The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 26, 1928, Page 6

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ROBERT re [ ws F. DUNNE Herbert Bayard Swope, THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1928 Page Three = Daily Sas Worker Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party MINOR SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York $4.50 By Mail (ou $6 a year $3.50 six m 3 0 three mos. $8ay x mos. le of New York): $2.00 three mos, to The Dai Address and mail out ch Worker, Ks 26-28 Union Square, New York, , For President ‘Wm. Z. Foster For the Workers! VOTE COMMUNIST! For President WILLIAM Z, FOSTER For the Party of the Class Struggle! al For V.-President For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW Ben Gitlow Against the Capitalists! | How Can a Worker Cast His Vote For Socialism? “By socialists, in 1847, were understood, on the one hand, the adherents of the various Utopian systems. . ; on the other hand, the most multifarious social quacks, who, by all manner of tinkering, professed to redress, without any danger to capital and profit, all sorts of social grievances, in both cases men + outside the working Glass movement, and look- ing rather to the ‘educated’ classes for sup- ¢ port.” These words of Frederick Engels in the preface to the Communist Manifesto were written to explain why it was necessary for Karl Marx and himself to give to the revo- Jutionary working class movement of that time the name “Communist” instead of the name “socialist.” Any intelligent worker in the United States States today who follows the cam- paign of the so-called “socialist” party and its ridiculous “social quack” candidate for president, the Reverend Norman Thomas, is bound to come to the conclusion that the words written by the great revolutionary leader Engels eighty-one years ago are just as good today in describing the “multifarious social quacks,” “men outside the working class movement, and looking rather to the » ‘educated’ classes for support,” who consti- tute what is called the socialist party of the United States—in reality a frame-work of lawyer and preacher “leaders” with hardly a trace left of membership composed of work- ers. There is but one thing that the intelligent working class observer would want to add to that description today: the fact that in this day of capitalist imperialism, in this day when there exists a Union of Socialist Soviet Republics born of revolutionary struggle against imperialist capitalism by the work- ers’ movement founded by Marx and Engels —in this day when the militant workers of the left wing in each remaining capitalist country are fighting to win over the trade unions from capitalist class collaboration to the support of the working class cause—in this day the “social quacks” of the socialist party have to be described as in a more active role than that described by the words of Engels, written so long ago, which we here have quoted. For today the organiza- tion called the socialist party, in “all manners of tinkering,” pursues not an aimless but a consistent part as the active ally of the forces of capitalist reaction. The “socialist’”’ party of today is the strikebreaker in ac- tion; it is an agent of the bosses in every im- portant strike, in partnership with the po- lice; it is the sly and constant propagandist and provocateur against the Union of So- cialist Soviet Republics, for the benefit of capitalism (which it calls “democracy”), among whatever portions of the working class it can reach. The socialist party still is able during election times, to deceive thousands of work- ers with the mere use of the word “socialist” which for so many years was the official name of the worke revolutionary move- ment. But is it not clear now that Lenin, the great Marxist leader of modern times, was right when he pointed out that it is again necessary to break sharply with the “social quacks” who, in the name of “social- ism,” betrayed the workers and went over to the capitalist class during and after the world war? Socialism, not as an empty name but as a system of society founded through the rule ef the working class, after the overthrow of the capitalist class, and doing away with ex- ploitation of man by man, wiping out class distinctions and making way for a free so- ciety—this is held dear to the heart of ever conscious member of the working class. It is safe to say that not one single working man | or woman would be so foolish as to vote for the “socialist” party if there were not in his mind at least some hazy idea that the “social- ist” party has some favorable relationship to | socialism. How disillusioned such a worker will be when he learns that the only relationship the so-called “‘socialist” party has to social- ism is the relationship of bitter enmity! Yet every such worker must face this disillusion- ment. For instance: Is it possible that a party that participated in the breaking of the coal strike, has any- thing in common with the struggle for So- cialism? Is it possible that a party that helped the reactionary A. F. of L. bureaucracy to sell | out the New Bedford textile strike has any- | thing in common with the socialism of the | revolutionary fighter, Karl Marx? Is it possible that a party that supports the most reactionary A. F. of L. bureaucracy (which openly supports American im- perialism and openly breaks strikes because these bureaucrats are in favor of capitalism) —is it possible for such a “socialist” party to have anything in common with socialism? Is it possible that a party that attacks the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, preach- ing hatred and contempt for it (even though | pretending to favor “recognition” of it), and sowing suspicion of “red imperialism” against the heroic defenders of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, while themselves publicly swearing they would defend “American democracy” in a war against the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics—is it possible for such a party to have anything in common with the socialism of the revolutionary Marx? Is it possible that a party that fights against the Communist International (the world-wide revolutionary working class party that founded the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics)—is it possible that a party that fights against the workers’ International can have anything in common with socialism? Is it possible that a party that opposes the establishment of the rule of the working class (preferring the present system of capi- talist rule as “more democratic”), can have anything in common with socialism? The “socialist” party of the Reverend Nor- man Thomas is an anti-sogialist party. It is a third party of capitalism. It is not a work- ing class party, but a party of the petty busi- ness class which plays the game of the Wall Street ruling class. * . * Those workers who want to cast their ballots in this election in such a way as to advance the cause of socialism, can do so in only one way—by voting for the revolu- tionary working class party of Marx, Engels and Lenin, the Workers (Communist) Party. It is the panty of the class struggle, the party that fights for the workers on the picket line, the party which engages in the capitalist “democratic” elections only in order to mobilize and train the workers for the strug- gle for power. Socialism can be established only when the working class becomes the ruling class. The Workers (Communist) Party is the only party that fights to make the working class the ruling class. The only way a worker can cast a vote for socialism is by voting the ticket of the Workers (Communist) Party. pany. Newspaper Politician, j tives of the General FE) Swope has been exposed as the lectric Com! Had Good Coffee at | A VANDERBILT JOINS THE “SOCIALIST” PARTY ; By Fred Ellis, Reactions to | | al | Exposes’ Carpenter Misleaders (Continued.) “It is President Hutcheson who is} guilty of violating, the laws of our Morris Rosen Shows Up Corruption of the Brotherhood by his deliberate and) unscrupulous policy of persecuting ‘all progressive members who dare tv oppose and challenge his al- mighty rule in the Brotherhood. Lo- cal Union 376 is fully informed of his actions in Chicago in the case of the five progressive members of | | 181, in Detroit in the case of Brother William Reynolds, president of Lo-| cal Union 2146, and the reorgani- zation of the district council of De- troit, Mich., in Philadelphia in the | case of W. F. Burgess, member and business representative ‘of local 8, and in New York in the case of Brother James Walsh, president of} local 585, and in the case of local 2717. “The experience had with the man ner of President Hutcheson will jus. tify the actions of local 376 befor any body of trade unionists in the ATF. of L. or before any group of fair minded citizens, “The examination of local 876 books is merely an excuse. Local 376 is being persecuted for no other reason than the fact that one of its members and officers happens to be Brother Rosen, candidate for general president in the last general elec- tions in* opposition to Hutcheson and its endorsement of the progressive program advocated by Brother Rosen.” | At a later date when we saw that President Hutcheson was not prim- arily interested in examining the books in a fair manner while they were in our possession, we even of- fered to let him have the books in any old mannemghe pleased, I can read you this communication also, but I don’t want to take up too much time, Brother | Hutcheson Machine | deliberately violate the constitution by Hutcheson? I say undoubtedly no. Perhaps some of you might | say yes, but I want to point out to you that you must understand the particular circumstances under which the local acted, and I think the cir- cumstances under which the local jacted justifies our means. | I have said that we had doubts {as to the motives of Hutcheson, that | we didn’t trust him. T will now read ‘0 prove actually that under the rcumstances he could not be trust- led. I will not speak about the many actions against others. A number |of these cases were treated in our | appeal. I am rather going to con- |cern myself directly with the case |of local 376. When the charter of the local union was revoked, I will read to you the decision. After setting forth the reasons for the jrevocation of the charter President | Hutcheson stated: “Therefore, this is to notify your |local union that the charter of local |union 876 is hereby revoked, and it is no longer a local union of the | United Brotherhood. Arrangements will be made to give the members an opportunity to transfer their membership to other local unions so that the individual standing, bene- fits, rights and privileges in our Brotherhood may be maintained.” This was signed by William L. Hutcheson, general president, John T. Cosgrove, first general vice-pres- under these circumstances as charged | I want to ask you, brother dele-| ident, and George H. Lakey, second | gates, did local 376 knowingly and) general vice-president. specifically guaranteed to every |member, who would transfer, full | rights and privileges. Not only that, but an individual communication was sent to all of the members of that local-stating that if you would take your clearance card immediately | would be in no way affected. Not- |should have full rights and privi- |leges guaranteed to the brothers that transferred, under the signature of Hutcheson and the two vice-presi- and after the members had been | transferred he sent secret letters to | the local unions where the members |were assigned, depriving them of the right of ever holding office in | the United Brotherhood, in viola- tion of the constitution and in viola- tin of his own decision. The details of this case come up under a sepa- rate appeal. I will- not dwell on that. That will be taken up in the appeal of Joseph Lapidas, who has been a candidate for president of local 1164 and has been taken off the ballot by orders of Hutcheson, stating that the former members of local 376 could not hold office for an indefinite period. There was no definite period allowed. In conclusion I expect from what Brother Hutcheson has said that he is going to spring a great surprise. He is going to do that probably be- cause his case, as far as it concerns the local union, is very weak. your standing in the Brotherhood | | withstanding this decision that we) dents, he went back on his word,| | I believe I have shown that we did ‘not wilfully violate the constitution, |as charged by General President Hutcheson. Brother delegates, this convention is the highest governing | body in the Brotherhood. We as- \semble here once in four years to | pass judgment on the actions of our | general president. I ask you to p: judgment on the actions of General You will notice that this clause President Hutcheson during the last/to hear our propaganda. | four years. our appeal. Favorable action on our appeal may not only win the case for us, it will have the effect of putting |a stop to President. Hutcheson’s ir- responsible moves, it will serve no- tional provisions and guarantees made by decisions, especially in. the ease where he had guaranteed full rights and privileges to every mem- |ber that transferred, cannot be | arbitrarily abrogated by our general | officers. If the convention approves the ac- | tions of Hutcheson it will set a pre- eedent where Hutcheson can suspend j any local union or disfranchise any |member that displeases him — not that Hutcheson needs such a prece- |dent—he usually does whatever he | pleases, but I ask you once and for jall to show that the membership rules and not him. I ask you, in the sense of fairness and of fair play, to consider the circumstances and to consider the evidence, to consider |everything I said. Could we in fair- ness to the local union, in fairness to ourselves, and in fairness to honesty and © straightforwardness, | have acted any differently? And I appeal to you, brothers, that if the general officers or anybody else tries to inject other issues into the appeal than exactly the appeal itself, disregard it.. That is usually a trick to steam up members against somebody so you can break the real issue. I thank you. Russian Revolution Symbol to By H. C. WILLIAMS. What is the significance of the eleven years’ existence of the Soy- jet on in relationship tothe working class and oppressed coldnial peoples? Prior to 1917, under the lash of imperialist robbery, little hope was held by the millions of black and yellow people of Africa and Asia. The biggest imperialist countries of the world, namely, America, France, England, Japan, Germany and Russia, by confiscating whole continents and dividing them among | themselves as a means of securing raw material, cheap labor and large spheres of influence, created great rivalry and deep antagonism among themselves to such an extent that butchery and| ‘Soviet Union an Attraction for All Colonial Workers Enslaved by Imperialism races and minority groups in Russia were able to realize what freedom | meant under the First Workers’ Re- | Public of the world. The massacres |of the Jews were completely elimin- ated with the capture of the state by the proletariat, since the aim of | the working class was to make com- mon cause with all other oppressed groups. The oppressed people of China under the leadership of Dr. Sun Yat “newspaperman” who attended the secret conference at which the trac. tion deal between Tammany Hall and the transit officials was worked Quits New York World Mr. Herbert Bayard Swope, execu- five editor of the N. Y. World, has} @sked “to be tglieved” of his post,’ terborough, Gerhard Dahl of the B.- according to an announcement made M. T. and other traction officials “tate meeting of the Brotherhood of | « Yesterday by Ralph Pulitzer, pub-| attended this conference at which it lisher of that paper. Renaud, now managing editor of the! Evening Post, has been appointed to the position béginning November 1, Pulitzer announced. _ Considerable interest 1 Swope’s unexpected with- at this,moment in the elec- increased fare and to turn over the new subways to the B.-M. T. TAX COLLECTORS EATEN. centers | tire Dutch Indian force of police sent to collect taxes from cannibals on luential in Tammany Hall and ten up, the Dutch government r of one of the execu-|* ard. out. Al Smith, Jimmie Walker, Boss! } Olvany, Frank Hedley, of the In-| 00d time was had by all,” sums up| many years of fighting, the work- Union Meet, But No Fight on the Bosses CLEVELAND, 0., Oct. 25—“A |what was accomplished at the tri- ; Locomotive Firemen and Engine- Ralph §.; "8 decided to grant the lines an|™m held at "I Paso recently ac-| |cording to President D. B. Robert- son of the organization. Secretary- treasurer Hawley accompanied Robertson on the trip. | While it appeers that the anti- |, THE HAGUE, Holland—An en- labor nature of the Watson-Parker|into a civil war. This led to the eawaes labor law and the wage de- mands of the railway workers to re-| tion of Russia which shook the en- tion gampaign. Swope is known to the island of Java were seized and turn to the 1920 scale were com-| tire world. | pletely ignored at the El Paso megt- ling, Da a world war was inevitable. | Sen, saw with great hope what Soy- | Such a competition inevitably led|iet Russia meant to the oppressed |to a world conflict which took the|Chinese ‘people. Dr. Sun Yat Sen | lives of millions of workers and op-| lost. no time in allying his party, pressed colonial peoples. After) the Kuomintang, with the liberated workers of the Soviet Union. Dr. Sun Yat Sen secured as the first adviser of his party a well-known comrade of the Communist Party of the Soviet Un‘on, Michael Borodin. This created hysteria among the imperialist thieves of the world to know that the Russian workers were willing to support the oppressed Chinese people in their struggle against foreign imperialism and in- ternal feudalism. Soviet Russia then became an at- | traction for all the oppressed classes and races of the world and for first time in the era of capitalism was jers of the world began to ask the | uestion as to why they were fight- jing and killing each other. | The Bolshevik Party of Russia, _with the historical background of 1505, steeled with Marxian principles and under the leadership of Lenin- ism called upon the workers of the | world to turn the imperialist war |triumph of the proletarian revolu- Mgening of the Revolution. The many millions ef oppressed * | there such a marked differentiation among the white races. The op- pressed black and yellow people of the world began to look with hope and joy to the beacon light of Sov- iet Russia. ‘ We, too, the oppre:sed Negroes of America, have seen the light. The Negro race, nich has been held in bondage for more than three cen- turies, has come to realize how treacherous the so-called “free democratic” America has been to us, . The Negro of America must understand that the Workers (Com- munist) Party of America, a sec- tion of the Communist International, is the only revolutionary section of the labor movement in these United States and can be found on all the battle-fronts against capitalism, the only political party to enter the solid south and pledge its loyalty to the oppressed Negro race, and the only party from now on that will be seen in the vanguard of the pro- letariat fighting for the workers against the vicious system of capi- talist exploitation which cppresses and degrades US.@ Poyiet Puts Let these eleven Symbol. G of Soviet Oppressed rule be a symbol to us. Let the Negroes of America see that we | Communists are their party. The oppressed people of China, Heiti Nicaragua, Philippines, etc., must see that we are their defenders as the Soviet Union is the defender of the oppressed people of the world. Down with world imperialism. Down with the K. K. K. and the American Legion. Long live the solidarity of the working class. Long live the struggle of the oppressed people against imperialism. Long live Sov- iet Russia. Long live the Workers (Communist) Party! German Jails Follow ‘Workers to New Jobs MANNHEIM, (By Mail). — The bourgeois press states that the por lice court prison at Bonndorf, which was closed some time ago, is “to be taken into use again during the building of the Schluchsee Works.” Nothing could characterize the class character of German justice better than this brief notice. New works are to be built,-Workers will come to the place; therefore the first necessity is a prison. This is the exploitative logic of the ruling bourgeois class. | Vote tor Font Support Workers (Communist) Party, _ tice on our officials that constitu-| Red Election Campaign By BERT MILLER The election campaign, thus far, has furnished us with sufficient ma- terial to draw a number of partial |conclusions regarding the attitude |of the workers toward our election campaign, conclusions which may |serve as a guide for the more in- |tensive phase of the campaign which |lies ahead. The comments made in |this article are necessarily limited jin their scope to the experiences in lour campaign in and around New | York City. | In spite of the much-vaunted | Coolidge prosperity, we find a genu- |ine and very evident ferment among |the workers, a feeling of restless- ness and dissatisfaction with pres- ent conditions, which expresses it- ‘self in such forms as the freight- handlers’ outlaw strike and the Pat- jerson silk strike, and also in a grow- ing sympathy toward our Party. |Even in the conservative sections of jLong Island City, where Irish, |Scotch and American workers pre- |dominate, there is an evidence of a | willingness to listen to our Party, without raillery or ridicule, without jinterference, even though we~enter into the most vicious attacks on the pet of the conservative Irish worker, | Al Smith. Prejudice Wearing Away. | In this territory the prejudice |against the Communists is being worn away, An analysis of condi- tions in the Soviet Union, which would formerly have been greeted with cries of, “Why don’t you go back there?” are’ now received with interest and, attention. The recent period of unemployment has evi- dently left its mark, and the menace |of more serious times ahead has set even conservative workers thinking. The close identification uf both |major parties with the big business jinterests of the country, the open |rroclamation of both parties as to |their solicitude for the interests of Wall Street, the fact that both par- \ties are more openly and brazenly |than before supported by the big- |gest business barons of the United |States, all these things are arous- ling in the minds of even the most lconservative American worker a tendency toward scepticism as to the sincerity of both the republican and democratic parties and their | standard-bearers, and a willingness This fact I ask you to support! is particularly true among the Ne- gro workers and among the low- paid and exploited workers of the small factory towns in New Jersey, |New York and. Connecticut. Proves Influence. The fact that our Party has be- come a factor in these sections and a menace to the ruling parties is | | | cur meetings, and by the unusual efforts which reactionary bodies are making to counteract our influence. Witness the organized attacks of the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, etc., on our meetings in Long Island and Bay Ridge. Wit- ness the fact that in Long Island the question of combatting Com- munism has become the main order of business at legion meetings and that anti-Communist talks are be- ing broadcasted by special lecturers employed for the purpose. Witness the fact that in Long Island Mr. Kemp is employed by the Veterans of Foreign Wars to combat our propaganda, that in Poughkeepsie Mr. O’Brien is employed for the Same purpose by the DeLaval Sep- arator Company. Witness the nu- merous efforts made by the police authorities to interfere with Com- munist meetings in New York, New Jersey and Long Island. Among the needle workers, the former followers of the socialist party, there, too, we find a deep ary quality of that party of the middle class and its frock-coated standard-bearer, Norman Thomas. We find just the beginning of. an ef- fort to bring over the lessons ‘of so- cialist betrayal in the trade unions to the political field—but just the beginning. Our Party members have not yet thrown themselves, personally and individually, into the campaign against the socialist party with that. same energetic fighting spirit which they have dis- played on the picket line, when they fought the agents of the socialist party, the Sigmans, the Beckermans, et al. : This indicates there are still rem- nants of syndicalist’ ideology, of anti-parliamentarism in our Party, of underestimation of the ‘im tance of political campaigns: which must be overcome if we are to de- velop into Pp powerful political party. Must Work Eyerywhere. Present indications are that our Party will receive “unprecedented support both from former followers of the old capitalist parties, but mainly from the: disillusioned fol- lowers of the socialist party. But, to capitalize our opportunity to the full, to make the most of the pres- ent favorable period, it is necessary that every single Party, member, during the next few weeks of the \ campaign, no matter how’ active he is in other fields of work, should make the election campaign the heart and center of his work, in the shop, in the industrial. markets, in. the unions, in the various fraternal organizations and in the working that we may not only poll a record:/, breaking Communist vote f r cendidates, but also registcr influx of new proletarian into our Party. class residential districts, in order,” evidenced by the interference with j scepticism regarding the revolution- | | 7 ee

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