The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 11, 1928, Page 6

Page Six HE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSD Published Ass’n., I Union § ROBERT WM. F MINOR DUNNE tstant Editor SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only) $4.50 six $2.50 three mos. By Mail (outside of New York) $6 a year $3.50 six mos. $2.00 three mos. Address and mail o 26-28 Union VOTE COMMUNIST! For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER Por the Workers! Pelice Terror in New Bedford The frightful police terror let loose in New Bedford against the tens of thousands of strikers who refused to return to the mills after the betrayal of the hired tools of the textile barons on the American Federation of Labor textile council again demonstrates to the working class of the whole country the ‘role of the government—whether it be federal, state or municipal—as a strike breaking agency. The textile council knew that their de- cision would not compel the strikers to re- turn to the mills. Their action in publicly announcing that the strike was ended was only a part of the campaign of planned police frightfulness against the workers. Batty & company served the mill owners by furnish- ing the police with new excuses for a con- tinuation of the strike-breaking campaign. A second motive was to give the labor fakers of the rest of the country an excuse to at- tack those loyal members of the working class engaged in sending relief to the strikers of New Bedford. The sell-out of the labor fakers was in- stantly followed by wholesale arrests of strike leaders and strikers on charges of vagrancy. One McLeod, who is chief of police for the mill barons, publicly an- nounced : “We are carrying on a cleaning and sweep- ing-up process on all elements still striking. We have arrested persons who cannot satisfy us as to visible means of support.” This was followed by raids upon one of the halls of the ‘Textile Workers’ Union, arrests of the strike leaders, who were locked in cells and savagely beaten by uniformed thugs. Even the store conducted by the Workers’ International Relief was raided, women and children seeking food at the relief station were thrown in jail. It is to the credit of the New Bedford strikers that they still fight on in face of the combined terror of the bosses, the labor traitors, and the police and courts. Such heroism in face of studied and planned ruth- lessness on the part of the police’ is indicative of a growing spirit of revolt among the workers in a number of industries in the United States. The time is not far distant in this country when the workers will follow the steps of their comrades in many European countries and organize defense corps that will meet and defeat in open conflict the police raids on halls, relief stores, mass meetings and other workers’ demonstrations. Let the working class outside New Bed- ford rally to the defense of the strike and furnish relief so that these workers can carry on the fight against the terror. Needle Workers Red Campaign The action of Needle Trades Shop Dele- gates Conference held Tuesday is proof of the possibilities of effective work for the Workers (Communist) Party in the present election campaign among those workers who have by their own experiences learned the role of the capitalist parties, including the treacherous socialist party. In spite of the terrorist methods of the combined forces of the bosses and the right wing bureaucracy, delegates of hundreds of shops representing thousands of workers at- AQ} 3% | Workers (communist) panty For the Party of the Class Struggle! <—S For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW Against the Capitalists! openly lined up with the party of the Hammer and Sickle gives further encouragement for the most active propaganda among the needle workers for the support of the election ticket of the Workers (Communist) Party and for the party membership campaign. These great possibilities put greater re- sponsibilities upon every Communist and every class-conscious needle worker. The Communist election campaign among the needle workers must be turned into a mass movement. The Communist campaign must be discussed in every shop, resolutions must be adopted, and collections made for the cam- paign fund of the Workers (Communist) Party. Every class conscious needle worker must become a campaigner for the Workers’ Party ticket, for Foster, Gitlow, for Gold, Zimmerman, Lipzin, Leibovitz and other can- didates. The past few years’ experience have not been in vain. The needle workers have drawn their conclusions from the lessons they received in the last struggles. The treatment they received at the hands of the capitalist judges, Tammany police and so- cialist traitors in alliance with the bosses cannot be forgotten. The Party of the Ham- mer and Sickle is the only Party the needle workers can support, the shop delegates correctly state in their call to all needle workers. The Hammer and Sickle will be the guide for the needle workers in the coming election campaign. Shoe Workers Must Organize _One of the principal industries of Greater New York and vicinity is the shoe industry, | for the most part unorganized. Despite the fact that the shoemakers were among the very first trade unionists in the United States, there is today but slight organiza- tion of this industry anywhere in the country. The Boot and Shoe Workers’ Union, af- filiated with the American Federation of Labor, is one of the most notorious strike- breaking agencies in the country. Instead of trying to organize workers they organize employers against the workers. The Shoe Workers’ Protective Union has sunk into the swamp of class collaboration and is a close rival of the Boot and Shoe. The shoe workers of Greater New York, par- ticularly the tens of thousands who work in Brooklyn shops, are today the abject slaves of the shoe manufacturers, a most loath- some gang of petty swindlers. A practice is in vogue of selling jobs to men under the guise of taking them into partnership. This is only a method of reducing wages by taking a certain part of the earnings of the men each week as “investments” in the concern. Since the betrayals of the Fitzgerald-Nolan machine of the Shoe Workers’ Protective Union, conditions have gone from bad to worse, until there is a demand for a new deal on the part of thousands of the rank and file. In response to this demand a new union, the Independent Shoe Workers’ Union of Greater New York, has been launched, un- der a leadership that has been tested in the long struggles in that industry. This union is unincumbered with treacherous officials; the workers can act as they see fit in an en- deavor to improve their conditions. Every shoe worker should attend the mass meeting at Lorraine Hall, 790 Broad- tegded the conference. The response of the | way, Brooklyn, tomorrow night and aid in needle workers of the shops who challenged the bosses and their socialist cliques and the drive to organize the slave-pens.of that | industry. Olgin to Give Course, “Anarchism, Socialism, Communism” Mondays M. J. Olgin, noted Communist lec- turer and editor of the Jewish Com- munist monthly magazine, the Ham- mer, wil! give a course in “Anarch- ism, Socialism, Communism,” a comparative study, at the Workers ~ School, 26-28 Union Square, on Mon- days from 7 to 8:20 p. m. This course will begir. with an analy ‘is of the Utopian Socialists, be followed by an analysis of Scientific Socialism as enunciated by Marx and Engels with the back- d of the formation of the First tional to the differences be- the Marxians and the An- in the First International; . different sh the 4 | Second International, and finally wi!l conclude with the Theories and Tac- tics of the Third International, or Communist International, as con- trasted with the Second Internation- al, or socialist International. In this FASCIST COMEDIAN. TURIN, Italy, Oct. 10 (U.P),—Ric- cadro Testa, 28, serving a term in |jail for theft, was notified today |that he had won the national dra- | matic prize for the best comedy. Testa already has served three -jail sentences and recently was placed in a sanatorium, course, the theories and philosophies of Marx, Engels and Lenin, of Kaut- sky, McDonald and Bernstein, of Fourier, St. Simon, Proudhon and Bakunin will be studied and con- trasted with special emphasis on | such questions as state, private pro- | perty, war, liberty, religion and the family. This course will have its opening session on Monday, Oct. 15 at 7 p. m. ; For further details concerning courses to be given at the Workers School, workers should write for the free catalog to the office of the Workers School, 26-28 Union Square or phone Stuyvesant 7770. | JUDAS Al Smith’s Record Is Anti-Labor By EVE DORF. Finance capital wants a strongly | centralized government, efficiently organized in order to carry out its | imperialist plans against the colonial peoples and to erush the working class at home. The democratic party jand Al Smith have as a fundamental plank in their platform the Wall Street planks of centralized govern- ‘ment, monopoly rule, extreme cen- | tralization of power in the hands of | |the executive and removed as far) \as possible from the pressure of the people. This means more power to! |the financial oligarchy, more ability | to oppress labor, more irresponsibil- ity to the people. Centralized govern- |ment policy means a more efficient iron heel on labor. Smith, as gov- |ernor of New York state, put over |a big job for Wall Street. He reor- |ganized the state government to jsuit big business. Almost 200 de-| | partments were made into 20 de-| | partments with centralized direction. | A governor’s cabinet system was in- | stituted, with great power, taking away power from the legislature. The executive budget was put thru, which is a guarantee against legis- lative interference. Other proposals of the so-called “democratic” Al Smith were for a| short ballot, where only governor, | ! | lieutenant governor, and comptrol-| We must not forget when reading | ,,. f Lindsay R ler should be elected; all other of-|Smith’s labor program, that it was|/Tofessor Lindsay Rogers, ficers to be appointed by the gover-| nor. Longer terms for state officials | were proposed; governor's term to| | be four years, senators to be changed | from two to four years, assemblymen, |2 years instead of 1. These are the |autocratic proposals of a self-pro- | fessed “democrat.” | Imperialist and Militarist Program. The democratic party supports | the imperialist and militarist policies tof the capitalists. The democratic Sent Militia Against t he Strikers; Tammany Injunction Jails Needle Trades Workers The democratic party stands for class collaboration. “Cooperation be- tween the unions and the manage- ment should be substituted for prim- itive warfare.” (Democratic Cam- paign Handbook.) In action the democratic party has a record of |brutal suppression of the working nent injunction against the class. Tammany’s record is one of terrorism against the workers in gles in New York, who does not know about the attacks on picket) lines, the mass wholesale arrests, mass fines to deplete the strike fund, suits against the union treas- ury, breaking up of meetings and beating up of militant workers? Re- call the activities of Tammany police and courts in the furriers’ strike, the dressmakers’ strike, the paper box workers and milk drivers strike, the truckmen’s strike, the brutality of the mayor and his police in the subway strike, also the democratic party in New Jersey during the Pas- saic strike. Sent Troops Against Workers. Smith himself, who sent the state militia against the steel workers in Buffalo during the steel strike in 1919. It was during Smith’s term that Ruthenberg, Gitlow and Larkin went to Sing Sing. Never have injunctions been so| rampant in labor struggles anywhere in the country as in New York City under Tammany rule. In 1925, a Tammany Judge, Churchill, granted the International Tailoring Co. an ja vicious injunction decision which | virtually gives every employer auto- | matically the right to get injunctions against the needle trades workers, and which is being used to jail 18 |leading needle trades workers. Tam- many is responsible for the perma- cloak- | makers issued by Judge Ingraham, jalso for the injunction against the |struggle. In the needle trades strug- Amalgamated Traction Workers in New York City in 1926. The democratic party in action has denied the workers the right to strike, organize, picket, hold meet- ings. It has issued injunctions. Yet, in the platform, they say they are against the “abuse” of injunctions. Another appeal to labor vote, against | their own record. But the workers |are against all injunctions whatso- |ever in the struggles of the workers. How can the democratic party, with |this record, with the record of sup- |porting the Watson-Parker _ bill, | which takes away the right of the |railway workers to strike, claim to | represent the workers’ interests? Here it is interesting to note that Smith’s | Moreland Act Commissioner, in a re- port, which Smith pigeon-holed last June, says that the labor depart- ment of New York state under Smith’s appointee, Hamilton, is com- pletely demoralized. He claims there in the compensation cases, requiring |in the compensate cases, requiring | workers to leave their work to come |there with no result at all. i Compulsory Arbitration. The democratic party and Smith compulsory arbitration schemes. “We believe in the peaceful adjust- | ment of industrial disputes by nego- tiation, mediation and voluntary arbitration,” says the democratic |handbook. Yet this same handbook also says, “Intervention by the’ president in disputes where labor is so strong as to seriously inconveni- ence the public, as in the past, is necessary, but the president ought to be just as ready to intervene in a nationally important dispute where labor is in a weak po- sition.” The last part of this state- ment is demagogy—the platform and the record is for intervention against the workers, in behalf of the |employers. In 1926, Smith came out openly for compulsory arbitration in | the garment industry. “Commi: Ss. Smith has always been strong for |commissions to investigate, as a solution of labor’s problems. “Stay at work until commission makes a decision.” The commissions are al- | ways anti-labor and always give anti-labor decisions. In 1919, in the milk drivers’ strike, Governor Smith personally persuaded the drivers not to strike, and in return} he gave them a commission. In 1922, the workers in the Buffalo public utili- ties threatened to strike. Smith again warded the strike off and gave them a commission. In 1922 the same thing happened in the threatened jgarment strike in New York City. In 1924, Governor Smith’s commis- sion on the Garment Industry had at its head the manufacturer R. V. In- |gersoll, as impartial chairman. The commission rejected all the: impor- |tant union demands and used in- fluence with the right Wing to crush the union struggle. Smith and Tammany support the | platform stands for the “protection injunction against the workers pro-|use terror against the workers, leblanc ap program of lof American lives and rights;” in| hibiting picketing. Judge Proskauer, supplement this method with prom-| ¢ 2 capita ay which paar unem- |other words, for the protection of|close adviser of Smith, put through'ises and commissions for study, and Ployment and misery for hundreds American capitalists’ property in the | colonies; an imperialist program.) However, with characteristic incon-| sistency, because of desire to appeal | to liberal votes, the platform also |stands for “non-interference in the purely internal affairs of foreign | nations.” An example of democratic | practice in carrying out this pro-| |gram is President Wilson’s sending |of marines to Haiti and the bomb-| cotton may seem a nice place to the) |ing of Haitian villages. The demo-| {cratic party has no criticism of the| Starvation Wages in the South (By a Worker Correspondent) CHARLOTTE, N. C., (By Mail). —Way down south in the land of wage slaves up north with cold and snow and unemployment facing |ginning to awaken. He received a platform of the Workers (Commun- ist) Party and I have his word that his friends will read it. Give Negroes Pamphlets No doubt the K. K. K. read some | of the interesting pamphlets on abol- |big naval military program of our|them, but below the Mason and ishing lynching and must have en- | government, it has no criticism of our policy in China, in the Philip- pines, etc. Smith’s record in New | York shows a militarist policy; it | proves emphatically that the demo- cratic imperialist and military pro- gram differs not at all from the re- publican, ‘Smith increased the na- tional guard; he began many schemes, as, for example, a life in- | surance scheme and a newspaper, in order to attract citizens to the na- tional guard. He increased the num, | ber of the state police. He increased the state militia. He sponsored citizen’s military training camps. Labor Policy and Record. The general labor policy of the democratic party is reformist in word and reactionary in deed. The policy is good for capitalism. In general, Tammany stands for arbi- tration schemes, for close connection with the corrupt trade union bureau- cracy. They. believe a little labor legislation is necessary, as Smith says, “not because it benefits the working class hut because it bene- fits the state and the employer gets better work because of it” (from Dixon line you will find worse con- ditions than up north. $18 Per Week. While I was in Washington, work- ers there stated to me that the aver- age wage for a man is $18 per week and that there are thousands will- ing to work for less. No doubt Cool- idge isn’t among them. When we struck the Virginia line, after purchasing groceries we asked what wages the clerks receive at the Sanitary Grocery, a leading chain store in the south. The clerks told us that they had just had a cut from $20 to $17 for an average 12 hour day with 15 hours on Saturday. When we asked if they were going to vote for Foster and Gitlow, they stated that they had never heard of them. But now they have heard of them and were given literature. Then we struck Fairfax, Virginia, a hotbed of the K. K. K., and heard Heflin of Alabama, deliver his bunk against the sweepings of the side- walks of New York, “sewer Al” Smith. When I asked a poor starved- looking farmer whom he was going to vote for, he said he didn’t see where it’s going to make any dif- Moskowitz, Al Smith, pp. 214, 216). ference. Yes, even here they are be- | joyed them as they had fireworks | cross burning, etc., while we were \there. Quite a few Negroes who re- ceived these pamphlets will some- |day be heard from. | Now we are in Charlottesville |where the University of Virginia is located. A terrible storm is raging. | We have been camping in the moun- tains with the winds roaring and the ‘rain beating against our shelter. The poor farmers and workers |down here are being oppressed to [the limit and have little or no or-) ganization with which to fight back., |If one watches the reaction when | they find a pamphlet in their car |and how eagerly they read it, one jean readily see what splendid chances the Workers Party has down south. | The Negroes here in the south) |are commencing to awaken and aare| no longer docile slaves. A good Ne-| gro organizer is needed in this sec-| | tion to show these workers that only, |by organizing with the White work- /ers can they forever end this rotten) | system of society and establish a} _workers and farmers government) | where both Negro and White work- ers will work together for their class | linterests. 7 aie Wi Co Pe of thousands of workers. Rascob is head of a company notorious for its speed-up. a football of the unemployment is- \sue. He attacks the republicans on |this issue, but forgets to mention that the democratic Wilson adminis- |tration did nothing to solve the un- jemployment crisis in 1913. | Smith’s remedy is “public works” during periods of heavy unemploy- ment. But we know that this policy which may very slightly alleviate the problem at a particular time, does nothing to touch the root of the | problem or do away with the causes |of unemployment. It is interesting here to note the legislative proposals of the demo- \eratic senator Wagner on the prob- lem of unemployment. He proposes as solutions the same ‘accurate sta- tistics”, a coordinated system of pub- ‘lic unemployment offices, public | works—again nothing that even re- |motely or to the slightest degree _attempts to eliminate any of the im- portant causes of unemployment. Statistics Don’t Give the Unem- ployed Jobs. When we remember the record of Tammany in their treatment of the terrible unemployment problem in New York last winter, we know that we can expect nothing from the democrats on this score; that they are not interested in this problem, and, as firm believers in the capital- ist system, can do nothing to remedy it. The New York Council of the Unemployed was not even permitted to appear and present its program before the unemployed hearings, held in this city before the Tam- many Industrial Commissioner Ha- industrial | Smith is simply making) rie | You So OTED world war generals made eas for world peace at the open- ,ing of the American Legion conven-- tion. General Pershing of the U. S. A. and General Allenby of Great Britain praised the Kellogg pact as @ peace instrument, but urged their respective governments to keep their powder dry. Allenby said that the two nations should stand together. What he meant is that if both im- perialisms could arrive at some |{greement whereby they could con- dact their present business of gen- eral pillage without having to re- sort to a war over the spoils it would be much better for the plun- derers. Unfortunately, however, for the imperialists, such en ar- |rangement is somewhat utopian, cage eer AS predicted in the Daily Worker, * the Kellogg pact has given a de- cided impetus to war preparations. Indeed, it is very likely that one of the main reasons why this fake was pulled by the United States was to |smoke out France and England, who jhad hatched up an offensive and?* defensive alliance on land and sea” |directed chiefly against the United | States. This has been successfully | accomplished. Now the world knows | what England and France so vigor- jously denied for awhile, that every soldier of France is also a soldier |of England and every British battle- |ship a French ironclad. * | + | KELLoce's movements at the |.” peace conference were suspicious. And his visit to Ireland, while Ig |noring England, made suspicious |more dumbfounded. To all but the | wilfully blind it was as clear as jcrystal that the United States was not aiming at world peace but issu- ing a challenge to Great Britain |and the League of Nations. Now | Williem Randolph Hearst has struck enother blow for his country by un- earthing the actual treaty between England and France, which resulted in his man, Horan, getting a notice to quit French territory. This should make Willie feel good. Willie is |never happier than when he suc- {ceeds in helpirg to precipitate a war. + * cr is sheer folly to think that there can be world peace under cap- jitalism. War is indigenous to the capitalist system and until the work- ers of the world smash this system, |establish the rule of labor and build | up Secialism which will automat- ically do away with the causes of |war, there cannot be peace. The | working class are the chief suffer- {ers from war. But they cannot ve peace by merely protesting \sgainst war. The road to peace is through class war. caer’ * THRIFT is not always the shortest {road to wealth, It is not a bad way to help the bankers enrich themselves, but for the average worker it means denying himself what he needs when he can enjoy it in order to have it when he can- not enjoy it. Howewer, this is not what I intended to call attention to. Four armed youths made more in one recent hour than any four—un- Jess they be the four Wall Street boys who are supporting Al Smith— could make in several ordinary life- times. These ycuths invaded a jew- elry establishment in the Sparkling Forties and went away with $275,- 000 in jewels. * pRRuArS they will be appre- hended, and it is also possible that they may spend several years in some penal institution for using direet action in acquiring a com- petence instead of playing the mar- ket in Wall Street. Then again it is possible they will not be caught, but will live to enjoy the fruit of their initiative. The police. will surely search for them, though the same police make no attempt to ap- prehend the employment agency sharks who rob the unemployed of hundreds of thousands of dollars an- rually. Such is justice in a capital- ist society, oF URING the world war we were told by patriotic preachers, lay and clerical, that the great massacre had a powerful moral effect on the youth of the country. It made he- 1oes out of cowards and transformed crooks into paragons of honesty. But quite the reverse has been the case. Twelve years ago Tommy Hewitt was a hero in the uniform of the French flying service. He was risking his life for Morgan’s millions. Today Tommy Hewitt is not a hero. He is a guest in one of New York’s penitentiaries, because he thought that a hero’s check should look good to the Biltmore Hotel even though there was noth- ing behind it but the war. milton, At the Tammany controlled central trades in New York City, the representatives of the unemployed councils were also not permitted to enter, but were thrown out. Mayor Walker solved the unemployment problem for the workers by ordering the eviction of unemployed workers from public lodgings on cold winter nights, on the ground that they were “unsanitary.” The Tammany and Smith record in New York promises nothing for the working class. Votes for Smith are votes against labor and for the system which oppresses labor. Work- ing class votes should go to the only party of the workers, the Workers (Communist) Party. All militant workers should join th , (Communist) Party of A: € ce tc CLT, yA