The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 6, 1928, Page 6

——— Page Six Daily WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 6, 1928 Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc., Daily, Except Sunday 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: “Dziwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): 8 per year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 per year $3.50 six months ‘$2 three months Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. -ROBERT MINOR -- WM. F. DUNNE Entered as second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. Y. under the act of March 3, 1879, VOTE COMMUNIST! For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER For the Workers! For the Party of the Class Struggle! Against the Capitalists! For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW The Red Presidential Campaign. Do workers closely sympathetic to the Commur’.st Party—do even all of the mem- bers of the Workers (Communist) Party itself realize the importance of the nation- wide campaign now getting under full speed with the speaking tours of Foster and Gitlow? A y scores and even hundreds of thou- sands of American workers have a friendly acquaintance with the Workers (Communist) Party. They have learned by experience that this is the party which can always be found on the picket-line side-by-side with the work- ers in any struggle, large or small, with the employing class, the state or the treacherous bureaucrats which so often attack their or- ganizations “from on top.” In short, many thousands of workers know the Workers (Communist) Party as a -“strike” party, so to say. But with the getting of the national polit- ical campaign under full steam, these work- ers will have the chance to see the same fighting party in a broader light. Not that the Communist Party shows a “different” side to the working class in an election cam- paign from that shown in a strike. On the contrary, the Communist Party is unique in exactly this fact, that it is and remains con- sistently the militant party of the class struggle at all times and under all conditions. The great audiences which will hear Fos- ter and Gitlow in scores of cities and towns throughout the United States will witness a kind of political campaign that is con- ducted by no political party other than a | Communist Party. Not obsequious solicit- ing of the largest possible number of votes from all classes alike by softening the sharp discords between the classes, but conduct- ing a a straightout propaganda and agita- tion of class struggle on the part of the working class against its enemies, is the Communist method. Not to make a separa- tion between what is called “politics” and the fights of the workers for wages and con- ditions, but to link together all phases of the struggle of the workers for the smallest de- mands and for the largest. To show the working class that every class struggle is a political struggle, and to lead the workers always more and more consciously to unify their forces and their struggles. To polit- icalize the struggles of the working class in the true sense of the word—to direct. the struggle into broader and deeper channels in which the whole combined struggle ap- pears more clearly as the struggle of all ex- ploited classes and peoples for emancipation against the capitalist class and against the capitalist class state. * 9/3 Much can be done in this election cam- paign struggle to make vast numbers of American workers for the first time see the connection between their economic struggles and the necessary political struggle. Foster and Gitlow and the many other candidates on state and local tickets can bring many to understand that they must vote as they strike. Holding always before the working class the essential character of- the Work- ers (Oommunist) Party, its revolutionary purpose to be realized not in capitalist “dem- ocracy,” but in the revolutionary struggle for the overthrow of capitalist society and the establishment of the dictatorship of the working class, the Communist candidates will stand in sharp contrast to the oppor- tunist vote-snatchers of the socialist party. “Socialist” party election activity is a blind to draw the workers away from class struggle and into “political activity” in the pettiest and most sordid sense of capitalist politics. Communist election activity is a broadening and clarifying of the struggle, so that it becomes political in the sense of being unified and strengthened and deepened into a conscious struggle for power. The working class ticket before the work- ers is the Communist ticket, and the man- ner of conducting the campaign can make the workers understand this essential truth. Members of the party and sympathizers must see the tremendous significance of this campaign, and act accordingly in sparing no labor to make the meetings big and suc- cessful. Communist election activity is revolution- ary activity. Expose C. M. T. C. Vacation E MORE, BOSS.” By Fred Ellis Labels on Empty Bottles By BERT MILLER. “The party term Republican isn’t definitive any more. It isn’t even descriptive. No more so is the party term Democrat. They are labels on empty bottles, signs on | untenanted houses, cloaks that cover The Terms “Democratic” and “Republican Mean Same; Both Dance to Wall Street but do not conceal the skeletons | tion to Al Smith's fund in 1928. beneath them.... There are no George B. Cortelyou, former as they are. if In 1844, and for a long period |trusts, monopoly, etc. The demo- leratic platform of 1900 declares: an unceasing warfare in nation, | state and city against private mon- |opoly in every form.” Yet the fact pone that following a few phrases, intended for the consump- | tion of the petty bourgeois, small | genuine issues between them, no au- Secretary of Commerce under Roose-| thereafter, the democratic platform | merchant and manufacturer, about thentic differences of policy or per- elt, and ex-Chairman of the Re-| assailed the evils of federalism. It| “sinister monopolies formed for the |publican National Committee, has| demanded “a form of government | purpose of wringing from the neces- | formance.” Post, March 25, 1922. ¥ © £4. ke a1 ath | Hall. The frequency and agility with | Hall, t f red which the Mehest Toihebe tenes of Consolidated Gas Company of which | rights of the various states. Yet we need have no fears of a democratic | | American capitalism have assumed |—Samuel Blythe, Saturday Evening recently become closely associated | springing from and upheld by the | saries of life an unrighteous profit,” with Nicholas F. Brady, multi-| popular will,” declared “that the | we find in the democratic platform millionaire “angel” of Tammany | Federal Government is one of limited | of 1928, the following assurance:| e through the merger of the powers,” and insisted upon the | “Honest business, no matter its size, of peace propaganda designed to lull Cortelyou is the head, and the| find that the World War during the | administration.” and discarded political labels, in the | Brooklyn Edison Company headed | administration of President Wilson, election campaign of 1928, and the by Mr. Brady. The Mellon interests | “increased the power of the Federal similarity of the interests sented on both sides, are convincing repre- evidence of the closest identity of the | fessor Irving Fisher, close associates | The president, above all, was given| two major parties as instruments of | Of Woodrow Wilson, have just leaped almost unlimited power” the ruling class. John J. Raskob, for |Chairman of the Democratic Na- are involved in this merger. ; Senator Robert L. Owen and Pro- over the fences into the republican instance, | C@MP. There can be no better example of |Government tremendously, central- l\izing it to an unheard-of degree. over the | industrial life of the nation, the rail- \roads, telephones, telegraphs and the press. “The rights of the | tional Committee, was formerly a the political acrobatics now taking separates states were subordinated member of the republican party, a place, than the struggle within the|to the desires of the Federal Gov- |member of the Union League Club/| Executive Council of the American | ernment.” |and is reliably reported as one of| Federation of Labor, regarding the| Party,” by John Pepper P. 25). those who called on Calvin Coolidge, |indorsement of candidates. | to ask him to run again. Mr. Ras-|trary to long established precedent, | New York State, Al Smith came out |kob is at the same time one of the| this body of capitalist henchmen did for increased centralization of the General | not indorse the democratic nominee | Motors Corporation, a Morgan firm, as usual, but could arrive at no de- leading figures of the The “vacation” promised young could. see at once that some of the | harnessed before they are served on|ROtwithstanding the fact that workers who go to the Citizens’ Military Training Camps is exposed in a letter from one of the recruits Many join the army ist) League. | Some of the boys were yelling that/ because of hunger. “Unharness the mules before cooping them” was the spontaneous ‘army mules should be at least un- | | Bawled Out. demand of those who had been led to join the camps by the war de- partment, the letter reports. “Whether he is a Catholic or a Communist, there is a curse on each pair of lips.” The letter follows: * . * Fort Snelling, Minn., August 5, 1928. Dear friends, és : It is a good thing that at last|New York City, one organization is fighting for the by the Comn interest of the boys in the C. M. T. C., and is willing to publish the truth. I will tell you something of my own experiences here. The C. M. T. C. at Fort Snelling started on Wednesday, August 1. First of all we went through some- thing that was supposed to be a physical examination. We were rushed through such a machine-like | process that it brought a picture of a Ford factory. A fellow stepped in with his civilian clothing on—he ‘came out clad in full uniform. Dur- ing this transition period we got a taste of crankiness that is quite popular amongst those in the of- ficialdom of the army. Then a wave of protest went through the bar- racks. Some felt like leaving for shome. When we got organized into platoons we had to march out on| parade and take the C. M. T. ©.) oath. Lecture on Patriotism. The lieutenant gave a speech on “citizenship” emphasizing the im- portance of patriotism, but he didn’t tell us who got the profits while the young workers die in the trenches. At six o’clock Wednesday night we had our first army meal. It con- Higgins Renews Graft Investigation in New ts the right way. For the least | Hoover. Pre-Election Move Commissioner of Accounts Hig-| gins, on his first day back in New| | York after his vacation, renewed | where washing is done is terrible. | his “investigation” of graft in the|Water is fed through one pipe| |Department of Street Cleaning of | which at any one time wil be icy} Raditch’s Death and the Yugoslav Crisis | investigation, which before his va- cation had resulted in many bom-| bastic and self-covering accusations | | but very few sentences, is seen as | |a padded move on the part of the | Commissioner, who is utilizing the | rottenness of the New York City | facts presented by the Young Work- | official graft, to inflate the pre- election Tammany campaign. Indict Bankers BOSTON, Sept. 5 (UP).—Seven| | Middle Western bankers were in-| others here, I wish to say that the dicted by a federal grand jury today | war department has another guess on charges of conspiracy to defraud coming. We'll endure this “vaca~ New Englanders of $1,500,000 in a tion,” and when the time comes bogus farm loan scheme. ‘ 9 lent use of the mails was charged the side of the working class. against Guy Haston, John Huston, John Boyles and Harold A. Smith, all of Chicago; Orin F. Schee and white bread, water, pota-| Vernon Sigles of DesMoines, and) wee yet and brown gravy. One Walter Cravens of Kansas City, , | The appearance of your clothes and beds has to be “just so.” All buttons buttoned, shoes shined and mistake the student officer will bawl you out. The bunks are ex- -|amined daily and everything has to be placed correctly to an inch. * Conditions in the dormitories and The charges made | old or boiling hot. Yet we are ex- ioner included vague | Pected to take baths as often as assertions concerning graft and in- | possible. Also, we are expected to} efficiency and payroll padding in| be the department, but made no def-| washed up. inite charge against any of the.city supposed to be swept “under the officials involved in the graft. The sessions on the graft situa- to 40 beds and only one broom is | Raditch illustrate ‘the profound na- tion which Higgins announced had | given. But beds must be ready in| ture of the state crisis. We will re- ‘been held on his return, were held | twenty minutes and the room swept. | call the most iniportant: on May |behind closed doors. | The continuation of the so-called |tion, but whether sone is a Catholic| Belgrade against the government’s reveille on time, Also the barracks are ready for beds”—a room consisting of from 20 All came here for a nice vaca- or a Communist there’s a curse on each pair of lips. | C. M. T. C. Tool of Bosses. You may be sure that the officers will try their best to prevent the ers League from reaching the boys | here, but it is easy to see that the “so-called” vacation we get is to make us tools of the bosses so that we are ready to fight and die to de- in Fraud Scheme ‘end the investments of the capi- talists. Speaking for myself and some Fraudu- we'll use our military knowledge on All success to you. A C.M.T.C. ROOKIE. P. S. If you print this please don’t use my name, boys were disappointed because the |the table. However, it isn’t as bad| Dwight Morrow, of Morgan & Co. is food was\not as good as they ex-|as starving like so many unem-|0ne of the right hand men of Cool- pected. The next day the meat was | ployed workers in this country of | idge- to the Young Workers (Commun-|a great deal worse than before. | “prosperity.” Both Generous. Simultaneously we find that Mr. | DuPont, also of the General Motors Corporation supports Al Smith with |a generous contribution of $50,000, | while his associate in the same firm, |Mr. Durant, supports Herbert Mr. W. Hl. Woodin, head of the |American Car and Foundry Com- | pany, who contributed heavily to the | republican war chest in 1924, gives $25,000 without the slightest hesita- By GEORG. | The events preceding the death of | 80th a demonstration was held in |intention to sign the Nettuno | Treaties with Italy. Bloody fights, |ensued between the demonstrators | and the gendarmerie and numerous wounded bestrewed the barricades. Thereupon followed weeks of the \highest tension and an obstruction fight of the opposition against the government. The leader of the ob- struction was Raditch. The govern- ment party of the Great-Serbian bourgeoisie answered this obstruc- tion with threats to murder the \leaders of the opposition, and then very soon carried out the threat. On June 20th the government depu- ty, Ratchitch fired a -number of shots in open parliamentary session from the government benches at Raditch, killing Raditch’s brother Pavel, and two other members of | the Croatian Peasant Party and se- verely wounding Raditch and sev- eral of his friends, The Croatian Peasant Party an- sweredf this murderous attack by Con- cision in the present campaign. Dollar Twins. These occurrences and similar ones which take place daily in the present campaign, indicate clearly that the hand of the controlling group of Big Business is securely and simul- major political parties. But.there is closer approximation of both of these parties with each other in the path laid down by the dominant big business interests of the country. Labor In |the last gubernatorial election in (See “For a | state government and a four year |term for governor. In spite of the fact that the democratic platform still contains a mild demand “that .the rights and powers of the states | shall be preserved in their full vigor |and virtue” and opposes “bureau- |cracy and the multiplication of offi- | |ces and office holders” to placate ‘taneously at the throttle of both) the Solid South, the democratic Party has already given full assur- leven more convincing proof of the ance of its ability and readiness to strengthen the centralized power of | the government as a necessary asset | of American imperialism. | A study of past platforms of the More Pap. | In 1900 under the leadership of | William Jennings Bryan, the demo- cratic platform, declared: “No nation can long endure half republic and ‘half empire” and further, “We are) |unalterably opposed to seizing or |purchasing distant islands to be governed outside the constitution, |and whose people can never become citizens.” Yet Wilson’s platform of 1916 declared: “But the circum- stances of the last two years have | revealed necessities of international action which no former generation could have foreseen. We hold that it |is the duty of the United States to |use its power, not only to make it- self safe at home, but also to make secure its just interests throughout the world,” which constitutes a clear and unequivocable defense of the acts of American imperialism. The record of the two parties brings into much sharper relief their |approximation toward the line set down by American imperialism. No distinction can be drawn between them as far as the use of injunc- tions and police violence in labor disputes, the passage of legislation |favorablé to business, such as the This can be seen in tracing the de-| two major parties discloses the fact| Federal Reserve Act, reduction of | withdrawing from parliament andj One of the chief gainers by this new- setting up in the Croatian capital, Agram, a sort of opposition parlia- ment. The news of the murder in parliament called forth tremendous indignation throughout Croatia. On sants were formed. Barricades were erected in Agram and dead and wounded lay around. Raditch’ him- self, who appeared to be recovering from his wound, tried to exercise a pacifying influence, but passions had been aroused. At the beginning of August the editor of the Serbian journal, which had given incitement towards the murder of Raditch, Ris- tovic, was shot down in the streets of Agram, the act meeting with popular approval. The Croatian territory, populated chiefly by poor peasants, belonged before the war to the Austro-Hun- garian Monarchy and was incor- porated in Hungary. Under the Habsburg Monarchy the country was administered as a colony. As was the case with all the suppressed nationalities of the Habsburg Mon- archy, the Croats, too, lived, as far as the broad masses were concerned, in complete national, social and cul- tural enslavement. After the war the Habsburg Monarchy collapsed. June 21st endless processions of pea- | |formation of states was Serbia, | which was selected by France as an outpost in connection with French plans for supremacy in the Balkans and became a big state. Among other territories to be incorporated in Yugoslavia was Croatia. Once more’ Croatia was treated as |a colony, oppressed nationally and exploited economically; this time by the Great-Serbian bourgeoisie. The |result of this Great-Serbian policy was general impoverishment of the Croatian population, and more es- pecially of the peasant masses. Na- turally, this national suppression was felt most by the poor working masses. The well-to-do strata, so set at a disadvantage: by the Serbs, used the dissastisfaction of the masses in Croatia for their own pur- poses. They formed a separatist movement, which often bore upon its banners radical slogans of complete severance of Croatia from Serbia. | But the petty-bourgeois leaders of | the Croatian movement were them- selves afraid to take revolutionary measures, for their chief purpose was to gain satisfaction for the | Croatian upper classes, which object was best to be achieved through a compromise with, fe Serbian bour- |velopment of the two party plat-|that each of them have at times| taxes, etc. ‘forms, hypocritical and deceptive |fulminated more or less against the | (To Be Continued.) geoisie and through participation in governmental power. In addition to these domestic causes the State crisis in Yugoslavia is aggravated by the outside inter- ference of the big imperialist powers. French imperialism is equipping Serbia as its guard in the Balkans against Italy. As far as the Croatian question is concerned, French imperialism has an interest in the Belgrade policy of the “mailed fist” in order to make the country ripe for war. _On the basis of the Anglo-French rapprochement against the Soviet Union, the Belgrade Government is compelled to draw closer to Italy by ratifying the Nettuno Treaties and opening Dalmatian and Croatian territories to Fascist penetration. The resistance of the Croatian parties to these intentions of the | Belgrade Government was strength- ened when it became known that, as a price for the signing of the Net- tuno Treaties, Belgrade was to re- ceive from England a fifty million pound loan, accompanied by English financial control, exclusively to serve the economic interests of the Great-Serbian bourgeoisie, which would signify the Croatian upper classes once more at a disadvantage. ‘Told You So 1 hese FLORENCE E. S. KNAPP, former secretary of state for New York, was sentenced thirty-day term in prison for grand larceny. It appears that Mrs. Knapp, a republican par- ty leader, took unto herself several thou- sands of dollars - that were in- tended for use in counting the heads of the in- habitants. of New York : state. Had Mrs, | Knapp been a poor working woman, who,. seeing her children hungry, took a bottle of milk from a wealthy neighbor’s doorstep, her punishment would be more severe. As it is, Mrs, Knapp is said to be shocked at the sentence. AL SMITH may be gracious enough to pardon Mrs, Knapp, even though her sentence could not be milder had she stolen a gander. This would touch new levels among the liberals and even some hard- boiled republicans might take the | gesture as a sign that with Al | Smith in the white house legitimate grafters would not fare so badly. It would be nice, you know, if a gen- tleman’s agreement could be reached between the republican and demo- cratic parties to share the loot on a percentage basis, the lion’s share go- ing to the party that polled a major- ity of votes in any national, state or city elections, 'ORMER Judge Jacob Panken, of the Municipal Court, returned | from the International Socialist Con- |ference in Brussels, is fully convinced |that the imperialist “anti-war” |treaty of Senator Kellogg will pre- vent “big wars.” The ex-judge ap- | parently is not much concerned over | little wars, like the war on Nicar- agua or the continuous punitive ex- peditions sent against the peoples of India, Syria, and other peoples, by |the imperialist powers that enslave them with the sanction of the League of Nations. | 'T. J. O'Flaherty | {MANY readers of the Daily Worker believe we are indulging in ex- cessively severe éondemnation of the ”? | “We pledge the democratic party to| socialists when we class them as jallies of imperialism. Yet Panken’s |and Thomas’s views on the fake | Kellogg peace pact proves our con- |tention. The imperialist powers, while preparing for war to defend | the loot already in their possession | or in order to grab off more spoils, are continually drugging the mass mind with pacifist illusions. Side by side with the building of battleships, bombing planes and the production of poison gases goes the production | their own cannon fodder as well as |to throw their imperialist competi- tors off the scent. | HERE is where the socialists come | in handy. Of course the Ameri- |ecan socialists do not play as impor- |tant a role in this game of bluff as do the European socialists. But they take exactly the same position on this question of war. Wars between big powers, or “big wars,” as Bro- ther Panken says, the socialists are against. Such wars are liable to put too big a strain on the capitalist system and result in a nasty revolu- tion. But little wars to punish sub- ject peoples for daring to demand | freedom, though Panken might send |a fervent prayer aloft to Jehovah, |and Thomas an earnest supplication |to Jesus, to make the milk of human kindness flow more freely in the | breasts of the ruling classes. uae? aa THE socialists do not object to im- perialism conquering other peo- ples, stealing their land and natural |resources and putting them to work las wage slaves. This is what they jcall preparing the world for the so- jcial revolution. But they don’t like |to have to kill Nicaraguans and others who resist this “civilizing” | process. They sometimes protest, |little less vehemently than the im- | perialist political acrobat Al Smith ‘it is true, but still they protest against the “unconstitutional” kill- ing of subject peoples who fight for their freedom. But just as soon as any subject people is having reason- able success in returning shot for shot, they always find some darned excuse for jumping on the defend- ants and threatening them with so- cialist displeasure unless they lie down and confine their activities to writing letters to The Nation or the World Tomorrow. + ee WHEN the polecat produces attar of roses instead of the perfume by which he has hitherto won recog- become an agent of world peace. Socialist leaders know this. They are not political idiots, any more than Smith, Hoover and Company. They have cast their lot with the capitalist system in conjunction with William Green, George L. Berry, John L. Lewis, and the rest of the labor fakers. They have a stake in the capitalist system. They are en- gaged in the business of fooling the masses. And no greater disservice can be rendered the workers of the world today than to give them the impression that the Kellogg peace pact will or can prevent big wars. Lack of space prevents me from touching on incidents that have transpired since the signing of this fake treaty in Paris, which would convince anybody that the Kellogg pact is the joke of the century as a peace instrument. to a” nition if not favor, imperialism will ” j } i t