The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 25, 1928, Page 6

+r mo <- yu von DAILY WORKER, NEW K. UESDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1928 Oe deta ge penne Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc., Daily, Except Sunday 26:28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: is Phone, Stuyvesant 1696-7-8 ciwor ba SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): $4.50 six months $2.50 three months &8 per year By Mail (outside of New York): 0 six months $2 three months $6.00 per year Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28 Union Square, New -York, N. Y. SBS Editor...... WEEE, .:ROBERT MINOR . ” Assistan -WM. F. DUNNE Entered as secc il at the post-office at, New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1879. For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER For the Workers: SA | WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY For the Party of the Class Struggle! VOTE COMMUNIST! For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW Against the Capitalists! The Hand of American Imperialism at Geneva Count von Bernsdorff, who, in 1917 as ambassador from the government of the kaiser to the United States, was stigmatized as the personification of enmity to the im- perialist policy of the Wall Street govern- ment of Woodrow Wilson, has now become one of the chief agents of that identical im- perialism under the Melon-Coolidge regime. The fact that one man, in the course of a trifle more than a decade can play such ap- parently divergent roles, is indicative of the rapid changes, the realignments, that have taken place and are taking place in the arena of world conflicts. While speaking as the representative of the government of Germany at the Geneva meeting of the League of Nation’s assem- , bly’s third commission on the subject of call- ing the next meeting of the preparatory dis- armament commission, Von Bernsdorff also spoke unofficially in behalf of the imperialist policy of the United States when he defiantly rejected the text of the committee’s resolu- tion on the Franco-British naval accord, thereby blocking the proposed armaments conference. The action of Count von Bernsdorff is the latest of a series of maneuvers in the “peace” offensive of the United States against Bri- tain. There ts a certain very definite and obvious continuity in the pacifist game that is being played by the war-mongers. The Kellogg “peace” pact was directed against Great Britain's political domination of Europe which it exercizes through the machinery of the League of Nations. The ever-increasing export of American capital makes it imperative that the imperialist gov- ernment of the United-States challenge any power that presumes to utilize the machin-* ery of the League against it. Neither the tory government of Britain, nor the rene- gade socialist premier of France, Aristide Briand, were under any illusions regarding the nature of the Kellogg move. The form of the document was such,-however, that a nation refusing to accept it would have been placed in the position of approving war as a national policy. But in order to show their contempt for the authors of the pact they concluded a naval accord, some of the details of which they permitted to leak out on the very eve of the signing of the pact. This. so enraged the imperialist bandits of Wall Street that they instructed their messenger boy, “Ner- vous Nelly” Kellogg, to avoid a visit to Eng- land by way of registering indignation. Britain and France followed up the coun- ter-blast against the Kellogg “peace” offen- sive by utilizing the League assembly ma- chinery in an effort to lay the foundation for another naval arms conference under the auspices of the League, thereby ignoring the United States pact. Since the United States is not a member of the League of Nations it had to rely upon representatives of other nations to fight for its policies. The individual who carried out the policy of Wall Street was Bernsdorff. The fact, however, that Bernsdorff’s ac- tions were advantageous to the imperialist plans 6f the United States does not preclude the possibility of his also serving the in- terests of the German imperialists. German industry has revived, thanks to the aid of American banking capital, and Germany is once more taking its place among the preda- tory powers of the world. Since German in- dustry .and finance is dependent upon the United States the German statesmen now play the game of Uncle Shylock in interna- tional poli . This revival affects directly the interests of France and Britain and im- pels them toward an alliance—at least tem- porarily-—although there are powerful groups in French political life who favor an alliance with the United States rather than with Britain. Another turn of the political wheel in France may bring these to the fore, in which case Britain would be at a distinct disadvantage, to say the least. At the present moment the duplicity of the Wall Street government at Washington has placed the League apostles in an unfav- orable position. Probably England and France will now concoct some new treaty proposals, draw up other and more elaborate documents purporting to “outlaw” war, in order to counteract this latest phase of the American offensive and try to keep some semblance of life in the League, which has served them thus far as an instrument of aggression. Beginning with Versailles the world has been ‘surfeited with treaties, all of them pro- claimed by their sponsors as the final word in the diplomacy of peace. Such treaties themselves only emphasize the rapidity with which new alliances are being created and the momentum with which the great powers are plunging toward another world war. In this political campaign in the United States every party, with the exception of the Workers (Communist) Party, deliberate- ly ignores the fact that the pivotal question of our times is the danger of another im- perialist war. All the capitalist powers con- spire against the Soviet Union, the father- land of the world proletariat. At the same time the conflicts between themselves be- come ever sharper. In a dozen places of the earth are veritable powder magazines that may explode at the slightest spark. Only the Communists have a genuine solu- tion of the question of war—that is the abolition of imperialism. That end cannot be achieved by pacifist measures or by preach- ing sermons to the jackal pack of war- mongers, but by organizing a revolutionary fighting machine that will utilize the politi- cal and economic crisis growing out of the war for the overthrow of the imperialist powers of the whole world. Needle Trades and Red Drive “NOW, PLL TALK TO YOU!” The campaign in New York state cannot be regarded as something in itself; something separate from the general national campaign. There} are, of course, certain problems) | peculiar to New York, because the industries of New York do not ex-] \actly duplicate those of any other |} one state. But in New York as else- |where in the United States the | problems facing the working class | are practically identical. Whether a| | strike involves needle trades work- jers, harvest hands or steel workers the alignment of forces are the) ;same. On the side of the strikers |are the awakened sections of the | working class. On the side of the ‘employers are the special organs) of state power—the bureaucratic ‘machinery of the government, the courts, the police, the other armed |forces including private armies of gunmen—usually administered by republicans and democrats. In ad- | dition to the official machinery of) | suppression’ there are also semi-of-| \ficial agents of the bosses—the| | yellow socialists and the reactionary | | officialdom who place themselves at} | the head of the labor movement only| |in order to betray it. The campaign has special signifi |ance for New York this year be- |cause one of the presidential candi- dates, Governor Al Smith, has also served his apprenticeship as a strikebreaker. His first experience as a union-wrecker and scab-herder ‘as when he sent the state troops |into Lackawanna during the steel! | strike of 1919—while he was serv- |ing his first term as governor. The last strikebreaking service was his) attempt to smash the needle trades} unions of New York City. In view! ‘of this record Mr. Raskob of the! | Morgan owned open-shop concern of | |General Motors can enthusiastically, ‘endorse Smith. Likewise Owen D.| Young, head of the Jabor-hating, General Electric Company can fully, approve the candidacy of Tammany} | Al. In | breaking activities of Smith, it is connection with the strike-| its unchallenged domination in the | needle trade unions. The Workers | Party and its press have from the By ROSE WORTIS. IHE needle trade workers have lived thru a very critical period during the past few years, during which they have been persecuted and their unions destroyed by the united front of the union bureau- eracy, the bosses and the capitalist state. Wages have been pitilessly cut, working hours lengthened with- out limit, piece work re-established in most of the branches of the in- dustry where week-work formerly prevailed. The speed-up system has reached the highest pitch. A regime of terror, which has no precedent in the history of the trade union movement, has been instituted with the aid of hirelings from the under- world against the rank and file of the unions. The injunctions and strike-breaking encouraged and fos- tered by the bureaucracy surpasses in many ways all the strike break- ‘ing activities employed by the bosses during previous struggles. The full responsibility for this sit- uation rests with the union bureau- cracy (pillars. of the Socialist Party) who have received the full- est cooperation from the capitalist state in their efforts to crush the tt spirit of the needle trade of the democratic ad. s.edle trades is well in resent struggle ment industry. Hillquit, ex-assem: it illus-! blyman Beckerman and the Social. trated by the action of the demo- cratic judges, police and detective squads, who used the full power of the state against the workers. The role of the republican party is fittingly characterized by the action of Judge Rosalsky who sen- tenced honest and loyal union mem- bers to long terms of imprisonment for strike activities. The problem then arises, which of the two other parties which appear on the field as parties of the work- ing class shall the needle trade workers support, the Socialist Party or the’ Workers (Communist) Party? Years ago the Socialist Party was a party of the workers, founded on the principle of the class struggle. It supported the workers in all their struggles against the capitalist class. Today, it has cast aside the idea of the class struggle and is fighting side by side with the union bureaucracy and the other political parties for the bosses against the workers. The record of the Socialist Party during the past few years has openly stamped it as an anti-work- ing class party. In 1925 the Social-| ist Party, with its leader Hillquit, | planned and gave the signal for the) expulsion policy in the ladies’ gar- corrupt bureaucracy at the head of| tariat; the criminals of all varieties) the New York State Federation of who exist as parasites upon para-| By Fred Ellis The Enemies of Working Class | essential to mention the thoroughly) characterized as the lumpen prole-|to make the mightiest imperialist power on earth mightier yet. In this imperialist | | i} | i handicaps. The democrats have to wear gas masks going into batile ;on account of the Queens sewer scandal and the republicans hava “You are bigger crooks than we are, } | | i i | | | ;as the Old Man Told You So ~ et YORK is not called the “Em- pire State” for nothing. it is the wealthiest state in the union, the seat of fi- nancial and gov- ernmental pow- er. Where the dollar reigns there sits the government. Wali-Street and not Washington is the capital of theUnited States. The House of Mor- gan is the real White iHousé. Because of the concentration of alth in this state the New York ion campaign has tremendous ay ml T. J. O'Flaherty eet ee HE democratic and republican parties are starting out from ratch, su to speak, in the state mpaign, Both are saddled with Mrs. Knapp, the embezzler of state funds, wrapped around their necks of the Sea rapped around Sinbad the Sailor. Gungha Dhin,” will be the war cry of both parties. Oe HE capitalists are divided over the republican and democratic candidates. They can afford this luxury because whoever is elected | will serve them loyally and well. The workers are also divided, though, no matter which party wins. the workers will lose. The party of Al Smith will order the police and state militia to break strikes, arrest strikers and put their lead- ers in jail. The party of Herbert Hoover wil! do the same thing. * * 8 | * I THE republican politicians tell the ~ workers that a victory for the G. QO. P. candidate will mean: a full dinner pail, prosperity and home brew. The democratic politicians tell the workers that the election of the jackass candidate will mean the first two blessings and open conspiracy | leer stubes openly arrived at. The Labor and the New York Centra] | sites and in periods of class conflicts| there is not- one bit of difference | Catholic worker will be told that he Trades and Labor Council, who work) are, for the most part, the most|between the republican and demo-| should vote for “one of his own,” hand in hand with Tammany. Also/ frightful assassins of the working cratic parties. Herbert Hoover and though the democratic ticket is in- involved in this combine are the yel-| class. low socialist fakers and union-| But in spite of the fact that the Street’s imperialist policies. | A. Smith alike are servants of Wall! fested ‘with Methodists and Presby- It is |terians. The Protestant worker will wreckers who form close alliances) workers in local, isolated struggles|not at all inconsistent that Hoover,|be told to vote against the demo- with the thugs and gunmen pro- have to fight directly against the tected by Tammany in order to fight) state politicians, the working class, the leftward movement of the rank particularly at this time and in this! and file of the needle trades. ‘campaign, must come to understand No intelligent worker who lives) that state politics cannot be separ-| im New York City can be fooled by| ated from national politics. The) the cheap, lying propaganda of the basic problems facing the working} democratic party to the effect that| class today have to do with national| the Tammany of today is less vile.| policy. The pivotal question of today | less the grafter, swindler and pro- extends far beyond the bounds of | tector of organized crime than in its| state or nation and embraces the} very worst days. The only differ-| whole world. Both old parties de-| ence between the Tammany of Al] liberately avoid the one burning} Smith and Judge Olvany and the: issue of the day—the question of the | Tammany of “Boss” Tweed is that danger of another world war._The! the modern political crooks have de-| republicans, the democrats and the) vised a smoother working machine. | socialists all serve the interests of | very sort of privilege is for sale| the imperialist war-mongers by talk-| the Tammany gang—from a li-| ing loud and long about issues that) cense to operate an auto, to pro- compared to the war danger are tection in campaigns of organized | comparatively trivial. None of these murder. Tammany is the prototype parties dares discuss the ssaiel| of planned corruption in city politics. | problem. None of them mentions the | Its methods have been adopted by/|fact that American capitalism is re-| many republican city administra- lentlessly driving forward to another tions—Chicago, Detroit, Philadel-| world war—only the Workers (Com- | phia. Essentially Tammanyism is an| munist) Party unfurls a warning to) alliance of the big capitalists at the the whole working class and brands | very top of the social scale with the| the imperialist conspiracies to hur) lowest strata of a rotten society,| millions of the manhood and youth the very scum of the earth, the off-| of the land into the slaughter house | scourings of all classes generally! of another world war in an attempt} | Vote for Your Own Party Workers of New York! Support the Workers (Communist) Party in the fight for: | 1. Immediate relief for the anemployed. | 2. Right of the workers to organize, to strike, to picket. ! 3. Abolition of government by injunction. 4. Prohibition of the use of police, the industrial squad, | and other special squads against the workers in labor struggles. 5. A militant ‘struggle against wage cuts, speed-up, com-| pany unions and treacherous labor misleaders. ' 6. Full social, economic and political equality, without! | in 1918, was a staunch supporter of cratic party and the pope, thoagh Woodrow Wilson, the war-monger, | there are more Catholics running on and declared at that time: “I am for President Wilson’s leadership not only in the conduct of the war, but also in the negotiations of peace, and after- ward, in America’s burden in the rehabilitation of the world.” In 1918 Mr. Hoover was a demo- erat because the ruling party, the most conscious party of imperialism, was the democratic party. In 1921 Hoover entered the cabinet of Hard- ing and worked closely with that other imperialist, Andrew W. Mel- lon, to swing the republican party, the party of the industrialists who opposed the program of Wilson— existing trusts being merged into the same fold as the democratic party., The tremendous merger movement that followed, already existing trust being merged into still greater trusts under the aegis of banking capital furnished the economic base for the transforma- tion of the republican party into an advocate of the policies of the ex- porters of capital—Morgan and as- sociates. On every issue of inter- national significance there has per- sisted since the famous vote on the world court in 1926 a democrat-re- publican Wall Street coalition in the | house and senate of the United States. The two parties stand to- gether for the world court; they both approve the ravaging of Nic- aragua. Both approve the big army and navy programs. Their candidate for congress and the senate will uphold the imperial- ist policies of the gpvernment; will follow a policy of crushing the | working class at home and terroriz- ing the colonial and semi-colonials of the weaker countries. The old party candidates for governor, no matter whom they may be, will still | very first day of its existence cham- | discrimination, for Negroes, foreign-born workers, women and | carry out the strike-breaking policies ist Party; were the initiators and pioned the interests of the rank and leaders of the prog@m on the fur-| file in all their struggles against riers, the dress and cloakmakers,| graft, corruption and union bureau- | and all other unions. Mr. Hillquit,| cratism. It has led the fight against the spokesman of the Socialist! imprisonment of workers, against Party, resorted to the weapon of| company unionism, and for rank the open-shoppers, the injunction,| and file control of the unions. The as a method of fighting the mili-| Workers Party does not only limit| tant workers. The Socialist Party | itself to the immediate issues of in its press is supporting and main-| the workers but is leading them in taining the company unions in the) the struggle for their final emanci-| cloak and dressmakers’ and furriers’| pation from capitalism. It was the| trades, and is trying to extend these! first to give its support in the| company unions to ‘the other! movement for building, new militant branches of the industry. At the/ unions where the workers alone will instructions of the Socialist Party| be the rulers. “The Forward” and the United He-| brew Trades are organizing “vigi-| lance committees” to terrorize the| It is therefore the duty of every workers. The Socialist Party has) class-conscious worker, to give his betrayed the workers. It stands in| support to the candidates of the) the way of unity in the ranks of the Workers Party which is the only | workers. It stands in the way of, party to-day that has the right to| rank and file control of the unions. | speak in the name of the working) Vote Communist! Why? j class! of What is the record of the Work-| Needle Trade Workers! Vote ers Party im the struggles of the against union bureaucratism, | needle trade workers? An analysis! against corruption, against injunc- of the pyctivities and role ‘of the | tions, against expulsions. Vote for Workes (Communist) Party in the| the party which stands for real reesnt struggle of the needle trade militant unions that will rest on the wj{il show that the Communist Party | support of the workers. Vote for hee its press have been the first| the party of the working class that 0 give their support to the workers | is leading the workers of this couA- in the struggle to prevent the cor-| try in the struggles against capi- bureaucracy from carrying on! talism. Communist! A Working Class Duty. | of the capitalist class. Farmers’ Government. _ 4 young workers. H 7. The establishment of the 40 hour, five day week for) working women, and vacation with pay six weeks before and) after child birth for working mothers. x 8. Struggle against increased rates and fares on traction lines, railroads and public utilities. \ 9. Protection of the working farmer against monopoly , prices, and against exploitation by -milk trusts, distributing! agencies and railroads. ! 10. Full support of the struggles of the textile workers the miners, and the needle trade workers in their efforts to build new unions. : | 11. Struggle against the treacherous socialist party, agent 12. Immediate withdrawal of marines from Nicaragua and China. ‘ 13. Struggle against imperialist wars. 14. For a Labor Party. 15. Recognition and defense of the Soviet Union, the Workers’ Fatherland. 16. A Workers’ and Farmers’ Government in the United States. Join the Workers (Communist) Party, the Party of the class struggle. For the workers, against the capitalists. doin the Workers (Communist) Party, the Party of Lenin, affiliated with the Communist International. Join the Workers (Communist) Party,which will organize’ and lead the workers to the final victory, of a Workers’ and 4 of Al Smith. They will alike ap- prove the savage injunction drive against labor on the part of the bi-! partisan judges selected by joint agreement of the republican and democratic politicians. Republican, democrat, or socialist, the workers will be victims of the gangster, and’ gunman. Neither of the old parties advocates the repeal of the “crim- inal anarchy” law which is used ex- clusively against militant labor. The Workers (Communist) Party alone represents the elementary interests of the working class in this cam- paign. Against the conspiracies of the war-mongers we strive to organ- ize revolutionary forces that will challenge their power. We demand the repeal of anti-labor Taws. We defy the kept judges and their in- junctions against labor. We utilize the election campaign in order to ex- pose the capitalist parties and cause them and their candidates to be de- spised by all workers. In every con- ceivable way we strive to organize the working class for an implacable fight against all our class enemies, whether they call themselves repub- licans, democrats or socialists. There is but one way in this cam- paign to register your approval of the revolutionary struggle against imperialism and its agents and that is to Vote Communist! iat i i | | 1 i the G. 0. P. ticket than there are fleas on a California pup. * % WAY workers gvhose faith in both parties has been shaken say that they will vote for one or the other parties as a choice of evils. They would vote the Communist " ticket, but they don’t like the idea of “throwing their vote away.” To \ those workers, we say that it is bad enough to vote for the losing | candidate, but that it is a darned | * sight worse to have the sin of vot- ing for the winning capitalist can- didate on their souls. What would a worker think of the chattel slave who helped his master fasten the ' shackels of slavery on his limbs? \ He would think that he deserved | several kicks on the posterior in ad- dition to his chains. But, compared to the wage slave who votes for a capitalist candidate, the chattel siave was a paragon of wisdom. The chattel slave was at least guaran- teed food, clothing and _ shelter, whether he worked or not. The modern slave is certain of nothing but death. as Seate 'HE colored workers in New York state are asked to vote either for the republican party, which sees their people lynched in certain states without a protest, or for the demo- cratic party, that iynehes them. Some Negro leaders. whose palms have felt the soothing touch of John J. Raskob’s coin, hail Al Smith as a savior. AY Smith, the leader of the democratic party, the traditional party of slavery. Some Negro lead- ers urge the colored voters to cast their ballots for the G. O. FP. can- didates on the ground that Lincoln treed them from chattel slavery. | Well, Lincoln is dead a helluva long time and it appears to me that the Negroes are free to come north and take a chance of starving, or stay- ing in the south and taking a chanee on getting tynched. Birt . N had majority of the leaders of the . F. of L. are for Smith. They have good reason to be. They are part of the Tammany machine in f New York state. They stand to gain more from a democratic victory than a yepublican victory. But the re- publicans know their peanuts ang will also take care of their labo leaders.. The reactionary bureau: crats of the trade union movement have as much in common with the rank and file as the flea has with the dog. Both are parasites. The rank and file of the workers must break with the capitalist parties and their labor lieutenants and line up with the Workers (Communist) Party that fights all the way from the strike for higher wages and bet- ter working conditions to the strug- gle for the abolition of the capital- ist system andthe establishment of 4 Workers’ and Farmers’ govern = * ment. ‘ Ton O