The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 7, 1928, Page 6

~ ann ia Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1928 Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by NATIONAL DAILY WORK PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc., Daily, Except Sunday 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): $8 per year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 per year $3.50 six months Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Assistant Editor - ROBERT MINOR -WM. F. DUNNE Entered as second-class mail at the post-office a‘ New York, N. Y.,cunder the act of March 8, 1879, For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER For the Workers! The Textile Workers Meet the Murderer of Sacco and Vanzetti Alvan T. Fuller, capitalist governor of Mas- sachusetts, is one of the principal murderers of Sacco and Vanzetti. Many thousands of workers in all countries of the world know him as such. But not all of the working class has under- stood that the capitalist governor of Massa- chusetts is the consistent murderer of Sacco and Vanzetti—that is, they have not under- stood that Fuller, as the representative of the capitalist state would always use every weapon of force, violence and trickery against the working class under all circumstances. Many workers, especially in America where the majority of the working class is still within the capitalist political parties, do not yet understand that the capitalist govern- ment of the United States and that of the states including Massachusetts are class or- ganizations existing for the purpose of sup- pressing the werkers. To put it in dramatic form, Massachusctts workers in tens and hun- dreds of thousands knew Gov. Fuller was the murderer of Sacco and Vanzetti, but they did not yet know that he is also the murderer of Johnny Madeiros, the striker’s boy that was killed by a trooper in Fall River. They did not see that behind every private thug of the mill owners and behind every policeman’s club is the capitalist class’ political power. That is because the working class generally does not yet know the connection between the capitalist state and the capitalist class includ- ing the textile mill owners. They have not ee understood that the government of a capitalist country is only the executive com- mittee for managing the common affairs of the capitalists. And to manage the affairs of the capitalist class in Massachusetts means among other things to use the police power, the military, the courts and all other public powers to break strikes of the textile workers. The workers have been slow to understand the nature of the capitalist state. But the visit of a delegation of New Bed- ford and Fall River strikers to Fuller’s office and the courageous conduct of the delega- tion’s spokesman, Jim Reid, did something toward showing the workers that Governor Fuller or any other capitalist official of the capitalist State of Massachusetts represents, not “the people,” but the capitalist class and the mill owners. When Fuller learned by tie strike demands they made that the delega- tion was composed of real representatives of the striking textile workers, he flew into a rage and threatened to have his flunkies throw the leader of the delegation out of his office. Did Governor Fuller consent to with- draw the armed forces controlled by him from their strikebreaking jobs at Fall River and New Bedford? Absolutely no. He could not. He repre- sents the mill owners as much as does any private guard or any superintendent of the mills. Fuller’s business is breaking strikes for his masters, the capitalist class including For the Party of the Class Struggle! Against the Capitalists! VOTE COMMUNIST! For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW the rich mill owners. His business is kill- ing Saccos and Vanzettis and—and Johnny Madeiros.. Of course Fuller and all of the capitalist politicians (including the “social- ists”) would deny this. They pretend that they are representatives of “all the people.” In this way they deceive millions of our class,into trusting our enemies. The delegation of forty textile workers that visited Fuller was apparently composed of workers experienced enough to know that Fuller is an enemy of our class and could do nothing for us. But by visiting Fuller and compelling him to say that he would not withdraw the armed thugs of the state from the strike situation, the delegation compelled Fuller to expose himself to many more thou- sands of workers who had not yet under- stood that they can place no reliance in the capitalist government. These workers will continue to learn more clearly by every experience of the strike that the enemy that faces them is the capi- talist class and its state organization. The will learn that every class struggle is a polit- ical struggle. £2 ky oe The textile workers of Massachusetts must learn to connect their struggles on the pic- ket line with the political struggle in order to make themselves and our whole class powerful enough to defeat our enemies. They must vote in this election, not for the polit- ical parties of the mill owners’ class, but for their own class party—the Workers (Com- munist) Party. They must leave the polit- ical parties of the mill owners’ class and join their own Workers Party. And strengthen the picket lines! Don’t put your faith in agents of the capitalist class! 6 8 -@ Why did Fuller, while practically throw- ing out of his office a delegation representa- tative of the striking workers, show such a friendly attitude toward Mr. Batty, Mr. Binns and other “labor” fakers? Because Batty and Binns and their kind are profes- sional tricksters engaged in strikebreaking for the bosses and in trying to prevent the organization of a powerful Textile Union that will fight for the workers. The mill bosses (and their little governor) hate the Textile Mill Committees because the Tex- tile Mill Committees, formed by the workers themselves, are fighting bravely and effect- ively to keep the bosses from cutting wages. Batty, Binns and company are trying to pre- vent the formation of the new Union, and therefore are on friendly terms with the bosses and Fuller. The oppressed and exploited textile work- ers of the entite country should hasten their preparations for the great Textile Conven- tion on September 22. All textile workers must see to it that their delegates are elected and that this great conference results in building a powerful national union that will fight effectively. And the working class everywhere must give generously to the support of the textile workers through the Workers’ International Relief. The textile workers are fighting not for'themselves alone, but for the entire work- ing class, and we must help them. Phone, Stuyvesant 1696-7-3 | $2 three months BPAMPAIGN CORNER The drive to sell 100,000 copies of the Platform of the Class Struggle is now well under way. The Jewi fraction of the Workers (Commun- the National thirty states originally planned by Election Committee on the Communist ballot. By the time this appears in print Campaign izes them for the final that leads and fights with them in| *' their everyday struggle and organ e struggle against capitalism®and for the or- The following speech was de- | livered by Comrade Jay Lovestone at the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International. * . * Comrades: I believe the American Party owes an explanation to the | Congress for the impermissible per- formance of some comrades of the |delegation that has come here. Al- | low me to assure you comrades that |T do not intend to air the inner | questions in detail as has been done. |I merely propose to analyze the economic situation prevailing in the | United States, not only from an | American angle but particularly in- sofar as it involves the present status of international capitalism. The comrades in the opposition of the Workers (Communist) Party are confusing the immediate econ- | omic situation with the fundamental trend of. economic developments of | American imperialism. We reject any schematic concept as utterly un- Leninist. : | The American Party’s opposition | say that they accept the main line |of Comrade Bukharin’s theses but | they have seven reservations; one, they want an elaboration of some |sections; second, an emphasis on | other sections; third, they say that the rate of decline in the growth of production is already clear. Then |they say that the rate of increase of exports is already declining. Fourth, our opposition demands a “new emphasis” on America. Fifth, according to our opposition the thesis of Comrade Bukharin fails to show clearly the interpendence of the class struggle within the im- perialist countries and the contra- dictions between the capitalist coun, tries. Sixth “it is necessary thal the Congress should work out a more concrete perspective or Amer- \ica,” said Comrade Foster. Sev- enth, all in All, our opposition, in accepting the theses of Comrade Bukharin, say that they want “a new word” on America. Otherwise our self-styled left wing which the Comintern has repeatedly criticized for its right errors, accepts the theses of Comrade Bukharin. Comrade Bukharin says that American imperialism is still on the ascent; that the very prowess of American imperialism is the basis of rationalization in Europe. The Central Executive Committee main- |tains that American imperialism is |still on the ascendant. Our com- |rades of the opposition charge that | we advertise American imperialism because we recognize as an objec- | tive, though objectionable fact, the existing prowess of American im- perialism. For instance, the other day in our July 4 demonstrations. when our comrades were arrested \for anti-imperialist acts, we were “saleymen” of Wall Street. And look at this piece of advertising that has been put into the theses of Comrad2 Bulkharin —- advertising Americen imperialic in the lan- eve of our opposition: “The general social and economic basis of this fact is the slow rate of development of the crisis of capi- By Fred Ellis Lovestone Dissects U.S. Empire jall, the war and immediate post- war years are an unusual period. ‘Defends Bukharin’s Thesis at Sixth Communist Secondly we must examine the val- * World Congress course most of the responsibility rests on the majority of the C. E. C.—have under-estimated the rapi- | dity of the development of the class | struggle in America, underestimated |the tempo both of the decline of | American national eeonomy and the | will and the desire of the masses to struggle.” A few words about the present |economic situation in the United States. Yes, there is an acute de- pression in the United States to- day. Basic features of this depres- sion are shown in mass unemploy- ment, arising first of all from, the depression itself and sdeonaig: ers the tremendous rationalization pro- cess which is producing an army of virtually permanently “disemployed” workers. Secondly:—the mass pro- duction which has been the very boast and pride of the development of American imperialism is bringing on sharp contradictions in its course. Thirdly: the credit situa- tion—with America as the leading world creditor—is in*a crisis, be- cause of the terrific plethora of cap- ital. There are also crises in dif- ferent industries. But these crises are not elements of/ decay, elements of decline, but on the other hand are symptoms of growth of ration- alization in these industries. For examples, I mention coal, oil, tex- tiles. Are there contradictions in Amer- ican imperialism? I refer you to | the fact that at the February Planum of our Central Committee the thesis | presented to the Central Commit- |tee and voted for by the opposition pointed out very sharply a number of .contradictions in American im- perialism. Merely to enumerate these are: 1. The large excess pro- ductive capacities as indicated in the “over-development” of certain in- dustries. 2. The deepening funda- | mentally critical condition of agri- jculture. 8. The superabundance of credit. 4. Intensive installment buy- ing which really should be called over-buying or over-selling. To a large extent American prosperity is based on installment buying. This |mortgage on the future purchasing ‘power of the workers and fafimers which may for a time defer an econ- omic depression, will become an ag- gravating force of an economic | crisis, once it sets in, 5. Derange- ment of certain basic industries. | This is due for the time to insuffi- cient rationalization and being ap- nendage industries, like coal to steel and rails, and like coal and oil be- ing more subject to distributing con- Vtions of the world market than ther industries. 6. The rapid de- velopment of great international cartels in Europe indicates a grow- ling capacity of, other imperialist powers not only to challenge but also to undermine the supremacy of American imperialism. 7. Americar We have elaborated and em- phasized the contradictions develop- ing in American imperialism and the’ opportunities for work for our Party growing out of the conditions arising from these very contradi tions. Are there already, visible e} ments of decay? Yes! And we have pointed out very emphatically such elements of decay in American imperialism as the development of a ventier class, the narrowing domes- tie market hitherto largely the very base of American prosperity. But we must not overlook its cer- tain strength and special reserve powers. However, when we look at this reserve power we do not become pessimistic. We say that in this very aggression of American im- perialism we find the basis for the increased militarization as well as | the certainty of America being it volved in the coming imperialist war. In appraising the role of American imperialism we must not over-estimate the strength of Amer- ican capitalism. There are forces gnawing at its very vitals despite the outward substantial signs of prosperity. Above all, we must keep in mind the fact that interna- tional capitalism is now in its last stage—the decadent stage of imper- ialism Comrades, our opposition sees only either the contradictions or strength. They cannot see, at the same time, that the very strength of American imperialism brings about contradictions’ and hence in- creasing opportunities for our Party’s working. Now I want to examine some of the criticisms made of Comrade Bukharin’s theses by our opposition. The vitality of American imper- ialism is not to be measured by mere figures of the value of commodities produced in certain years, but by the whole system of rationalization, particularly by the productivity status of the individual productive | unit, that is, by the productivity per man per hour. The number of persons engaged in industry for the product of one hun- dred men in 1914 is as follows: Number of Men Year (approximately) 1919 ... 102.2 1921 99.6 1923. 80.5 1925 71.0 1927 64.0 Up to 1919 employment and pro- ductivity kad increased’ simultane- ously. Now the trend indicates con- tinued increase in productivity but, | particularly in the last three years, | e marked decrease in the number o men employed in the manuactur- ing industries. The average work- of men employed in the manufactur- ing industries increased about 45 ist) Party has published an edition of 15,000 copies and a Finnish edi- tion has already ordered 1,000 eopies. a “ fo offset the influx of G. O. P. @alwarts into the ranks of the demo- cratic party two big Tammany sewer pipe grafters had their brains blown out. At least they were found shot through the head. It would even things up considerably if the “oily”| *- republican grafters went and did likewise. * * Benjamin Gitlow has started on a nationwide tour in behalf of the Communist election campaign. Git- low, the Communist vice-presidential nominee started on Sept. 1 with a meeting in the anthracite region Foster opens his tour on Sept. 9 in Detroit. With seventeen states already on the ballot the comrades are enthusi- ‘setic over the prospect of getting the * * other important industrial states will be filed and the stories carried in the Party press. #6 The Ohio comrades did splendid work in collecting 20,000 signatures in a comparatively short time. This huge task was accomplished by vol- untary effort, the comrades working at it in their spare time. What has been accomplished in Ohio can be done in every other state. ne aN Campaign fund contributions keep pouring in. The piles of blanks with) contributions from twenty to one) dollar bills are coming in every day. Members of the Workers (Commun- ist) Party and Communist sympa- thizers have contributed generously to relief for the striking miners anc textile workers, but they realize that Party the best opportunity it ever ‘ad for establishing itself through- sut the United States as the only oarty of the workingclass, a party|and Hoover. fa, the election campaign offers the| “benevolent” ganization of a Workers and Farm- ‘@/ism in the course of which one ers Government, ew Oe on the upgrade while others are un- The comrades in Utah are well on 4t20ing a process of relatively slow the road to success in putting the|@rline. This includes the growing Communist ticket on the ballot Consolidation of the positions of the there. Utah is a hotbed of reaction United States as the world ex- and the authorities are placing many Ploiter, creditor and usurer (the obstacles in the way of getting the ‘prosnerity of the United Communist ticket on the ballot. But States. . .)” we the more opposition the harder our, Now, what does the opposition comrades in Utah work. say? 1 quote from their docu- * bf ments as follows: The slaves of Ford and General, “An analysis of the degree of Motors will have an opportunity to tipeness of these contradictions will hear the message of the class strug- Show that American capitalism is gle when William Z. Foster, Com-/ about to» reach the apex of its munist candidate for president, growth.” Ps speaks in Detroit on Sept. 9, in, This is taken from the Bittelman- Danceland Auditorium and later on Foster thesis. Secondly, “The pres- in Flint. Foster will have some in- ent economic depression must inevi- teresting things to say about the tably become the forerunner of a open-shopper, Ford, deep-going crisis.” Third, before who is supporting Hoover and the the Presidium of the Comintern, open-shop General Motors Corpora-|Comrade Dunne declared: tion which is split between Smith] “Furthermore, our Party and in ‘this all of us are involved. but of 4 of its prine’pal component parts is | imperialism is dependent on other Per cent in 1927 above 1914. : ‘mperialist powers for certain basic The second point. Comrade Bit- raw materials, as rubber, nitrates, | telman says that there is a decline oil, tin, nickel, etc. 8. The increas-|in the rate of increase .of exports. American imperialism a problem in| years with the war years, as Com- the final repayment of commodities. rade Bittelman has done. First of Congratulates Moore on Expose of Randolph a member of the Communist Party and International Labor Defense, and moreover, being a member of the Negro race, I am watehing every From Seattle, Wash., has come a letter congratulating Richard B. Moore, national organizer of the American Negro Labor Congress and Communist candidate for Congress | advance movement. for his expose of the misleaders of; ‘Please send me full information the Pullman Porters Union. The regarding the American Negro La- letter, written by John W. Carr,| bor Congress. How may I become follows: ‘a member? And how may a branch “Dear Comrade Moore: be established in Seattle?~ “T have read with genuine grate-| “Also permit me to bid you suc- fulness your ‘Open Letter to Mr.|cess in your race for Congress. Philip Randolph’ on page 11 of the) “Rarnestly yours, my” dear com- ‘Negro Champion’ of Aug. 8. I am rade, “JOHN W. CARR.” gi a ae eee ‘ ing export of capital creates for |It is silly to compare the present |. ues in pre-war dollars and not stop |at mere superficial dollar value. In order to have correctness in this respect, we should not take the years of 1919-21 for they are not the proper base to take. “The United |States is not living in a vacuum. | We must look at it in relation to |other imperialist powers. The ques- tion is: is the United States still | beating in the world market © all |other imperialist powers? We say, lyes. It is this that indicates the present strength and prowess of | |American imperialism. On _ this |basis American exports are still ex-| | panding despite Bittelman’s figures. | But why does Comrade Bittelman jleave out the question of the trend jin the export of capital which is | the very key to the present interna- \tional situation? These facts show |that American imperialism is still on the upgrade., We herewith pro- duce the following table: | ‘American Export of Capital. Amount « $ 414,000,000 878,000,000 + 1,031,000,000 1,135.000,000 seeeee .1,877,000,050 These figures are exclusive of re- funding loans | amount of additional new capital ex- ported within these years. For the last six months of 1923 | America has exported $1,053,i64,000. This compared with $794,277,000 in the first ‘half of 1927. It is a fact |that American capitalism is invest- |ing in foreign securities and in do- \mestic securities for export and at |home, a thousand dollar per busi- ness second. | Now Comrade Bittelman’s main ‘argument to prove his fallacious theory of the decline of American imperialism is that the percentage of national income received by the workers is decreasing. Comrade | Bittelman cites this in order to show \the increasing misery of the Ameri- jcan workers. He forgets that though it is absolutely true that the rate of exploitation of the American workers is increasing, this fact in itself does not mean that their con- dition is getting worse. A smaller share of a bigger national income jis bigger than a larger share of a smaller national income. To prove our point we herewith indicate the constant rate of increase in the growth of the national income of the United States: | Yeor Amount of Income ears ee $62,736,000,000 } oS tgee 65,567,000,000 1s 1988". 76,769,000,000 1924 79,365,000,000 1925 86,461,000,000 1926 *. 89,682,000,000 Here we have an increase of $28,- 000,000,600 in seven years—a pretty rapid decline! Comrade Varga is correct when he states that the American stand- ard of living is not going down. The fact of the matter-is that the real income has been increasing 7 per cent every year. What the opposi- tion confuses is real wages with the rate of exploitation. Now from this “fallacious income analysis Comrade Bittelman comes to his most “damaging” conclusion against the theses proposed by Buk- harin. He says: “The theses, do not bring out sufficiently the dependence between the outer and inner con- flicts of imperialism.” Comrade Bittelman wants to create the im- pression that Bukharin’s theses tried to explain the conflict among the imperialist powers without a class basis, without linking them up with the relations of the classes in. the various countries. It goes without saying that this is a ridiculous charge which, if it were trua, would challenge the whole Marxian basis of the theses proposed by Comrade Bukharin in behalf of the Russian delegation. (To Be Continued.) and are the net} | } has been reported to me that all doubts as to my nationality have been dispelled by the photo published at the head of this column, but I am going to risk reviving those doubts by becoming a sales- man for the day. If I succeed in |convineing a goodly number of the |readers of the Daily Worker that |they should do as I suggest, they | may come to the conclusion that I |am too good a salesman to come | from the Emerald Isle and if I don’t, | the business manager will come to | the conclusion that no other country would produce me. Like the pres+ | byterian, I am damned either way. Ce eae | NYHOW a fellow is always tak- ing chances unless he is stowed away comfortably in a nice quiet | graveyard, so here goes. Those of | ‘ _ you who read | the Daily Work- er, from front to rear, includ- ing the adver- tisements, have noticed that we have ystarted a subscription drive. This drive will last for the duration of the election cam- paign. The 1 Workers (Com- T. J. O'Flaherty miuiiat)' © Party: |of which the Daily Worker is the \central organ, is the only political | party in the United States that com- bines a subscription drive with an election campaign. One is comple- | mentary to the other. | oe A ae T= big difference between the at- titude of the Workers (Commu- nist) Party and capitalist parties to- |wards election campaigns is mirrored in this subscription drive. The capi- talist parties are out for votes, and we include in this category the cari- cature of a socialist party, headed by Norman Thomas. The Com- munists are in the campaign to make revolutionists by agi- tation and propaganda, to help in the organization of militant indus- trial unions and to bring all class- conscious workers into the Commu- nist Party, CAINS Sich | | (ONVINCING workers to ote the | Communist ticket is an ex- tremely ‘important duty. Getting those voters to subscribe to the Daily Worker is doubly important. The speeches made by Communist speakers during an election cam- paign may be quickly forgotten by thousands of workers on whom they made an impression at the moment. Even workers who vote for the Communist ticket as a result of those speeches may become lost to the movement afterwards unless they are kept constantly in touch with the activities of the Workers (Communist) Party. But when you get a worker to subscribe to the Daily Worker, there is a strong pos- sibility that he will become a con- vinced Communist and a member of the Party. es ae ee HOULD the Communist ticket poll 100,000 votes in this election campaign and secure 10,000 new readers for the Daily Worker and 5,000 new members for the Workers (Communist) Party, this would be considered by the Central Executive Committee of the Party a more suc- cessful election campaign than if the Party ticket polled 250,000 votes, but failed to secure any sibscrip- tions to the Daily or any new mem- bers for the Party. Such a cam- paign would be hardly worth the time and energy expended on it. It would be only a bubble, like the cam- paigns of the socialist party which always put the emphasis on votes. This is not the kind of a campaign that the Communist Party is making. Pi, aN ee are wonderful possibilities for realizing the goal of 10,000 new subscribers for the Daily Work- er between now and voting day in November. Every worker who signs his name to a Communist petition is a prospect for a sub. In the state of Ohio alone the comrades collected 20,000 signatures’ Ten thousand of those were collected in Cleveland. If only one out of every twenty of those signers could be induced to subscribe to the Daily Worker it would be a great accomplishment. and a guarantee for broadening the base of the Party in Ohio. This ap- plies to every other state. eh aye UR readers must not come to the conclusion that the subscription list is closed to members of the Party. They should be the first to subscribe. The business manager will tell you that papers sold on the newsstand are a financial loss, to the Daily Worker Publishing Com- pany. It is better that the profit mate by the distributor and the news-agents'should go where it will do most good, in the-coffers of the Daily Worker, tho everything should be done to encourage newsstand sales. A revolutionary newspaper is usually published at a loss. The big business advertisers that enable the capitalist newspapers to run larg@ editions with all kinds of fea- tures would not give a Polish zloty to the Daily Worker, which depends almost entirely on subscriptions and contributions from the workers.