The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 1, 1928, Page 6

| Page Six TIE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1928 Baily | Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc., Daily, Except Sunday 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. Cable Address: “ Phone, Stuyvesant 1696-7-8 iwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): SR per year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2 three months RESERVES ASSURE VICTORY By Fred Ellis Told You So i he socialist party in the past was the home of many a freak, from the fellow who preached advanced Bahaism to \reincarnation and the second coming of Jesus. They were all wel- come as long as they paid their dues and voted Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28 Union Square, New York, a theia gota like HN x ..ROBERT MINOR ticket. The S. P. was indeed Assistant Editor. ..WM. F. DUNNE Entered as second-class mall at the post-office af New York, N. ¥.. under the act of March 8, 1879. VOTE COMMUNIST! For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER For the Workers: Within a few years’ time the Workers (Communist) Party has become the one or- ganization leading the mass struggles of the American working class The reactionary officialdom of the American Federation of Labor is now unmistakeably identified with the ruling powers, the open-shoppers, the company-union apostles and the other en- emies of the working class. So flagrant has been the role of that bureaucracy that hun- dreds of thousands of workers seek elsewhere for leadership. The socialist party machine, Pt OA DOT ew mo | P incapable of leading any section of the work- They are enemies of the women of the work- |" ing class, is openly appealing to the middle | ing class just as their husbands are exploiters | | defendant on he wyiness stand and | © class elements who supported LaFollette in | of the working class. Working women and | occ Hoda Rieaee y 1924, but with scant results. On the trade | wives and daughters of the working class | ¢4 e give the witness your undivided at- union field the socialist party is merely the | should repudiate such people and rally to the TY % 1 9 tention. He will tell you about his | tail end of the most vicious strike-breaking support of the Party of their class, the | da V O I ) a I x 1 | | ) adventures in Utah. j ' i ic: r movement. | Workers (Communist 4 y elements in the — si er sssge ( munist) Party “¢Q)N three successive nights we k What militanttendencies it one C ist) eee re, | By H. M. WICKS. | Petes eka ivan he ng | dekatis’ropavdiic dhe ahdvattion ? held fine meetings in halls fe gemetuated by the Workers (Communis Child Labor In the Home T is eminently fitting that Current : i hichvbecdadver Win nese ie | UREG Pi Same Den Onna te ') Party. ] ; History, in quest of contributors Amusing Attempt of Bourgeois Professor to not capital that is non-productive,| Tented reasonably to us. This was i The Party, placed by history in the very | _ At last the department of labor at Wash- |to its columns on the general sub- ; = 2 but the capitalist. Marx, in dealing | ene orci aoenan Socislet u forefront of the struggle has an influence | ington has discovered one of the most | ject of “Marxism Today,” should Discover a Fundamental Error in Marxism _ with the question says: “Since the| presiding, in. Pocatello, Idaho, a |n all out of proportion to its actual member- | Wretched forms of child labor exploitation \einy: PaneeRa Meese nice ae jmere owner of capital, the money! meeting in the reception hall of the ship. Even that fact can be explained be- cause of the rapid development of the strug- gle, especially in mining, textile and needle AQ | PA | WoRkeRs (communist) PARTY For the Party of the Class Struggle! For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW Against the Capitalists! them to the limit. Politically the lady is a supporter of Herbert Hoover, one of the ornaments of the Teapot Dome cabinet at the time the admin- istration was being bribed by the oil million- aires, Doheny and Sinclair. Mrs. Sherman as an individual is worthy of attention only because as president of the federation of women’s clubs she represents a definite social. group, the parasitic wives of the big and middle capitalists, and professes to speak for the womanhood of the nation. existing in the United States. The children’s bureau of the department has recently con- cluded a survey and yesterday released a et | qualified to deal with the subject in|class by a studied defamation of| variable capital. LE $ ‘TRIKE Hie |eapitalist, has to face the invest- The same elements | ment capitalist, while money-capital| Wyoming, a meeting in the a manner entirely satisfactory to the) Marxism, while pretending to be fol-| of capital'which, from the point of | itself assumes a social character New York Times company, publish- lowers of Marx. view of the labor-process, present |with the advance of credit, being} big-hearted and hospitable to all except ‘hose who held to the line of the class struggle and in- sisted that the aim of the | movement was the overthrow of | capitalism and not to grow into a barber shop where the capitalist sys- |tem could get its whiskers trimmed and its nails manicured. + oe ake T. J. O'Flaherty gies: socialist party is even improv- |“ ing on the old tradition. In other days there were thousands of rebels - * | can home. She wants it perpetuated so that A Guide to Action her masters, the power trust, can gouge a ee alee Ral tay et | religion, or ‘the freaks who believed | that the difference between capital- ism and socialism was the difference | between meat and vegetables. But |now that the rebel elements have left the S. P., the Rev. Thomas or | the Christian General is at liberty | to bring in the whole religious world and substitute the Koran, Bible or | Talmud for Das Kapital. 9 ea ta his travels the Reverand Thomas has discovered a new specimen for | his museum. He is the “Mormon So- | cialist.” Lest we may be accused of misrepresentation we shall place the Church; in Cheyenne, Cathe- dral Hall owned by the Catholic Church and rented for public affairs. | Mormon i trades during the past few years. | bulletin which contains the following facts: perce er eat ae chee Vinee Carver's Premise. themselves respectively as the ob-|concentrated in banks and loaned by| What the moral of this is, if any, I This position of the Party as the ‘sole | Finishing men’s clothing, beading and em- clase interests and by their training|| SHALL deal with the three au-| jective and subjective factors, as them instead of by its original own- I leave to you. For my part I play ® jeader of mass struggle is reflected in the | broidering women’s dresses, making powder personify, to a high degree, the| thors and their. articles in the|™means of production and labor-|ers, and since, on the other hand,|no favorites and will gladly round ¥ te official The Dail: puffs, artificial flowers and dolls’ dresses, ieee princi al categories of defend-| Tder in which they appeared in| Power, present themselves, from the the mere manager, who has no title | out the circle by speaking in a Jew- y columns of its official organ, y scalloping handkerchiefs and lace, making ra ot the potirgeainio and enemies| Current History. point of view of the process of cre-| whatever to the capital, whether by ish temple or a free thinkers’ lodge.” + Worker. More and more the militant work- bead jewelry, carding buttons and safety pins, af the: prolatadinn sevolotion *' Carver takes upon himself a task| ating surplus-value, as constant and|borrowing or otherwise, performs | eee. o ers are coming to look to the columns of this vere eels as of about cre ae eels ‘The Order of Their Tapertalnce: | which many another Hite songs |Tarealey Conlin eau Vol. I, all real functions pertaining to the ()NWARD Christian Soldiers! With a paper as a guide to action in their every day begat ic! nae young children were foun Ghia Sdikecs cok Gheceay Hsia of the universities has attempted) pp. 232-233 (Chas. H. Kerr edition.) investing of capital as such, only|~ bibles at rest, instead “of the t struggles. Not a few workers have said that | DPS PORRE ST Se regular workers, according Like aticotheneditors ot-the publi ¥: for the past half century, an attempt, reduction of Surplus Value. the functionary remains and the lances of the crusaders of the mid- at - th in the: to a study of industrial home work in New 4 4 of the publica: | to explain the fundamental error in Z leapitalist disappears from the pro | dle ages, and with Norman the Bap- 7 when a serious problem faces them in their | Jersey just made public by the Children’s tions of the New York Times com-| Marxism. It would require more While capital, under the present) TCC os | ttn eo erfluous | tist at their head, the followers of ¢ trade unions, or in their fight with the thugs | Bureau of the United States Department of pany, have a fine sense of the fit- than one volume to merely enumer-|SYstem of wealth production, is Le ena (Capital, Vol og. 456.) the various Christian Gods are now b and gangster agents of the employers, they Labor. Localities covered by the study were ate in chronological order, these at-| by Marx to be productive, there is) With the fe ee of cay ae ol jTeady to march to the rescue of the ii Jook through the columns of the Daily Newark, Paterson, North Bergen, South River, tempts. Carver's contribution is/a clear distinction between that part) | Pi capital to col-| cacred sepulchre of yellow socialism ee) roug! , Bk: Sayreville, Hammonton, and Vineland. quite simple. He says: of capital (wages) which is used to Onial and semi-colonial countries, a| \yi0h is defiled by the heathen capi- t Worker in order to learn the right policy that Home work lends itself readily to employ- “any intelligent person can create values greater than itself and | Process that was only in its infancy | talists. Presbyterians, Mormons, should be adopted. ment of children, and one of its outstanding reason correctly If he Is supplied | that part (machinery, raw material, /@t the time Marx wrote we see @/ Catholics, Bushbaptists, Holy Roll- Every day many letters come to this office features is the tendency on the part of, the aoe eres eee ound prem, ete.) which in the process of pro- high development of the parasitism | ers, Methodists, Mohammedans, praising our editorials, our handling of the news of strikes, of election campaigns—in- dications of our becoming a power among the masses of workers and farmers. Yet, in spite of this, our circulation does not increase as it should. Our comrades and supporters who look to us as a guide in their ] _ Struggles do not seem even yet, after all our campaigns, after all our drives for funds to tide us over desperate periods in which we thought each issue would be the last, to re- alize that the one permanent guarantee of the future of any paper such as ours must be a big subscription list. We have been conducting a’ subscription drive for a number of weeks with some re- sults, but certainly these results have not been what they ought to be in this presi- dential election year when so many issues are being dramatically placed before them. We on the editorial staff and business staff of the Daily Worker want to make the paper much more effective than it is. We can do so only on condition that all our readers be- come subscription boosters. If in New York get your neighbor to purchase the paper on the newsstands; if in other cities get at least ‘one subscription TODAY and adopt a policy of getting at least one a week. In that way you can aid the DAILY to become self- supporting and at the same time furnish us with ammunition that we can use effectively ote tt Ot HN Oe nnd af ¢ against our class enemies of all shades. € i, Mrs. Sherman’s Inspiration ¢ The head of the general federation of J women’s clubs, Mrs. John D. Sherman, one of ‘{ the most vituperative of the patriotic ladies, " is a plain hireling of the power trust, accord- «ing to documentary evidence submitted by y George F. Oxley, one of the functionaries of the trust. Mrs. Sherman, the widow of a Chicago journalist who was connected with a news- paper syndicate furnishing boiler plate prop- aganda for country newspapers, is herself a journalist. For writing articles purporting to deal with rural living ‘conditions, but in reality publicity for the power trust disguised news, she received some $600 a month. ether she also drew a salary as president of the women’s federation at the same time, was not revealed. The lady, it will be remembered, is one of the outstanding bourgeois members of her who never misses an opportunity to re- e the Communists, and is especially vindic- e in repeating the hoax about nationaliza- gf women in the Soviet Upion. Mrs. n is a staunch defender e Ameri- | parents to use the labor of even the youngest members of the family. In one household visited by a Children’s Bureau agent, three children, 9, 4, and 3 years of age opened safety pins while a grandmother, an aunt, and two children 10 and 9 years old carded them. Of the 1,131 children under 16 included in the study who were regular home workers, al- most one-four were under 10 years of age and only a little more than one-fifth had reached or advanced beyond their fourteenth birthday. Nineteen children only 6 years of age and 6 even younger were in the group. Boys as well as girls were homeworkers, but they were in the minority and on the whole younger than the girls. Of 628 families included in the study the majority had a total income of less than $1,- 450 a year, although the average number of members of the family was 6.8. This home work adds very little to the family income, (less than $100 a year in more than half the cases) but so poverty stricken are the famil- ies that this meagre sum was eagerly sought. Such facts as these and much worse were exposed in the columns of the Daily Worker as far back as 1924.. In a labor investigation then conducted children were found working on beaded dresses that were sold in the high- grade dress shops of New York as “imported gowns” whose eyes were constantly sore from working on the most intricate patterns in ill-ventilated, poorly lighted rooms. Many of them had running sores on their little fingers from gouging them with needles, but if they got even the slightest stain on a gar- ment they were deprived of their earnings through a system of fines. In many homes of this sort where the children were sewing bags for one of the big tea concerns members of the family were suffering from loathsome communicable diseases. The total absence of social legislation in the United States.and the low wages pre- valent in many of the industrial centers, par- ticularly textile towns and cities, is respon- sible for the existence of these pest-holes. Thus we haye another horrible-example of Coolidge-Hoover prosperity; this time in the state of New Jersey controlled by the cor- rupt democratic machine of Frank Hague, whose governor, A. Harry Moore, is a booster for Tammany Al. Smith. Neither of the old parties offers any relief from this condition, which distills the very bodies of children into profits. Only the Workers (Communist) Party offers a real program to the working class for eliminating child labor by demanding the compulsory abolition of child labor under the age of 16; the six hour working day and five-day week for all children between the ages of 16 and 18; and a minimum wage of $20 for young workers. To fight chi*d labor, vote Communist. Pi 1 PROFESSOR CARVER. ness of things—in the interest of their class. The order of the ar- ticles assailing Marxism is perfect) |in that it places in their present re- lative importance to the bourgeoisie of the United States three strata of {their lackeys—Carver, Laski, Hill- quit. ° Likewise the titles of the articles | eloquently reveal the attitude of the | respective social groups for which they speak. Carver, for twenty-six years pro- fessor of political economy at Har-| |vard (now under the guiding hand lof E. Lawrence Lowell, one of the | Massachusetts murder gang that |lynched Sacco and Vanzetti) with \the arrogance typical of the spokes- men of the upper strata of imperial- ist America, entitles his contribu- tion “The Fundamental Error of Marxism.” Laski, a graduate of Ox- |ford, and once a time-server on the Harvard faculty, now professor of political science in the university of ise when one sees it. (Well said, oh most profound and learned’ doctor.—H. M. W.) The 4diffi- ductive but only acquisitive is that if one starts with a false premise, the more logically one reasons, the further astray one goes. That capital is non-pro- ductive but only acquisitive is the proposition on which are based many false conclusions, though, if the premise be as- sumed, they are arrived at log- ically enough. “The most complete exposition of doctrines based on this funda- mental premise is found in the writings of Karl Marx, particu- soning clearly enough and he had the courage, which many lack, to follow his reasoning to its ulti- mate conclusions. The difficulty is not with his reasoning. It is with the assumption with which he starts.” A more wretched, stupid distor- tion of Marxism would be hard to find. The above quotation from Car- ver proves that he doesn’t know the duction does not undergo any change of value. This leads us to another proposi- tion that Professor Carver is unable to fathom—the production of sur- plus value. bourgeoisie, this miserable groveller before the parasitic owners of in- dustry, says: “As a corollary of the ‘theory that capital in private hands is essentially predatory, it was held by Marx that there was some- thing in the nature of interest, rent and profit, which he grouped together as constituting the in- come of the capitalist, which necessarily absorbs all surplus value, leaving the laborer poor in the midst, of progress.” Surely, if one does start with “a | false premise, the more logically one |reasons the further astray one goes.” This soothsayer of the! of capitalism; “a whole stratum of investors, people living by clipping | coupons alone, whose profession is idleness.” (Lenin, “Imperialism,” Chapter 8.) Carver is the spokesman for pre- cisely this class of idle parasites when he tries to create the illusion that there is some mythical power | by which capital can create values. ; Let Carver, who talks much of “logic,” start from the premises of ‘a scientific analysis of capitalist so- ciety, as did Marx, and he will dis- cover that he cannot arrive at con- clusions favorable to the imperialist assassins of the working class with- jout doing violence to his. logic. Buckle and Spencer. For no other apparent reason than an attempt at a display of profes- Just what constitutes surplus value? | sorial erudition Carver drags in e have demonstrated before that} what he calls “the economic inter- the capital invested in labor-power pretation of history,” which he | (wages) is variable capital because claims has nothing whatever to do \first, most elementary proposition |Postulated by, Marx in regard to|only reproduces the equivalent of | capital, when he claims that Marx its own value but adds a value \held that capital is non-productive greater than itself. The reason for but only acquisitive. id this is because the working day: is ‘divided into two parts, necessary | labor-time, the time required for the lial tan sdavoted: exldaivaa tendo lnn c e picting all the ramifications of capi-| ‘"#t Which he receives in wages; and tal in the process of production and|SUrP!us labor-time, that time distribution. Never, at any time or (ting, which he works for the place did Marx expound the idea capitalist and receives nothing in| that Carver attributes to him. Marx return. If it requires three hours emphasizes the fact that in the com- fF the average worker to produce | | position of capital there are two the equivalent of what he receives |;, | categories—constant and variable, 1" Wages and the working day is |That which is invested in machin- eight hours, it is obvious that during | ‘ery, raw material, buildings, fuel five hours of the working day he is| and other auxiliaries is called con- engaged in producing surplus value | Composition of Capital. | Marx’s monumental work “Capi- at crawl before the bourgeoisie. of te agines ‘expounders” of the economic in- |in the process of production it not with socialism. Says Carver: “Tt lends quite as much support to individualism as to socialism, and its most thorough-going ex- pounders, such as Buckle and Spencer, were individualists and not socialists.” It appears that Carver is -in- capable of understanding anything |he comes in contact with. His sole tribute seems to be an ability to_ He might, however, claim some degree originality inasmuch as he im- Buckle and Spencer were rpretation of history. Even the variest tyro in high hool knows, or ought to know, that | |London, a typical liberal with fab- stant capital because in the process for the capitalist or group of capital- lian socialist leanings, writes about|of production, although its form ists who claim ownership of the \“The Value and Defects of the Marx- may change, it does not undergo means of production. ist Philosophy.” Being a vacillating any quantitative alteration of value.’ . Professor Carver is also far astray ‘liberal, who boasts of his “broad-| (Capital, Vol. I, page 232.) There when he claims that Marx contends mindedness” Laski finds certain fea-/ many be a considerable deteriora- that interest, rent and profit absorbs tures of Marxism that he can ap-|tion of machinery, fuel, oil and other 4)) surplus value. prove theoretically, but rejects the | proletarian revolution as a “betrayal of civilization.” Finally we have | Hillquit’s article “Marxism Essen- | tially Evolutionary.” It is precisely \what one would expect from the theoretical leader of the socialist party of America; an attempt to | emasculate Marxism into the dirty sermonizing of a pacifist after the | approved fashion of the leaders of |the second international. Hillquit’s ‘article is by far the most malignant, inasmuch as he professes to be a follower of Marx, while perverting ner. Although Hillquit and the dis- ciples of the second international in the United States are at present less juseful to the bourgeoisie than Car- ver and Laski, they) are the most dangerous enemies of the working \class ingsmuch as they try to con- iceal their service to the capitalist Marxism in the most shameful man-| auxiliaries may be completely con- sumed as far as their use value is concerned and the raw material may change its form, but the actual ex change value remains the same. Thi | value of the materials consumed is_ transferred to the product of the in- | dustry. | Of that part of capital invested in \labor-power Marx says: “On the ‘other hand that part of capital, rep- resented by labor-power, does, in the process of production, undergo ‘an alteration of value. It both rep- resents an equivalent of its own) value, and also produces an excess, a surplus value,’ which may itself, | vary, may be more or less accordin; |to circumstances. This part of cap. ital is continually being transformed | from a constant into a variabl magnitude, I therefore call it the variable part of capital, or shortly. | Marx specifically states that “rent, interest and profit are only different parts of the sur- lus value of the commodity, or the inpaid labor enclosed in it and they are equally derived from this source and this source alone.” (Value, Price and Profit, page 90; Kerr edi- tion), It would be exceedingly in- teresting to learn what sort of brai contortions the erudite professor in- dulges in to convince his Harvard class of spawn of the bourgeoisie that the constituent parts can ab-| sorb the whole. Parasitism of Capitalists. |, Frases not merely contended that capitalists as a class are arasites, but proved it. The work of superintendence that the carly capitalists did is now performed by hired men. The average capitalist doesn’t know the i eae elementary any Buckle claimed that the determining factor in history is climatic condi- ‘ditions and not economics. Buckle did not perceive that society changes according to changes in the tech- inique of production even though climatic conditions remain unaltered. As to Spencer, his analysis of so- \ciety left out altogether the econ- omic factor. The only part of Car- ver’s statement on Spencer that is true is that Spencer was an individ- ualist. I would not insult Spencer by placing him in the same category |with Carver, but one must admit that the “synthetic philosopher” had \very contradictory notions concern- \ing society, which he called a “so- (cial organism,” comparing the state ‘in its relation to the rest of so- ciety to the brain of a human being. At the same time Spencer argued that those societies were most pros- perous and. happy that enjoyed a minimum of state interference—that Following this analogy to its logi- cal conclusion one must conclude that the individual human being ‘is, where the state functioned least. Buddhists, Shintoists, Episcopalians, Bahaists, Talmudians, they'll fight— llike hell—for the League of Na- | tions, the Kellogg Pact and the right | of every wage slave to pick his own heaven in that glorious land in the sky. ok es i fadih to his program of economy Mr. Coolidge failed to contribute to the Hoover campaign fund. He is for it tho; much the same as a patriot is for war as long as some- |body else does the fighting. Per- haps Cal would have contributed had \he been asked. But be that as it may | the gentleman who approached the | president for his views on the sanc- tity of the G. O. P. campaign budget is J. R. Nutt. And what a nut! He might at least have asked Mr. Mom | gan’s executive for a dollar. whose brain functions least is better ‘off than those who are able to think. I resist the temptation to |draw the logical inference as ap- | plied to Carver. | To réply to every idiotic detail of | Carver’s article would be a waste of time. I have sufficiently indicated | the fundamental errors, the stupidity lor dishonesty of Carver to discredit ‘him in the eyes of any intelligent reader. There is, however, one more gem that I cannot resist the temptation to indicate.’ Carver argues that people may become rich without ‘owning either land or capital. He |probably imagines this will baffle all Marxists and reduce us to silence: | “A popular movie actor, prize fighter, author or anyone else who satisfies a popular demand becomes rich without owning either land or capital. Any oo- cupation or trade In which work- ers are scarce prospers; any in which workers are superabun- dant suffers impoverishment.” Since labor is the sole value- creating element in production the latter sentence is obviously an ex- ample of bourgeois dumbness. ‘The interesting thing about the quotation is the stale attempt to place movie actors, prize fighters and authors in the category of wage- workers, just because they get a certain price for their “services.” Marx also had something to say about this sort of thing: “Objects that in themselves are no com- modities such as conscience, honor, ete., are capable of being offered ‘for sale by their holders, and of thus acquiring, through their price, the form of commodities. Hence an ob- ject may have a price without hav- ing value.” (Capital, Vol. I, p 115). The observation is particularly ap- plicable to bourgeois university pro- fessors. a (Tomorrow:—A reply to Laski)