The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 6, 1928, Page 6

ae we Page Six ciieeet J } | ‘ { } } Daily Wor Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc., Daily, Except Sunday 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: “Dsiwork” By Mail (in New York only): (8 per year $4.50 six inonths $2.50 three months SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 per year $3.50 six months Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28. Union Square, New York, N. Y. Sehr Alpe ae aa Y 32 Assistant Editor ..-ROBERT MINOR -- WM. F. DUNNE Entered as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1879. VOTE COMMUNIST! For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER For the Workers: Moran’s Murderer Goes Free The miners of Western Pennsylvania have before them another example of capitalist justice in the freeing of the degenerate mur- derer of George Moran. Louis Carbonia, one of the gunmen of the John L. Lewis machine, was not only freed by a coroner’s jury for the flagrant and de- liberately premeditated murder of Moran, a delegate to the National Miners’ Union con- vention, but the district attorney, one Warren Burchinal, a hireling of the coal and steel interests sought to make a hero of the murderer. To those familiar with the combination of employers, police, courts, gunmen, and the reactionary bureaucracy that destroyed the United Mine Workers of America in behalf of the Mellon scab herding interests, this acquittal was fully to be expected. However, one phase of the procedure de- serves special attention. That was the ex- clusion of the testimony of Adam Getto, an eye-witness to the shooting, because Getto was intelligent, enough not to embrace re- ligious ignorance and superstition and, under questioning, declared he did not believe in any god. The miserable tool and assinine as- umption of humanity who acted as prose- utor in the case refused to hear any further estimony. It would be futile to complain hat thise act alone is a violation of every rinciple upon which the United States was conceived by its founders, and that it harks “back to the dark ages when the test of a For the Party of the Class Struggle! Against the Capitalists! man’s truthfulness was measured in direct | proportion to his ignorance. Capitalist laws are made to be used against the working class and to be held in contempt when their en- forcement is detrimental to capitalism. Adam Getto is a miner. But his opinions are dangerous to the ruling class. One who is a leader of a grotip of workers and tells them to cease gazing hopefully at the clouds toward which the priests point, and to seek their happiness here upon earth by waging a class struggle against the master class is a dangerous man—for the coal, iron and steel interests. The prosecutor with the power of the bought and paid for courts, the police and the rest of the enemies of the working class back of him, may refuse to listen to Getto, but the workers, in ever increasing numbers, will listen to him and other fighters for a real working class organization. The freeing of the murderer of Moran, with the benediction of the coal and iron in- terests, should spur the miners to ever more aggressive action in building their own union, in developing such formidable mass power that no henchman of Mellon and Lewis, bent upon murdering union men, will dare show his face in any part of the mining area. Let the miners also strike at this combina- tion of murderers and their protectors by utilizing this election campaign to rally thou- * sands upon thousands to the standard of the 4 i one party that fights for the elementary de- mands of the working class, the Workers (Communist) Party. Millionaire’s Campaign Fund During the comparatively quiet month of September, just as the presidential election campaign was getting under way, the pub- lished contributions to the republican party amounted to more than a million dollars, or to be exact, $1,074,870. This brought the total collections’ up to the sum of $1,733,- 289.70. Of course the published sum is only a frac- tion of the total amount already spent in various ways—such, for instance, as the capi- talist bribery of newspapers, the corruption of ministers of the gospel, the hiring of movie theatres, movie performers, and the thousand and one ways in which interested ) sections of the capitalist class pay for ser- vices in behalf of their political lackeys. Naturally, when the candidates of the old narties are elected to office they serve the in- terests of those who have mortgages on them, just as Woodrow Wilson was the tool of J. P. Morgan and company, just as the late Harding served the steel and oil trusts, ow « For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW Just as Coolidge served the imperialist ban- dits and just as Hoover, as a'member of the cabinet was part and parcel of the Teapot Dome nest of thieves, crooks and grafters served his masters; just as Al Smith and Tammany serve the interests of Wall Street. Smith and Hoover are the candidates of the master class, hence only simpletons will grow indignant because their campaign funds are paid by the class they serve—to the tune of millions, if not billions of dollars. Against this combination there is but one Party that fights in the interest of the work- ing class, the Workers (Communist) Party. Its campaign funds will not mount to millions or even a noticeable fraction of a million. Campaign funds for Communist candidates come from the donations of dimes and dol- lars from the class conscious workers, from those who suffer under the capitalist tyranny. Every party must have funds to carry its propaganda to the masses. The Workers (Communist) Party needs only thousands where the capitalists spend hundreds of millions. Let every worker do his or her part and send contributions to the campaign fund of the working class candidates at once to the National Office of the Party, 43 East 135th Street. _ When in office Communist candidates fight for the working class just as the capi- talist candidates fight for their class. The Death of a “Great Man” One of the eminences of the century lies in a Battle Creek sanitarium, his body wracked with catarral jaundice. His room is decorated with flowers and a “fussy, cuddly dog,” while the chandeliers and mirrors were féstooned with toy balloons. This is not the picture of a room in a lunatic asylum, but a word-picture of the death chamber of the late Clarence Walker Barron, head of the Dow, Jones & Co., con- cern, according to the managing editor of his principal paper, the Wall Street Journal. Others of the staff of that organ of Wall Street indulged in similar dithyrambics in describing the transcendental virtues of their departed boss. From Wasgington, Cal- vin Coolidge joined in the chorus declaring the passing of Barron “a personal loss as I valued his friendship and counsel.’ Evi- dently this was written by Calvin without advice of counsel. It is more in the nature of a confession than a eulogium. Certainly the president of the United States, as is well known, follows faithfully the advice of the mighty of Wall Street, but it is not customary to so frankly admit it. Mr. Andrew W. Mellon, the billionaire secretary of the treasury and the real boss of the Mellon- Coolidge-Hoover government was “deeply distressed” at the toy-balloon death. Charle& M. Schwab is sorrowful; Thomas W. Lamont will greatly miss him; Paul M. Warburg greatly regrets his passing; Governor Fuller, murderer of Sacco and Vanzetti misses a pal; Alanson B. Houghton, millionaire candidate for senator from New York, regrets most sincerely his death ; condolences from William Green and John L. Lewis have not yet been received. They ought to be honorary pall- bearers. Barron was a part of the ruling class of the country; one of the most vicious labor- haters in the entire galaxy of imperialists, an important cog in the machine of exploita- tion. Despite all this, however, he was a medio- crity, a mere prattler of stupid bourgeois phrases as indicated by his rotary club creed, the first article of which was “I believe in service,” and the last: “The truth in its proper use.” His conception of service was the working class serving the ruling class and he approved telling the truth so long as it did not interfere with his business. For Barron, living or dead, we have noth- ing but contempt. Our condolences are saved for those useful members of society, the working class fjghters who stand or perish at their posts. One Sacco, one Vanzetti, one Tom Mooney is worth more to us than all the Barrons that ever lived or ever will live—and they will be remembered longer. Phone, Stuyvesant 1696-7-8 $2 three months MORAN’S MURDERER GOES FREE By H. M. WICKS. Laas In an attempt to justify the |treachery of the heroes of the sec- ond international who become king’s ministers and aided the bourgeoisie | jutilize their special class instru-| ment of coercion, the capitalist state, | against the working class, Morris Hillquit, in his article in Current History entitled “Marxism Essenti- ally Evolutionary,” assails the Bol- |shevik revolution in the land of the former czars of Russia. | If the revolution had remained at the Kerensky stage, that is to say| if the Bolshevik party had joined the government of agents of imperialism | who were playing the game of the limperialist governments of Britain, | France and the United States, and} had endeavored to drive the work- ing class further into the slaughter house of world war they would have merited the*fulsome praise of Hill- quit. Or, better still, if they had stood behind the government of the czar as his comrades, Scheidemann and Ebert did behind the Kaiser of Ger- | many, they would have conformed to | Hillquit’s conception of socialism. Hillquit Defends Kaiserism. When the Kaiser socialists of Ger- | many, under the leadership of Phil- lip Scheidemann and Frederich | Ebert, voted the second war credits (December 2, 1914) against Karl} Liebknecht and thirteen other mem- bers of the reichstag, Hillquit flew | to the defense of the traitors to and | assassins of the working class in a series of articles in a capitalist ma- gazine. This infamous defender of | social patriotisny tried to blame the | millions of socialist voters being ‘herded into the trenches for the fail- ure of their leaders to issue the call \for a struggle against war. In the Metropolitan Magazine for March, 1915, Hillquit wrote: “The great bulk of the five and a half million socialist and soci- alist voters of Germany and Aus- tria spontaneously and simultane- ously rallied to the support of | their countries as soon as war |, had been declared. They had no opportunity for mutual consulta~ tion. They acted on impulse, which broke through with ele- mental force. It was not a de- cision, not a policy—it was his- tory, and history cannot be scolded or praised; it must be understood.” It is true the masses had no op-| postunity for consultation, But the masses had representatives in the reichstag, who, had they been Marx- ists and revolutionists, instead of scoundrels and traitors, would have used parliament as a forum from | which to hurl defiance at the Kaiser. They would have called upon the| millions of socialist voters to refuse to fight, to hold their guns in their hands and shoot their officers and flock by the hundreds ofs thousands into Berlin and destroy the Kaiser and his government. At such a time the leadership of the masses, the general staff of the class conscious proletariat, must possess the revo- |lutionary courage and determination | to direct the masses into action re- gardless of consequences to them- | selves. In his article in the Metropolitan | Magazine Hillquit argued that the} reason certain socialists in England and Russia opposed the war was%e- cause their, countries were in no danger of invasion, while in Central Europe there was danger of invasion. Thus, the American socialist leader took the identical words of Scheide- |mann in order to defend publicly the action of the social traitors. xplains this difference of among socialists as fol- ‘THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, UUTUBER 6, 1928 ben cc ait Without Benefit of Second International “Thus the differing war atti- tudes of the socialists of the vari- ous countries is to be accounted for, not on Ideological grounds, not on the theory that one part of the soclalist international has remained true to its principles, while another large portion has betrayed them over night, but by the much simpler’ explanation that the socialists of each country have yielded to the inexorable necessities of the situation, and to the extent exacted by these necessities. «physically the socialist inter- national lies bleeding at the feet of the M-loch of capitalist mil- | itarism, but morally and spiritu- ally it’ remains unscathed.” Thus we see that Hillquit has not working class, a defender of imperi- | alism@vho tries to conceal his infamy | under the cloak of Marxism. He} never was a Marxist. Never, in all| his voluminous writings, has he pro- | duced a Marxian document. Indeed | he is eminently fit, by nature and | training, to associate with Thomas | Nixon Carver and Harold J. Laski! is defaming Marxism. So far as I know, in all the apologetic literature of the second international which tries to explain away the treachery of the socialists who supported their | own capitalist governments, Hillquit | is the only one wht claimed that the | international of pre-war days had | not suffered “spiritually and moral- ily.” Opportunism and Jingoism. | It was Lenin, the orthodox Marx- list, who, more than any other social- | ist, exposed the real underlying | causes of the monstrous perfidy of | the socialist jingoes. He proved con- clusively that the comrades of Hill- quit followed a political line that led | directly to the camp of the imperial- ists. In Chapter VIII of his work | “The Collapse of the Second Inter-| national,” Lenin dealt with this ques- 1 tion as follows: “Opportunism means the sur- render of the baste interests of the masses to the temporary in- terests of a small minority of the workers, or in other words, it means the union of a portion of | the workers with the bourgeoisie in opposition to the mass of the proletariat. The war renders such | a union, from the opportunist standpoint, imperative and plain- ly visible. Opportunism, which took decades to develop, owes its birth to the peculiarities of that period in the development of cap- italism, during a comparatively peaceful and cultural existence, when: one section of privileged workers were rendered ‘bourge- ois, because a few crumbs of the | profits derived from the national capital saved them from the acute misery, the sufferings and “ev- lutionary moods of the destitute masses whose ruin was bemg | wrought. To defend and to con- solidate the privileged position of the ‘higher middle-class’ and of | the aristocracy (and bureaucracy) of the working class—this Is the | natural continuation of the petty- | bourgeoisie-opportunist aspira- tions of this privileged section, and of its tactics during the war: this is the economic basis of | socialist imperialism of our day.” This identical condition explains | also why Hillquit became the apo- | logist for those whom Lenin desig- | nated “the contemptible scoundrels | of apostacy.” A | Against Hillquit’s position on al defensive war in which socialists are | impelled “by history” to participate, | the Marxist, the Leninist, declares | that it is the imperative duty of the revolutionary party to strive with every means at hand to bring about the defeat of the government of the | country in which one ¢ights against | capitalism, thus bringing about a situation wherein the governmental power and the ruling class will be- come so weakened that the path to the seizure of power can be traversed Bolsheviks Acted Differently. Much to the dismay and chagrin of Hillquit and his comrades of the second international, the Bolsheviks did not follow the path of the “Wes- | tern European Marxists,” and defénd the government of the czar. Not only did they wage a relentless struggle against the czar, but they also de- |feated and dispersed the Kerensky government that tried to carry out the war policies of the czar after the imperial family was no longer able to rule. According to Hillquit this was all |recently become a traitor to the wrong. The Bolsheviks should not have set up a government of work- ers and peasants because economic development had not yet reached a stage where such a thing could be successful. Instead of driving relentlessly for- ward to a proletarian revolution the Bolsheviks should have waited for the following developments, accord- ing to Hillquit’s article in Current History: 1—A capitalist system of wealth production in a high state of de- velopment and organization. 2—A powerful capitalist class @qninating the economic life of the country. 3—A large industrial working class. Only thus can there be the basic condition for a successful class struggle against capital- ism. Hillquit claims that this is Marx- ism. Yet it was Frederick Engels, co-worker with Karl Marx -who, in the second Russian edition of the Communist Manifesto, stated, in the latter quarter of the past century that, even then, under conditions ex- isting in Russia, the social revolution might well begin with its base in the primitive communes. Lenin, the Marxist, refuted all the the Bauers, the Hillquits of the sec- ond international by explaining that the world was no longer divided in- to independent nations, but that the whole world was under the domina- tion of imperialism; that in such a situation the only revolution possible | in a country such as Russia was a proletarian revolution, not necessar- ily because Russia as an isolated country was ripe for such a revolu- tion, but because the system of world economy as a whole was ripe for it. Joseph Stalin, in his book “Lenin- ism,” aptly deals with this identical question in a most concise and com- prehensive manner. On page 100 of the English edition (International Publishers) of that work we read: “In former days it was usual to think of the proletarian revo- lution, in this country or that, as an independent magnitude, confronted by another independ- ent magnitude, the capitalist forces of the same country; these two independent magnitudes faced each other upon an independent national front. Today this form- ulation is obsolete. Nowadays we have to think in terms of a world-wide proletarian revolu- tion, for the various national fro} isolated of yore, have couiesced into a unified whole, the world-wide imperialist front,. against which must be arrayed the unified front of the proletar- jan movement.” To the question: “Where will the imperialist front first be broken?” Stalin answers: “The capitalist front will be broken where the chain of im- perialism is weakest, and it is there that the proletarian revolu- tion (which follows upon the de- feat of imperlalism), must begin.” It was precisely the Russia of 1917 that was the weakest link in the chain of imperialism and it was here by the batallions of the proletariat. |that the revolution broke through. earned arguments of the Kautskys, | More Confessions of Hillquit Another Opportunist Slander. But since the Bolshevik govern- ‘Assails Bolshevik Revolution for Occurring ment has been in power for nearly eleven years, the miserable apologist of imperialism and socialist oppor- tunism and jingoism, reverts to the ancient charge that in the Soviet Union there exists the rule of a min- ority of the population over the majority. Says Hillquit: “To give a Marxian sanction to their hybrid government the Bol- shevik leader revived an old and rhetorical Marxian phrase—'The Dictatorship of the Projetariat’'— and stretched and twisted it to cover the autocratic rule of their own political party.” Only a renegade who deliberately lies about the Marxian position on the revolutionary dictatorship of the |proletariat, or a blatant ignoramus who knows only a handful of Marx- |ian phrases could utter such tom- |foolery as the above quotation. When Marx first spoke of the dic- |tatorship of the proletariat, in his 1875, he did not use it as a “rhetor- ical phrase” but for the purpose of describing an epoch in human soci- ety. He said: “Between the capi- talist and the Communist systems of society lies the period of the revo- |lutionary transformation of the one into the other. This corresponds to a political transition period, whose state can be nothing else but the revolutionary dictatorship of the ,Proletariat.”, Again, writing of |the Paris Commune Marx |When the workers put in the place of the dictatorship of the bour- geoisie . their revolutionary dic- \tatorship in order to break down the resistance of the bourgeoisie the workers invest the state with a revolutionary and temporary form.” | Then we have the judgment of | Engels on the Commune, wherein he |deals with the dictatorship as fol- |lows:+ “The party which has tri- umphed in the revolution is neces- sarily compelled to maintain its rule \its arms inspire the reactionaries. If the Commune of Paris had not based | itself on the authority of the armed |people against the bourgeoisie, would |it have maintained itself more than |twenty-four hours? Are we not, on the contrary, justified in blaming the |Commune for having made too little use of its authority?” Thus, Engels, the revolutionist, in- stead of whining like Hillquit be-' cause the workers use the dictator- ship, criticized them for not making sufficiently good use of it. As to Hillquit’s vile slander that the proletarian revolution |domains of the former czars of Rus- | sia is a dictatorship of the minority, |time and again irrefutable facts have been produced to prove that the Bol- shevik revolution was that of a clear majority not merely of the political- ly active masses, but of the entire population. And any superficial ex- amination of the Soviet system will reveal the fact that it is, as Lenin said, “a million times more demo- cratic than any bourgeois demo- cracy.” In the Soviet Union, for the first time in history, the working and peasant masses directly, through the Soviets, participate in political life. | But let no one think that Hillquit | wrote his article in Current History \for any purpose other than to per- |suade the ruling class that socialists ican be relied upon to defend their institutions of oppression against the working class revolution. His ‘ideal form of government is one in which capitalists permit the rene- gades of the second international to aid them in maintaining a tyran- nical rule over the working class. Hillquit and his comrades in the degenerate socialist party not only criticism of the Gotha program of} said: | by means of that fear with which | inthe) Told You So 'OLONEL Lindbergh has issued a public statement to the effect |that he is.for Hoover. This should |get the hip-flask vote for dry Her- bert. The boosting of young Lind- bergh by the American imperialists was not a mere tribute to a man who performed a daring feat, but a well-planned campaign to use this |popular fellow in the interests of | American imperialism. It is no ac- |cident that Lindbergh is supporting |the old favorite political party of American imperialism. He is lick- ing the hand that feeds him. PEaKChbhe JHE Daily Worker was the only labor daily published in the English language in the United | States that exposed the true mean- ing of “Lindy’s” flight’ to France | and explained =a the purpose be- hind the great reception given him by capital- ist institutions thruout the country. His so- ealled good will flight to South America was the vaseline on the American bayonet that is boring a way into the vitals of the Latin | American countries. Lindy will be |a_ still more valuable tool in the hands of the ruling classes of this jcountry when the next blood de- |bauch is sprung upon the masses. | Cat aan |f INDBERGH’S father was not be- loved by the social elements who are lionizing his son. During the | war he denounced the blood-mongers | who transmuted the bone and sinew of the flower of America’s manhood into dollars and cents on the gory battlefields of Eurone. And for this he was branded as a traitor and in- sulted and maltreated on the hust- ings of Minnesota. Young Lind- bergh saw his father rotten-egged by the hoodlum patriots who swal- lowed the poisonous dope of the capitalists. Old—Lindbergh never gathered the glory that came to his |son, but his name will be remem- bered by the exploited masses of Minnesota as one who stood up against the imperialist war prof- jiteers when it took guts to do so. |His son is brave no doubt, but | physical courage is a drug on the market. The difference between the two Lindberghs is that while the father fought for the masses his son is the servant of the enemies of the masses. T. J. O'Flaherty RANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT has been nominated for governor of |New York state on the democratic ticket and the New York World, leading democratie organ chortles with glee over the wallop this nomination gives to the anti- Tammany propaganda of the repub- licans. There is magic in the Roose- velt name, and sure Franklin D. is not a member of Tammany! Yeah? The only relation Mr. Roosevelt has with Tammany is that he is a mem- ber of the democratic party which is controlled by Tammany Hall. That’s all. 4 tae capitalist parties are not bothering much about policies. Their job is to get out the vote and they pick their candidates accord- ingly. Foxy Tammany picked Roose- velt so that the anti-Tammany voter might forget Tweed, Croker and Charlie Murphy. The trick works because there is no funda- -|mental difference between the re. publican and democratic parties. So the New York Sun which supports Herbert Hoover for president on the G:O.P. ticket is supporting Franklin | D. Roosevelt for governor of New York State on the democratic ticket, Sgt) he iy bie the big capftalist parties and their poor little brother, the | socialist party, are campaigning for | votes and nothing else, the Workers | (Communist) Party is making a campaign for Communism and ac- chieving’ splendid results. Already there are thirty-two states on the | Communist ballot with the certainty |of at least three more before the | dead line on filing. This tremend- jous task was accomplished with comparatively small forces. Over one hundred thousand signatures had to be collected. Only the en- |thusiasm that comes from convic- | tion could perform this ta8k. defend the agents of imperialism, in theory, in order to prove their worth to the capitalist class, but in prac- tice, even without a share in the state power, they become unofficial assailants of the working class. In New York, the one place where the socialists still have a base, their policies are well-known to the work- ers who spffer from the blight of Abe Cahan’s Jewish Daily Forward | gangsters, who. daily have to fight against Sigmanism, and eyery form of treachery, double-dealing and violence. Hillquit, like all the other lead- ers of the second international preaches pacifism to the working | class, extols the virtues of capital- ist dictatorship, labelled democracy. What he wants is a helpless and dis- armed working class that can be silenced and led into the shambles as was the European working class: at the outbreak of the last imperial- ist war. And for this infamous pur- pose this swindler, this vile traducer of the founders of the revolutionary movement, and of the real revolu- tionists today, invokes the name of that revolutionary giant, Karl Marx,