The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 27, 1928, Page 6

/) pxépra Published by N ept Sunday 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Cable Addre: iWork By Mail (in New York only): BS per year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2 three months Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28 Union Square, New York, _1 y Paceline ROBERT MINOR F. DUNNE Entered as second-class mail at the post-office 1, New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1879. For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER For the Workers! Ravaging the Caribbean Countries Insatiable in its greed, American imperial- ism no sooner realizes one predatory goal than it increases its campaign of f ightful- ness in order to bring more territory under its ‘bloody fist. The state department an- nouncement of a tri-partite agreement be- tween the United States, the puppet govern- ment of Nicaragua and the government of Colombia, disposing of some — islands off Nicaragua in the Caribbean, w hich gives the Wall Street government complete domination of that approach to the proposed Nicaragua canal, was followed by a savage attack upon Colombia that had as its object the stealing of oil lands for the benefit of American oil interests. After a campaign of wholesale murder against the Nicaraguans in order to place in power a government subservient to Wall Street, the United States diplomats use every trick known to virtuosos in chicanery to swindle Colombia into a treaty granting to Nicaragua the Misquito coast and the nearest islands, so that the Wall Street agents at Washington may lease the terri- tory for fortifications. : After completing that piece of imperialist conquest as one more step in conquering the Caribbean, the state department sends an in- sulting demand to the Colombian govern- ment regarding the cancellation of an Amer- ican oil concession. This is nothing more nor less than another attempt at interven- tion in the internal affairs of a Latin-Ameri- ¢an country. The Colombian government is ‘certainly supported by ample precedent in international law when it insists that it has no intention of letting the United States in- terfere in its action as a sovereign state in cancelling a claim of a private oil concern op- erating in its territory. But this means nothing to the Washington gang, dominated by Andrew W. Mellon, one of the richest men in the whole world, who holds the office of secretary of the treasury in plain violation of the fundamental law of the land. Capi- talist law—national and international—is a class instrument, devised to serve the in- terests of the ruling class. When it inter- feres with their purposes, they violate it with impunity. To plead with the United States government to respect international law in regard te Latin America, is like im- ploring a highwayman to throw away his gun and blackjack. No one, however, should be under the il- lusion that the present Colombian govern- ment, under President Abadia Mendez, will profit by the experience of other Latin- American countries and take decisive steps to mobilize anti-imperialist sentiment in his own and neighboring nations. Already he has revealed himself as a weakling in trying to discourage student demonstrations by as- suring them that the arrogant action of the United States government is not interven- tion. It is intervention and has deep inter- national potentialities. The Kellogg-Coolidge-Hoover attempt to steal oil lands in Colombia is of tremendous significance, inasmuch as it involves the con- flict between American and British oil in- terests. The American oil interests fear that the oil land may be leased to the Anglo-Per- sian oil company, a British concern. In an endeavor to conceal the real motive behind its offensive against Colombia the state de- partment darkly hints that the granting of the oil concession to a foreign power may | “menace” the Panama canal. Such maneuvers on the part of the Amer- | jean imperialist bandits are quite familiar; | they follow a well-chartered course. The | next step on the part of the state depart- | | ment will probably be to try to foment a “revolution” in Colombia, place in power a puppet president and recognize him as the government and send more marines and bat- tleships and bombing planes into Latin- “America. VOTE COMMUNIST! For the Party of the Class Struggle! Against the Capitalists! For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW The savage conquest of Latin-America is a part of the general imperialist war policy of the United States. This latest act is a further attempt completely to crush every’ vestige of resistance on the part of those small countries in order to clear the ground for the next world war against its imperial- ist rivals, particularly Britain and Japan. Every effort must be made by the revolu- tionists of the United States and of the Latin-American countries to stop this ruth- | less sweep of American imperialism. The~} working class of this country must be aroused as never before in order to check this new conspiracy and the masses of Latin- America must drive forward to the creation of an anti-imperialist bloc of states that will hurl defiance at the bloodhounds who are ravaging their territories. The Taxi Drivers Must Fight Behind-the attempts of the so-called lead- ers of the taxicab industry to put over on the drivers a city regulation compelling the wearing of uniforms is a far-reaching scheme for the “rationalization” of the industry at the expense of the drivers. Two main ob- | jectives are before the big fleet-owners at whose head is the open shop, Morgan-con- trolled, Yellow Taxicab Corporation: (1) In- creased control over their smaller competi- tors; (2) A more firm and permanent hold over the lives of the drivers. The agitation for uniforms is only a part of the whole scheme. The workers in the trade, speeded up and exploited almost beyond endurance, have ob- served with increasing resentment the var- ious developments which have marked this process of greater centralization and con- trol by the big bosses in the industry. Raids, persecutions, suspensions and re- vocations of license by the police, and finally a city-wide blacklist by the big fleet-owners’ association have driven thousands of drivers out of the industry. The taxi driver, under the thumb of the police, has no redress and no means of combating these evils—that is, he did not have until recently. One influential weekly newspaper in the trade, “The Taxi Weekly,” which pretends to speak for the drivers, is now one of the chief advocates of the scheme to regimentize the workers. The editor of this sheet, a former army captain by the name of H. A. Innes Brown, is known to be directly con- nected with the Yellow Taxicab Corpora- tion, with a past record of strike-breaking. A key to the real meaning of the present move to compel the drivers to wear uniforms is to be found in the words of former police commissioner Enright, who once declared that there is no reason why the taxi driver, a public servant like the policeman, should not wear a uniform. There is only one way out for the drivers from this tightening hold over their lives: The building of a militant union of all the drivers in the industry. The first step has already been taken with the formation sev- eral weeks ago of the Taxi Chauffeurs’ Union | of Greater New York. This organization | has announced a policy of struggle both | against the bosses and their police support- | ers. This is the program before the 60,000 | taxi drivers in greater New York. Join your | union! | While the Daily Worker welcomes. the formation of such a union, we also desire to impress upon the taxi drivers the fact that | their persecution by the police, their vic- timization by the insurance sharks and the oppressive legislation directed against them is the result of the Tammany administra- tion of state and city. In the sharpest man- ner is revealed the direct connection between exploitation and politics. In order effective- ly to fight in their own interests the taxi drivers must realize that it is essential that they also fight politically as a part of the working class by supporting the class party of labor, the Workers (Communist) Party. i | CAMPAIGN CORNER From Loral No. 471 of the Al-|do his share. bany Hotel and Restaurants Em- ployees Alliance comes an order for ten copies of the Workers (Com- munist) Party election campaign m. The National Election ign Committee aims to sell pies of the program,/and ‘vty member is expected to i |divtribute them in trade unions, sible. It analyzes Every comrade is ex- perted to buy ten copies and sell or inj class fraternal organizations or It is absolutely essen- tial that, this program should be given as wide a distribution as pos- democratic parties as the political | agents o# Big Business and the so-| cialist party as a caricature of a the shops, work- party of labor, which has betrayed bourgeois intelligentzia, American imper- | | blood “The jury is entirely satisfactory to me.”—Connolly. By Fred Ellis By A. B. MAGIL. (Note: This is the second of a series of impressions of the New Bedford textile strike. The first appeared in the feature page of last Saturday's issue of the Daily Worker.) I. HOSE who are accustomed to the industrial towns of the Middle Atlantic States, with their drabness, their picayune efficiency, their rot- ting slums like great black sores, will find New, Bedford something of a surprise. New Bedford is not so much an industrial town as a town into which an industry has partly crept, sprawling a little incongru- ously over its rural neatness. Take away the massed brick of these |mills, blot out their smoke and the life panting about them—and you still have New Bedford, the pretty |New England town, a pattern of |tangible orders and decencies. Frame porch houses, trees, coun- | try mansions with great broad lawns and rich flowers—and a short dis- tance away the crouching mills, usurpers, symbols of a new order, bringing their hordes of workers, foreigners, slaves with a buried in- surrection. And the masters of this new or- der—the mill owners and rich businessmen—have taken possession of these aristocratic mansions. The old families, the “best people,” have gradually yielded, fled to serener re- treats, where their thin, immaculate may flow unperturbed and their cool, sane, well-bred minds may be filled with appropriate grand- leurs, far from the hue and wry of Sacco strikes. and Vanzetti and textile OH a There are really two cities that |make up New Bedford—the North End and the South End. Here at these two ends are concentrated the textile mills and the homes of the workers. And the thousands of lives that pass in and out of the mills of |the North End, bound/to their mas- |sive brick and stone, are hardly for the rich—out of the workers’ aware ef the thousands at the other end of the town. “Crouching Mills in New Bedford”; “Best People”; Spiritual “Tonics”; a Strike Meeting “This is the sort of place where a worker in the North End will get married and go for his honeymoon trip to the South End,” was the way Jack Rubinstein, youth organizer of the strike, put it. And so it was until the strike came and made North End and South End one. One against the, bosses, against the betrayers, one in their determination not to go back to the mills until they win their demands, While the aristocratic West End watches, hiding its anger and fear. Il. T was Sunday, and feeling myself sorely in need of a little spiritual tonic, I glanced thru the papers to see what the latest sermons were at the fashionable praying emporiums of New Bedford. My Spiritual Tone can stand a little pepping up, I thought. “How to Get Closer to Christ.” “The Meaning of Spiritual Ideals.” “Are We Falling Behind In Our Duty to God?” “The Light of Re- ligion.” All interesting topics, no doubt, | and vrobably my parched soul would | be greatly refreshed and uplifted by quaffing at these spiritual founts. But I wondered whether the lord god and his shepherds were aware of the existence of a textile strike that had brought intense, rather earthly suffering to the majority of the population of this circumspect, godfearing town. So I decided to forgo my spiritual tonic and thought that maybe a walk might be just as good. Thru the | West End I walked and saw the) houses of the rich, beheld the flowers |in their gardens, their bold garish heads bending in the wind. Flowers sweat have grown’ flowers. The masters must be happy when they: look at the beautiful bending flowers. ... . The Jewish synagogue was before me. The Jews here are not meanly pious. In the synagogues of the old world god cowered in rags and beat his breast with a loud thin wail. But in America his chosen people build temples where the new-world god, washed and shaven, can dwell in true godliness. Here in New Bed- ford’s West End god travels in the best society, pipe-organed and ser- monized, a power in the community. I remembered it was Resh-Ha- shanna, the Jewish New Year, when all pious Hebrews prenare to do. penance and be purged clean in the immortal fire of the lord. The exalted words of the Jewish Daily Forward’s Rosh-Hashanna editorial rang in my ears. I will enter, a stranger, a passing wayfarer, and pray with my brethren. But I had no hat or other head- covering. And it is a well-known fact that the taste of the Jewish god, in such matters is the very reverse of his Christian colleague: he can- |not endure an uncovered pate. So again I was thwarted in my search for spiritual food. I walked on. Outside a church a sign glared at me: “HOW LOFTY ARE YOUR THOUGHTS?” I walked on in haste. Ill. 0 Sunday nights open-air mass meetings of the strikers are the order in New Bedford—one in the North and one in the South End. I went to the South End meeting in Saulnier’s lot. About 2,000 strikers were already gathered there and Eulalie Mendes! was talking to them. Eulalie has dark eyes and a beautiful face.| When the strike started, she was one of the hundreds of mill girls owers Not Far from the Mills’ who went out. She had known the misery of the mi‘ls and she was go- ing out to fight against it. Now Eulalie is a leader, secretary of the New Bedford Textile Work- ers’ Union. Eulalie speaks to thou- sands and they listen. New Bedford is sending a del.zation to the con- vention that will launch a new tex-| tile workers’ union, she tells them. Money is needed to finance the dele- gation. “What will be your answer, fellow workers?” The answer came eloquently. Nic- kels, dimes, quarters, even dollar bills, and Eulalie collected them all in a little bag while other speakers went on to tell the strikers of the tasks before them. Eulalie was as happy as a kid with a new toy. Every now and then she would raise her bag and’ shake it in glee. And then she began counting. dollars in all—and every cent of it contributed by neovle who have been on strike for 23 weeks. “Where do they get the money,” I ask. No one can tell me. Who can tell thé story of suffering and denial that those $80 represented? The orator of the strike is Antony Samieras, a mill worker. Tho he speaks excellent English, it is in Portuguese that his real power lies. The Portuguese Ben Gold, Amy Schechter has arpropriately called him. And»he has all of Gold’s power to dramatize the daily con- flict in a way that sways masses. Samieras has emerged ‘directly out of the strike and the workers’ strug- gles have given him an eloquence he never possessed before. Portuguese is < soft sinuous lan- guage, with criso lingual r’s snap- ping like whips thru the speech. I understood nothing of what Sam- * # ieras said at that meeting in Saul-| nier’s lot. But I could feel the burn- ing impact of his words, I could sense them reaching out marvel- ously, lifting these people up to new horizons of hope and strength. * (The third and concluding article| of impressions of the New Bedford strike will appear in Saturday’s feature page.) Syndicalist Law Packing Bosses’ Weapon Kansas has two effective laws to use against the workers of the state, The Industrial Court Law that lays dormant but with the teeth of the law still on the statute books— teeth ready on any mass movement of the workers—and the Criminal Syndicalist law is used to jail mili- tant leaders of the workers. Today Armour and company and the po- lice are using the Criminal Syndi- calist law against the Workers (Communist) Party and against the organization of the packing house workers, In the 1921 period when the mili- tants were doing all possible to pre- vent the A. F, of L. fakers from be- traying the strike, Armour and com- pany had the police arrest “Mother” Ella Reeves Bloor and fifteen others on the charge of “advocating the Workers (Communist) Party is the only party of revolutionary the interests of the workers and is participating in the election cam-| workers are to be tried under now fawning on liberals, the petit) paign. A copy should be in the |Criminal Syndicalism law. the smal!| hands of every Party member and} A business man and the labor ari§go- | every worker and poor farmer who the Workers (Communist) Party, m, exposes the republican and,cracy for votes. It shows that the| can be alse Attempt to Railroad Oehler, Other Leaders; Seared by Workers’ Response to Red Program overthrow of the government by ‘force,” ete. That case was squashed but the raid and the arrest gave 'the company and the fakers time to cooperate and betray the strike. Frame-Up Record. In 1928, with the Communist Par- ty on the ballot, with: the presiden- tial electors in Kansas running ‘as independent, with the Communists. active in all the struggles of the workers in Kansas and leading the struggles of the miners and the packing house workers, Armour and company is trying to stop all political meetings. | ithe speakers arrested; then the I.) 'L. D. Sacco-Vanzetti meeting was in the west, of the growing response to fight. \paided and ten arrested, The outcome of these raids, ar- labor rests and persecutions is that seven barons, the | to be tried for a speech where he a accused by the police captain of ad- vocating violence, etc. E, B. East- wood, secretary of the Kansas City | International Labor Defense, N. S.| Yocum and §. Kassis are charged | with unlawful assembly. Now all} four are also charged with being) members of the Workers (Commu. | nist) Party. Three packing house, workers are also charged with being | members of the Party. They are| Jack Kolka, William Miklash and I.| Bogdonvich. Workers’ Growing Response. The attempt to outlaw the Work- criminal syndicalist law. The Work-) First the noon day meeting in ers (Communist) Party in Kansas | crs (Communist) Party has tnterial- ‘front of the plant was raided and is an organized plan to check the fied its activity under this increased | | growing activity of the Communists burden that is taking much energy | of the workers to the Communists. | capitalists and their office boys fear | and hate the rising Communist) f \the capitalists, with the Workers (Communist) Party, and the capitalists and their flunkies in three other states of District 10 are trying to keep it off the ballot. After complying with the laws of laws of their own game, the states of Ne- braska, Oklahoma and Texas are trying to keep the Communist can- didates off the ballot. Four states in a row, Texas, Oklahoma, Kansas and Nebraska, fear the Communist candidates, fear our program of class struggle because they see workers and working farmers in these states moving to the left. The Kansas City International La- bor Defense is employing council for defense and mobilizing to collect funds and are preparing for a state- wide campaign for the repeal of the The District Executive Committee of District 10 calls upon |The packing house kings, the coal the workers and working farmers to the labor fakers and the rally to defend the Workers (Com-- munist) Party from this attack, to build a powerful Party of the class Hugo Oehler, district organizer of movement throughout the west, At struggle, to vote for Foster and Git-) Ne . is|the same time the capitalists of low and to the workers to join the is|Kansas are trying to destroy the,Communist Party. Eighty | Told You So T now in full swing. Copy readers | are running out of headlines. This | eee one is exposing that one and vice versa. They are all right. And likewise all wrong. The Workers (Com- munist) Party is exposing them all, While that poor little brother of the big plute par- ties, the social- ist party, is shedding tears | because the big |fellows cannot be clean, decent and |moral, the Workers (Communist) Yarty is striking at the base of things and exposing the capitalist \system as the fountain head of all the social corruption in the world | today. | T. J. O'Flaherty Rete FTER all, corruption is not a vital issue. I mean the kind of jcorruption that the political confi- dence man of the capitalist parties |bellyache about. It is not a vital | issue as far as the workers are con- }cerned. The grafting politicians take it out of the pockets of business |and that is why business crusades | for “clean government.” The worker jis no better nor no worse off whether | the political party that administers |the government for the capitalist class is “dirty” or “clean,” politi- cally speaking. * ea HE masses are not terribly ex- cited over political corruption. |Perhaps they know instinctively | that it is not their funeral. But un- \der a Workers’ and Farmers’ gov- |ernment the workers would be con- cerned over@corruption and would shoot the culprits responsible for misappropriating the funds and wasting the resources of their own government. Look at the Soviet Union, where the grafter is pun- ished as severely, and more so, than the murderer. * * * OME radicals were naive enough to believe that the Teapot Dome scandal would cause a political up- heaval in the United States. It did, resulting in the election of Calvin | Coolidge, on a platform pledged to arry out the Teapot Dome policies of Warren Gamaliel Harding, the cfficial head of the Teapot Dome government. Corruption and cap- italism are synonomous terms. A society that legalized the robbery of millions of men, women and chil- dren under the wages system, can- not be expected to gag when a few lof the robbers or the tools of the main. robbers turn around and rob | ne another. * * * |WWHILE the Communists in this | election campaign point out the \connection between graft and cap- italism they do not hold that the election of a Guaker instead of a |Tammany sachem would make |things any better for the masses. Wall Street would undoubtedly pre- fer a puritan in the white house to at alcoholic crap shooter. Harding was a mistake and his administra- |tion a miscarriage. Coolidge was better. He was the perfect robot |and his vices were all good capital- list virtues. Wall Street, in all prob- jability, would prever Hoover to | Smith, but it is not losing any sleep | over the contest. It has money on {both animals. | * Weng prejudice to any other eatery, we wish to call the at- tention of our readers to an estab- |lishment which should satisfy the astronomic cravings of the most | fastidious proletarian, who is accus- |tomed to scan the menu before giv- ling his order to the waiter. There used to be a strong prejudice against |Greeks bearing gifts, but Greeks bearing broiled bass are the Greeks |that are dear to me. Ever since I jleft Chicago I have been bringing | pressure to bear on the Greek com- jrades to bring a little bit of the | Blue Island Ave. atmosphere to this jeity. It has arrived. ‘Marxism Today A REPLY BY H. M. WICKS to a Symposium in CURRENT HISTORY wherein a bourge- ois economist, a fabian intel- lectual and a leading defender || of the second international | discuss what they imagine is Marxism, Beginning in Monday's DAILY WORKER 3 THOMAS N. CARVER} entitles his vaporings “The # Fundamental Errors of Marx- ism.” HAROLD J. LASKI discourses in a boresome and highly polished manner on “The Value and Defects of the Marxian Philosophy, substi- tuting pacifism for revolution. MORRIS HILLQUIT distorts Marxism and traduces the giants of the revolutionary movement by entitling his diatribe "Marxism Essentially Evolutionary.” Do not miss these articles. Order your copy from your newsdealer if in New York. If elsewhere SUBSCRIBE AT ONCE, so you will not miss them.