The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 10, 1928, Page 6

Ie 3. ey en §0r years Page Six Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc., Daily, Except Sunday 6-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: “Dziwork” Phone, Stuyvesant 1696-7-3 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): $8 per year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2 three months Adéréss and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. -ROBERT MINOR WM. ¥. DUNNE Entered as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. Y., under the act of March 8, 1879. es VOTE COMMUNIST! For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER For the Workers: Negroes! Do Not Be Political Footballs! Defend Your Race and Class! A more open and brazen bid for the sup- port of the detestable ku klux klan in the South than that made in the Elizabethtown speech of Herbert Hoover would be difficult to imagine. In discussing federal civil ser- vice appointments the republican candidate assured his audience that he believed “ap- pointive offices should be filled by those who deserve the confidence and respect of the communities they serve.” Such language is well understood in the South. It means the exclusion of Negroes from appointive offices on the ground that, because they are dis- criminated against as a race and exploited as workers and poor farmers they do not de- serve the respect and confidence of the “lily whites.” It is equivalent to a promise not to appoint Negroes as postmasters and other such jobs. This republican campaign against Negroes was supplemented by Senator Moses when he addressed the women’s national republican club in New York on Monday. This New Hampshire senator, one of the very front line politicians of the Mellon-Coolidge-Hoover machine, spoke contemptuously of a Negro fficial “dictating to a white stenographer of he female sex.” Thus the republican party, the party that has claimed the support of the egroes as a race because they were alleged }sliito oppose the avowedly anti-Negro policies ic Gf the democratic party in the South, publicly avows its determination to dis- criminate against Negroes. What difference is there between Herbert Hoover, Senator George H. Moses and the democratic governor, Byrd of Virginia, who keeps a white woman in jail as a measure of protecting “‘the purity of the white race” be- cause she married a Negro? What difference is there between Hoover and Al Smith who was nominated by the democratic convention in Houston at the identical time a cowardly mob was lynching a Negro in the vicinity and who never so much as mentioned the atro- city? Hoover would prevent Negroes being appointed to federal office no matter how competent they are just because they are held by the southern bourbons to be inferior. Smith was so anxious to appeal to southern hatred of the Negro that his Tammany machine prevented Negroes being sent to Houston for fear it would endanger his chances of nomination. For every crime of the republicans against the Negroes, there is a crime by the demo- erats to match it. Both old parties are ene- mies of the Negro. Negroes! Do not be fooled by either of these parties! Do not support those parties who bid for ku klux support and defame you as a race, exploit you as a class, belittle your ability, and treat you as though you belonged to an inferior people. To be consistent you cannot support the parties that protect the lily- whites who burn alive and hang your sons, ravage your daughters and treat you worse than beasts of burden! Oppressed as a race and a class the Negro masses should support the one and only Party that demands full racial equality—ecohomic, social and political—the one party that fights to scourge from the face of the earth the dastardly crime of lynching. Only the Workers (Communist) Party fights relentlessly against jim-crowism; fights to wipe out laws prohibiting inter- marriage; fights against every form of segregation. The Negro who supports any party other than the Workers (Communist) Party aids the master class keep his race and his class !n monstrous thralldom. Negroes! Refuse to be political footballs! Defend your race and your class! Vote Communist !* |Q | X| WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY | For the Party of the Class Struggle! For Vice-President Za BENJAMIN GITLOW t Socialists Aid Fascisti The Austrian social democrats, under the leadership of such “Austro-Marxists as Otto Bauer and Frederick Adler, have done every- thing in their power since the suppression of the Vienna uprising of July, 1927, to pave the way for a fascist government of that country. When the fascists, on last Sunday, staged a rehearsal for a march on Vienna similar to the Mussolini march on Rome the social democrats, who control the city of Vienna, purposely misled the social democratic work- ers so as carefully to avoid a clash with the fascist brigands. For days the fascist forces had advertised their demonstration. The social-democrats, under the mass pressure of the workers were forced to make a gesture at a counter-demon- stration. But, instead of organizing their forces for a smashing offensive against fascism, the leaders of the social democrats arranged their demonstration to occur at a different time and place than the fascist per- formance. Only the Communists, as is always the case throughout the whole world, defended the in- terests of the working class by calling upon the workers to smash the fascist demonstra- tion and defy the national government forces. To supplement their treachery against the working class the social-demo- cratic members of the Seipel government re- mained silent while Communist members of parliament were arrested on charges of treason. But the crowning act of social-democratic infamy was the demand of the parliamentary group of that party upon the Seipel govern- ment that a disarmament conference be held for the purpose of disarming the whole pop- ulation and placing them at the mercy of the armed bands of government troops, police and fascists. This act alone ought’ to be sufficient to expose the real goal toward which the policies of Otto Bauer lead. And it is this criminal conspiracy, this preparation for the extermination of the working class of Austria that the American socialist leader and millionaire lawyer, Morris Hillquit, in “Current History,” calls a triumph of socialism. The working class of Austria must realize that the prerequisite for the defeat of fascism is the extermination of those other agents of capitalist reaction, the social-demo- crats. Instead of the social democratic de- mand to disarm, the working class eventually must follow the path of Communism and arm the working class and disarm the bourgeois and all their fascist and social democratic agents. Against the Capitalists! Socialist Party Cowardice The refusal of the socialist Party to appear Thursday night at Cooper Union and defend its program in a symposium arranged under the auspices of the New York Working Women’s Federation, reveals the political cowardice and bankruptcy of that aggrega- tion of preachers, lawyers, doctors, middle class intellectuals and right wing labor gang- sterism, trying ineffectively to inherit the mantle of LaFollette. The Working Women’s Federation re- quested all parties to participate. The so- cialist party will not be represented, evidently because they dare not face a work- ing class audience with their program. Even the republicans and deméérats will be repre- sented by two of the women leaders. The Workers (Communist) Party will be repre- sented by Ray Ragozin. This should be one of the big meetings of the campaign—certainly it will be most in- teresting inasmuch as it will expose the shallowness of the proposals of the two old parties. International Labor Defense Will Protest Italian Persecutions ‘Two statements made public yes- | ‘king class, are being kept de- tol their desperate condition which | ing about their death at any relatives.” Lucy Parsons, widow ®f Albert terday by International Labor De- | Parsons, leader of the Chicago la- fense indicate the first responses to | hor movement, who was hanged dur- the situation in Mussolini’s prisons, | ing the Haymarket days, has issued where Antonio Gramsci and Um-|a statement, addressed to the fas- Werto Terracini, members of the |cist government at Rome. “I ask Communist Party and two of the | you, in the name of Mazzini and outstanding leaders of the Itulian | Garibaldi,” the statement reads, “to epen the prison doors and to allow sie these political prisoners to spend y pes thpir remaining days with friends | Proper authorities ‘Another statement by Carl Haes- sler, editor of the Federated Press, |pointed out that reports indicate that Gramsci’s life is despaired of. “Similar reports, equally trust- _worthy, tell of the breakdown and danger of death of Umberto Terra- leini, sentenced with Gramsci. Will please communicate to the my protest \egainst such inhuman and, I should ZE THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1928 as- Shop Papers and the E By GERTRUDE HAESSLER N° comrade can forget the splendid results of the election campaign |in Germany last May, and, finding ourselves in the midst of our own campaign, it would be of great |benefit to us to examine some of |the methods our German comrades used to attain the results they did. None of the German comrades, jeither in post-election articles or in | verbal estimation of the election re- |sults, hesitate to ascribe great credit to the active work done through the shop papers. Horst Froehlich, in his very critical article on the shop papers in the ~ Berlin » district | (“Funke,” July, 1928, page 2—“Der Funke,” which means “The Spark,” is issued by the district Committee of the Berlin-Brandenburg: district | of the German Party, and is devoted |mainly to analyses of the works of |the district) says: “There is no |campaign of the Party which can \be conducted only in residential dis- | tricts by street nuclei. Every cam- |paign must be conducted also by the factory nuclei, which requires a thorourh use of the factory papers.” Elections, Shop News Linked. During the election campaign shop | work was greatly intensified. The |regular issues were given over al- most entirely to election propa- ganda, linked up, although not al- | ways sufficiently, with shop news | jand the immediate interests of the | workers. Some had special election supplements to their regular May issue, such as “Rote Inventure,” | which was issued as a special elec- tion supplement to the “Angestell- tenstimme,” for the workers in one cf the lareest department stores of Berlin. The leading article in the regular issue was an analysis of the ‘elections as they concerned the em- ployes. and the rest of the number ‘covered what it would normally lover. The supplement, on the other hand, was given over entirely to election propaganda. Shop pavers which had been dead and buried for months were dug un, revived and drafted into service, In certain factories, wher the nuclei |thought they weren’t strong enough |to issue papers regularly, a paper was distributed for the election leampaign only, without the inten- tion of continuing afterward. Some of these have survived and are still |funetioning. Nuclei which neglected to issue papers before. although they had been in a position to do so. started them under the stimulus of the campaign and have continued jthem ever since. Even in factories where no nuclei existed, or where Communists were employed, |papers were issued for the cam- paign on the basis of non-party sources of information. .Tty Experiments. Certain experiments were tried in types of papers never issued before. Street nuclei started neighborhood papers, such as “Die Rote Insel” | (the Red Island), and blocks of tene- ments, which had problems in com- |mon, were covered by -special elec- tion papers dealing with problems | peculiar to the tenant, and linked \up with the election campaign. | no say, unlawful treatment of Gramsci and Terracini.” The International Labor Defense is continuing to organize a nation- wide campaign of protest, particu- larly in the ranks of the labor move- ment to prevent the murderous at- tempts of the Mussolini government to assassinate in its dungeons the best fighters for the Italian revolu- tion, HOOVER AND G. 0. P. INVADE SOUTH Some Lessons From the German Campaign; °ver Aspects of Factory Publications All these papers, which are usu- ally regularly sold, were given away during the last month of the cam- paign in order to cover up every possible worker. Some of the papers shone con- spicuously by their excellence, while ethers had glaring shortcomings. An example of average quality was ‘the May number of the “Schuchard Lautsprecher” (“Loudspeaker”). One would assume that it is being issued in a radio plant, although |there is absolutely nothing in its |contents to show it—none of the |items are connected up in any way with the article which the workers are producing. On the other hand, it is: written in a vivacious and in- ) teresting style and closely bound up | with the life of the workers, who |are evidently predominantly or en- tirely women. he Appeal to Wemen. THE first page is devoted to an | election cartoon, appealing to levery woman to vote—the typist, |the scrubwoman and the woman at the machine—and of course to vote | Communist. The next page is a very long, but | well-written article on all the as- pects of the workers’ life—prices of food, danger to children in the | streets, the slave-driving pace of work, the low wages, the trickery of |the employer, overtime, unheated jrooms—and then the cause of it.all, the capitalist system with all its evils, and the specially heavy bur- den which the women must bear while it is in the saddle. The need for organization, the possibility of changing jit all, and then the glow- ing example of Soviet Russia, It ends with immediate demands for women. All very well, except that a splendid opportunity for linking this all up with the election cam- paign, and with Gaile aims as well, has been overlooked. An article on the election fgllows, analyzing each ticket in turn, and why not to vote for it, and then the | reasons for the Communist vote. This is followed by a cattoon ap- peal for election funds. A long conversation between two women on the need for participat- |ing in factory meetings follows, ex- jcellently written for the untrained then 2 very attractive column on the “Rote Fahne.” Good Propaganda. In spite of the cbvious shortcom- ternational Party political articles, campaigns other than no the by the workers themselves, no short spicy items, such as appeal to the workers, no humor—this was excel- great increase in the Communist vote among the proletarian elements can be understood when one realizes With thirty-one states on the Com- |munist ballot and several more about to go over the top, the need for funds to wage a militant cam- paign is becoming increasingly ur- gent. Millions of ieaflets are being prepared for distribution, 100,000 |copies of the National Platform are | being turned out by the printer and |hundreds ‘of speakers are being toured throughout the United States. This great campaign, the most |far-reaching and important ever un- \dertaken by the Workers (Commu- ture of a huge sum of money--huge to us, but small, indeed, compared to the millions of the Wall Street parties. We herewith publish another list of contributions to the $100,000 Com- munist Campaign Fund. Join the ranks of those who have enlisted their dollars in the election cam- paign. Contribute immediately. The need is urgent. Forward all dona- tions to the National Election Cam- paign Commitee, 43 E. ‘12th St., New York City, Alexander Trach- tenberg, treasurer: Sam Hoffman, $1; B. Peterson, $1; Elizabeth M. Nicholas, $5; I. Weitzman, $2; D. Mzenjchuk, $1; Paavo Raisaven, $8; M. Peculic, $6; James French, $5; Ladies Working Circle, 5; S. Hillkowitz, $50; Paul Maliarik, $1; Mike Lisko, $2; $1; Peter Matuz, $1; k $1.50; Wilkes-Barre Sub-District, $10; Lars Bailand, $5; George Saul, $10; District 3, $33.83; W. A. Nor- echer, $1; District, 10, $10.68; Dis- jtrict 8, $16; Proletcos, $100; Young jnist) Party, cails for the expendir | Stephen Kosny, $1; John Horean, | $1; John Pasik, $2; Andrew Yohnak, J. Kakhmoy, | WORKERS RESPOND TO RED APPEAL FOR FUNDS | Workers League, $30; John Blaha, | | 1; J. F. Wilson, 50 cents; H. Mutch- nick, $1; L. Angustovic, $2; G. An- derson, $3; John B. Zatko, $1; Ju- lius Littinsky, M.D., $100; W. Surko, 35; K. Pesalt, $2; F. F. Tuicie, $3; Esthonian Workers Club, $5; An- drew Matey, $2; Lucas Channas, $4; Frank Peterson, $1; District 4, $40; |V. Demetione, $1; Mildred Haessler, T. Ahtanin, $4; H. Sher- B. Greenman, $1 Andrew Zachok, $2; Receipts of District 2. | Com. Wiener, $3; Joseph M. Arbor, 59 cents: Abr. Baskoff, $5; 3D 2F, $1.25; A. H. Chalupski, $10; Sec. 5, Br. 2, 75 cents; 2C 2F, $9; 2A, $10; 80 5F, $2; Section 1, $3.50; 2C 38, $2; 2A SF, $5; 2A 3F, $5; Staten {sland, $6; Staten Island, $5; Staten Island, $2; Jennie Pincus and A. Walters, $1; Newark, N. J., $15; Y. W. L,, District 2, $3. Receipts of District 7. | Street No. 1, $9; S. 6, T. Kovach, 84.50; Shop No. 6, $3; Street No. 6, 5; Street No. 2, $3; Pontiac Nucleus, $26; Street No. 11, $5; Street No. 1, $6; Shop No. 2, $3.50; Nucleus St., No. 11, $5; Street No. 11, $2.40; Workers Club, $2.50; Shop No. 1, 87.75; Street No. 1, $15; Flint Nu- cleus, $5; Saginaw Nucleus, $2. | Receipts of District 10. Otto Zulaub, $2.50; Sol Posner, $1.50; E. D. Amstutz, $5; S. E. Pain- ter, $1; J. Stedham, 50 cents; A. J. MacDonald, 50 cents; A. M. Rock, lich, Wyo., 10-16, $3.50. 50 cents; ¢ 10-04, $10; . working woman to understand. And | ings—no intimate shop news, no in-| election campaign, no contributions | lent election propaganda, and the | 50 cents; 10-3, $4; C. M. Calkin, 50) cents; 10-08, $1.50; 10-9, $3; Pav-— By Fred Ellis Se ges or ee that, compared with less than 50 papers during the whole of 1927, 75 shop, neighborhood and (tenement papers were issued in the Berlin district alone during May, the election month. Under all this special stimulus, it is no wonder that much credit is being given the shop papers. An article in “Funke,” June, 1928, page 7, comparing the election results of the Communist Party with the so- cialist party in the Berlin district, |savs: “Tt is noteworthy that we ob- tained the greatest numher of votés, even compared with the socialist votes came primarily from the work- ing class. whereas the increase of the social democrats came much more strongly than ours from petty tourgeois elements.” Froehlich says: “The election results in Berlin are due primarily to the work of our fac- tory nuclei and their papers. They are one of the most important wea- pons for gaining the leadership of |the working class in their economic and political struggles.” (“Funke,” July, 1928, page 4.) Important Gains. And Hans Pfeiffer, making evitical analysis of the election re- sults (“Fimke,” June. 1928, nage 3), |says: “Whoever believes that the |results of the Party in the election campaign are due to the four or five Sundays devoted to the house to house agitation which the P: eonducted during the campaign, mistaken. Of course, they contri |nted to the snecess. but its hasis was vrimarily the constant influencing | of the workers in the factories them- selves.” The effect of any intensive work in connection with any Party cam- paign is always mutual—the cam- naign is always greatly helped, and that aspect of work alwavs receives 2 tremendous stimulus, In addition to the contribution the shop. papers made to the excellent election re- sults, the stimulus which the shop paper work itself received was im- medistely evident, As in the case of our own Party, wah lost -by not continuing after the elections, and the “Funke” is full of warnings not to allow the “nlendid start to he frittered away by neglect and lapse of interest. But much was saved in the way of ew permanently-establiched papers, ‘4 eqnvineing doubting Thomases in wae . the factories of the value and need and, possibility of issuing papers, and in the experiments in new de- partures, such as the neighborhood and tenant papers. Lessons for U. S. Party. That we can learn much from the German comrades in how to conduct an election campaign in general it is not necessary to mention. Espe- cially necessary, however, is it for us to learn from their successful ex- periences in work close to the masses, work in the factories them- selves, tha patient plodding work of the factory nuclens. and the al- most unlimited possibilities of reach- ing the real proletarian worker through the shop paper. Our own work in shop papers is quantitatively on such a low level, our, own membership understands so little the necessity and the possi- bility of this very important means of blazing a trail to the masses, our own functionaries do so little to help and stimulate work! We can learn much from the experience of our German comrades. We can begin right now to lay the foundations for seenring the same successes in the future. lections» party, in the proletarian districts, | which means that our increase in| brilliant | Told You So ECAUSE of heavy casualties |. among the alcohol racketeers in Chicago this year, opera is in for a bad season. In former years the vendors of beer and booze were the principal supporters of that form of entertainment. But a prolonged war | is a heavy drain on even the best of | Sangs so the prohibition profiteers | who used to clutter the stage with | florial contributions to the stars and | the box office with their money have | spent so much money buying up the government that there is not much left to subsidize higher forms of art. The cost of burying the dead is an additional burden, the gang- sters being anything but pikers. | * * * A $10,000 coffin will bear the re- mains of Micky Schatz, Brook- lyn gangster to his last resting place. By the time this appears in | Print the pastor of the Church of | Our Lady of Peace in that borough will have given Micky the correct | religious send-off and no doubt will recall his may benefiencies to the | bearded patriarch in the sky. “It is an all wind that blows no good” {and whatever may be said against the gangstering profession, it cer- tainly does not hurt the mortician’s business. What war is to the muni- tions manufacturer racketeering is to the undertaker. | 6 te | [THAT was a neat trick pulled off | by the Berlin Communists on | their social-democratic rivals. There \being a_ referendum going on against the approval by the socialist |ministry of the building of several cruisers, the Communists wished to secure the use of the government broadcasting station for the propa- | gation of their views. The socialist government decided that a Commun- |ist was as dangerous on the air as jon the ground so a certain Herr Schwartz, editor of the socialist pa- per Vorwaerts was given permission to speak on “world peace.” Via the eruiser route! \ * * 8 ERGs: a prevalent belief to the contrary, Communists are nothing not polite,:so when an automo- | bile called for Herr Schwartz to | take him to the broadcasting station | that gentleman thot it was no more than his station’ in life deserved, nevertheless he was profuse in ex- | pressing his appreciation. But fancy | his embarrassment when instead of being taken to the broadcasting sta- |tion he found himself somewhere else. He was very much up in the |air so to speak. * + * | Eee tt of Herr Schwartz there |* appeared at the microphone no | other than Karl Schultz, a Commu- nist deputy, who after clearing his | throat proceeded to deliver a speech on the class struggle, putting forth the Communist viewpoint of war against the capitalist system instead of the cant on world peace that Herr Schwartz was scheduled to deliver, The listeners-in were amazed to hear a person introduced as Herr Schwartz denounce the socialist min- \isters for putting thru a cruiser pro- gram in violation of their pre-elec- tion promises, but their amazement turned to either amusement or an- | ger when Comrade Schultz finally introduced himself. Most of Ger- many is laughing at the joke. The social-democrats are biting their whiskers. + 2 Ae @ |THE great German airliner Graf Zeppelin, is scheduled to start to- day for the United States. No doubt the monster gas bag will be given a great, reception on its arrival here —if it arrives. It is now more than eleven years since the American democracy under the leadership of the arch-hypocrite Woodrow Wilson, | went forth to save civilization from the “Hun” and anybody who did not agree that every German, man, woman and child should be dis- | patched with bomb or bayonet, was | liable to find himself in jail or deco- |vating the branch of a-tree. The patriotic gudgeon grease that was |injected into the white-gollared |American brain in 1917 {fs now | washed away and the untenanted |cavities are waiting for another boarder. The next time it may be |a consignment of British hatred, |The next “Hun” is liable to be our |old friend John Bull. And what a fertile soil there is for Wall Street | bull against the good old civilizer ally, of 1917-18! * Eves some liberal capitalist edi- |Utors are not swallowing the Kel- jlogg peace pact with their usual jalacrity. They fear that the reser- | vations made by the great oapitalist powers render the instrument more or less null if not void. For instance England makes it quite clear that any measures of a military nature she may see fit to take in “defense” of her empire must be considered outside the pale of the Kellogg “anti- war” treaty. And ditto for the French and the rest of the pirates including the United States. This is the fake peace move that the socialist party is trying to sell to the workers, HANKS to the social-democrats of Austria the fascists may consider their demonstration of last Sunday a success. With the support of the government the Austrian black shirts marched on this workingclass strong- hold, declaring this was only a wa: station on the road to Vienna. Mu! solini’s march on Rome will be re- peated in Austria, unless the Com- munists succeed in securing the Jeadership of the masses before the socialists turn them over bound and gagged to the fascists. on O