit his |fastidious taste. If the I. L. G. W. |U. got this money in 1925, it got jit not to carry on a strike, but to finance one of the infamous pog- roms against the membership initi- ated by President Sigman (now hap- pily retired to his lucrative amuse- |ment park at Storm Lake, Ia.). For \it was in that year, “Comrade” ; Hardman, if you, remember, that Sigman expelled the militant Locals |2, 9 and 22. And it was not ‘until July. 1926, that the big strike of the I. L. G. W. U. began, that strike which was wrecked and betrayed by Sigman and the right wing in their ‘oup d’etat and expulsion of the left wing Joint Board in December. Daily | trike and advanced loans to the | But mere accuracy has, after all; |nothing to do with American labor |dynamics—or the higher class col- jlaboration. Yet mon sense should have told the ex- |perienced renegade, Hardman, to take the precaution of consulting his fellow-fakers before making his blanket denial, Because on the very |same day (Nov. 2) Jacob Reich, la- bor editor of the Forward, in a re- view of trade union events, casually mentioned the Schlesinger incident. And just listen to “Comrade” Reich: “Yes, Comrade Schlesinger, a so- cialist all his life, has in his old age become a hireling of Tammany Hall, say the Communists. The Commu- nists deduce al! this from the fact that the Amalgamated, the Forward and the well-known Jewish banker end public servant (sic!), Herbert Lehman, lent money to the Interna- |tional through Schlesinger’s efforts. |This happened in May, after Schles- linger returned from the interaa- | tional convention in Boston, where he was elected a vice-president of | the international.” (Emphasis mine. —A. B. M.) : The international convention re- | ferred to took place in May, 1928. | - “Superb and reckless liars,” “Com- rade” Hardman, should show better ‘teamwork than that. But perhaps \this is also a question of mere prose |facts, too far removed from the | lofty spheres of the higher class col- laboration. Forward Revives Old Lie. The Forward, in letting the cat | play its usual game of pretending ‘that nothing is wrong. The stink lis really a perfume, says the For- By ASIATICUS. It will certainly be remembered how, immediately after the bombing of the train which was carrying Chang Tso-lin from Peking to Muk- | lost no time in “establishing” that “socialist” colleagues sent in 1921 |the bombs came from Soviet Russia. | |From this both the Japanese and British press promptly inferred that (interested Soviet circles are impli- |cated in the crime. At that time the \press of the Soviet Union already |declared these false reports to be | nothing but a “put up” camouflage (on the part of Japan. In the mean- time revelations have also been made by circles hostile to the Soviet Union which indicate quite indubitably that the attack on the life of Chang Tso- jlin was , deliberately planned and carried out by the Japanese and that the official Japanese quarters in Manchuria approved of the deed. A month ago the British press in China reported on a statement made by Lennox Simpson, well-known in and outside China under his pen- name of Putham Weale, in which he openly and on the basis of observa- tions made by him at Mukden, ac- cused Japan of having carefully planned and executed the bombing of Chang Tso-lin’s train. For many years, indeed, right down to the time of Chang Tso-lin’s death, Lennox Simpson was his adviser, just as he was at the same time unofficial rep- resentative of Great Britain in the camp of that general. Upon his re- turn to Mukden from his latest jour- ney, he reported to the “Peking and Tientsin Times” of August 18th that i i JAPAN—MURDER |the murder was the work of a Japan- jese secret society and that promin- jent persons in the Japanese army were its aiders and abbettors. The explosion occurred in the Jap- trolled by Japanese soldiers. Where- as on other occasions Chinese soldiers were also employed to con- |trol the line when Chang Tso-lin was travelling, the Chinese detach- ment sent north for this purpose was in this instance repudiated by the Japanese commander and had to re- main at some distance from the line. Foreign authorities on combustiles have, moreover, established that the dynamite charges, 12 in number and each weighing about eight pounds were inter-connected by wires. These charges were inserted in respective containers and placed at a point where the South Manchurian Rail- way crosses a viaduct. Close by there are two Japanese block-huts controlling the point in question. It is impossible that the guard should not have observed the preparations for the crime, unless, as Simpson asserts, they had received orders to see nothing. Before the train bear- ing Chang Tso-lin entered the Jap- anese zone, some Japanese advisers who ‘were accompanying Chang, quitted the train on the pretext of being obliged to remain behind, Fi- nally, the very precision with which the explosion ensued, is a proof that it had been prepared long in ad- vance, so that the coach in which Chang Tso-lin sat’ should on no ac- count be missed and that the ex- plosion should have its full effect. |ward with a pious look. Three Organs of Betrayal Sing Different Tunes About Schlesinger-Lehman Deal elementary com- | out of the bag, tried of course to When Expert Liars Disagree And, in addition, it couldn’t forego an op- portunity for making one of its | characteristically slimy attacks on the Communists by raking up out of the cesspools of the international lie-factories one of thase foul slan- ders which even the most reaction- |ary capitalist newspapers have long |since washed their hands of. “I do not understand,” writes /Reich, “since when it has become a crime among the Communists to take money. If Lenin himself could take money from the German kaiser, why should it be a crime to borrow money from a capitalist public ser- vant and banker?” Thus does the Forward, the cor- rupt scab sheet which for over 30 years has sold out the Jewish work- ers and grown rich on its sell-outs, revomit this vile slander against the great leader of the proletarian rev- olution, A third liar and betrayer of the workers, the German Volskzeitung, organ of another renegade, Ludwig Lore, decided to stick its finger into the pie. On Wednesday, Oct. 29, |the Volkszeitung, which has been supporting Schlesinger, carried a story purporting to give interviews with Schlesinger, Baldwin, Sidney Hillman, president of the Amalga- mated Clothing Workers, and offi- \cials of the Forward. The Volkszei- tung quotes Baldwin as saying, that the transaction in question ‘took place one year ago! (“Dies war aber vor ungefaehr einem Jahre”). Strange how hard these’ organs of betrayal find it to agree. The Ad- vance says it happened three years ago, the Volkszeitung one year ago jand the Forward in May, 1928! | Baldwin Denies. | In a’ telephone conversation with | the writer, last Tuesday, Baldwin re- affirmed his original statement and denied categorically that he had ever said that the transaction had taken place either one or® three years ago. “The money was for |the rehabilitation of the union,” | Baldwin said, “and Schlesinger was the responsible party.” Needle workers know what Schlesinger’s “rehabilitation of the union” meant. ‘They aiso know that this “rehabili- tation” deal is of recent origin, as Schlesinger didn’t take charge of den, the Japanese telegraph agency anese railway zone, which was pa-|*tivities in the New: York market j until after the fake Boston conven- +tion last May. Baldwin also de- \clared, in a written statement issued on Tuesday to Harvey O’Connor of |the Federated Press, that Schlesin- |ger “collected a $100,000 fund solely |on his own responsibility.” - 8 | I think the quotations I have brought here will convince any hon- est worker that there are assuredly “superb and reckless liars” and that they have bungled their signals very badly. But the revelations ir re- gard to the Lehman deal are after all not so sensational. Why shouldn’t Schlesinger make a deal with a banker and why shouldn’t the cor- rupt and moribund socialist party do business with Tammany Hall? There is, of course, one hitch in all these deals: Schlesinger and the Forward gang have been reckoning without their host. They may be eble to sell their “union” for a mess of dollar bills, but they can’t sell the thousands of cloakmakers who are turning for leadership to the Na- tional Organization Committee for a Cloak and Dressmakers Union. These thousands of cloakmakers have repudiated the Schlesingers and their ilk and are going forward to the building of a powerful new union in the ladies’ garment indus- try. The Writings of Tolstoy and the Bolsheviks | (Translated from the “Pravda” by | Valentine V. Konin.) | By EM. YAROSLAVSKY. been (Continued) When Tolstoy thought about the causes for the approaching destruc- tion of his class, he discovered in |himself the power to describe in |most perfect images the dissen- |sions that rent society. He failed, | however, to find the radical solution | to the problem: what to do, in which | way to change and annihilate the |evil emanating from the rise of the . classes from merciless exploitation, |from the capitalist destruction of | feudal society, creating a new class |of the proletariat, and at the same |time letting the peasant loose, driv- jing him to “Chitrovka,” developing jin him alcoholism, prostitution, syphilis. Tolstoy was overcome by |the clamoring contradictions of the lold Russia, In his “Confessions” |dating back to 1880 Tolstoy de- scribes how all of a sudden he “felt that my support broke down, that | have nothing to stand on, that |what I lived for is no more, that I |have nothing to live for.” This was the period of the eighties |—the period of the struggle of |“Land and Freedom” and the “Peop- |le’s Freedom,” when the peaceful propagandists of the revolutionary intelligentzia leaned against the | wall of the autocratic, police govern- |ment; when the “People’s Freedom” jraised banner of the monarchy against the tsarism. The class to which Tolstoy belonged became stil? more reactionary. Tolstoy writes of himself at that time: “I found in my soul a feeling which helped me to bear it; it was the feeling of self- humiliation and submission.” “Self-humiliation and submission” —this wag the goal to which Tolstoy called revolutionary Russia. In spite of that, more and more often there appeared in his. writings mer- ciless criticism of the existing re- gime, of the capitalistic contradic- tions, of the autocratic government of Nikolai the Stick and his follow- ers. No one else had ever given such a sharp criticism of the Greek Orthodox Church or public religion as Tolstoy. But when it was a ques- tion of finding the necessary way out, of pointing out the right path of the struggle, Tolstoy hid the path with his hands. Having given the criticism of the existing land in- equality and having hoped to settle this inequality by the introduction of Henry George’s project, Tolstoy hoped to avoid the revolution. Ac- cording to Tolstoy, Henry George’s project could have been introduced “without noise, enmity, offense, and destruction”, Tolstoy. neither wanted to see nor did he see that the ap- plication of Henry George’s project would leave capitalism with all its contradictions untouched. Tolstoy reflects the attitude of the peasant mass which had not yet learned to fight for its land, but which dreamt about receiving that land “in a Christian way, without noise, en- mity, offense or destruction.” We have seen that Tolstoy did not be- lieve that revolution can give the peasants their land; the idea that the revolution can create a govern- ment which will give the peasants the landowners’ land had never entered his mind, oN ere ee class struggle frightened Tol- stoy; the revolution was strange to him. At the time when “People’s Freedom” fell under the blows of |tzarism and the new government of |the proletarian mass was rising in the country, Tolstoy was preaching | that “all people are equal.” In 1890 he wrote to a certain secretarian |that “there are no bad people.” All | people are the children of one God; all of them are brothers, all of them are equal, not one of them is better than any other one. “But if all | people are equal, if there are no bad people and all of them are brothers, then it is understood that the class struggle loses all its meaning. The hangman is equal to his victim; | the man abusing a girl in the Chu- |barovsky Street is equal to the girl he violates; for “there are no bad people; all people are brothers; all of them are equal, etc.” But then, why do we need moral self-perfec- tion? Anyhow we can not become better. There are no classes, no victims, no hangmen, no exploiters, or the exploited. In 1908 Tolstoy wrote to the Hin- doo revolutionary Dassa: “Is it pos- sible that you, the son of the most religious people with such a light faith in the significance of scientific education, will reject the law of universal love proclaimed by your people? You are repeating the stupidities instilled into you by the propagandists of force, the enemies of the truth, the slaves of at first theology, later of science — your European teachers... , “You say that the English have succeeded in enslaving India, be- cause India has not resisted enough. But the truth lies in the opposite. If the English have enslaved the Hindoos, it’s only because the Hin- doos have always recognized force as the primary principle of’ their social organization .... If the Hin- doos are slaves through force, it’s because they have always resorted to force, refusing to acknowledge the eternal law of love .. .” (To Be Continued.) GERMAN-USSR LINE, BERLIN, Nov. 8 (U,P).—The newspaper Achtuhrblatt reported today that Zeppelin officials intend to build airships for service from mid-Europe to Russia, China and Japan, i : k