The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 4, 1928, Page 3

THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 1928 Page Three Bukharin’s Speech in Repl Bukharin’s speech in reply to the discussion on the international situation at the Sixth Congress of the Com- munist International began in Saturday’s Daily Worker. Those sections already published are: “I. The Positive and Negative Sides of the Discuss ion, “II. The Stabilization of Capitalism and the Controversy over the ‘Third Period,’ ” and “III, The War Question is the Central Question.” ome Thus, the imperialists say: We) don’t want war, the U. S. S. R. wants war. Pilsudski says: I don’t want} war, the U. S. S. R. wants war.) Meanwhile, all of them are fever-| ishly preparing for a war of aggres-| sion against the U. S. S. R. and for} war among themselves. I do not) wish to assert that this war will! break out for certain within the next} few,months. No one can say in what| month, or even in what year war} will break out. But the point is not} whether war will break out within| & year or two or three. The point is that the danger of war is grow- ing from month to month. I think that this is perfectly clear. It is to the imperialists’ interests to obscure this thesis and the social democrats are interested in the same thing. But there is no reason why we should ronceal this fact. Hence, I cannot agree to the significance of this fact being diminished in any form, even in the form of separating external contradictions from internal contra- dictions. Several comrades, as it were, keep | internal contradictions in one pocket and external contradictions in an- other. There were several comrades of our delegation who adopted the same attitude, but they received no support. Is this attitude correct? No, it is not. It is the reflection of an underestimation of the war dan- ger. From the objective point of view it is the reflection of right wing dangers in the Communist In- ternational. The principal danger that threatens us is the under-esti- mation of the war danger. In view of the fact that this question is by no means a simple one, on the con- trary, it is a very complicated one, | I think it is my duty to explain it| in the most elementary manner pos- sible, in order to avoid any possible misunderstandings and in order to obtain a clearest possible picture of it. First of all, are there any persons in the Communist International who under-estimate the war danger? Undoubtedly there are. Comrade} Thorez, Semard, Ercoli and many other comrades referred to it. All of us have said and emphasized, for example, that the Chinese revolution and Japan’s war against China have not been sufficiently reflected in the work of the Parties affiliated to the Communist International. There- fore, the objective situation reveals & continuous increase in the war danger, if the position of the im- perialists and social democrats is absolutely clear, then we must take the under-estimation of the war dan- ger seriously into consideration. This under-estimation of the war danger follows from the fact thet the war! danger is regarded as an ordinary problem, as one of many equally im- portant problems. We do not link up the war danger with other ques- tions in such a way as to subordinate all our other tasks combatting ap- | proaching war. And this is pre- cisely what we must do if our ac- | tions are to correspond to the ob- jective situation and to our tasks of | the day. This is why I would like to enlarge on this thesis. You know, comrades, that in his article on the Hague Conference, | Lenin wrote, that in time of war or immediately on the eve of war a section of the Communist press will | undoubtedly disgrace itself. Of| course, it may be said that Lenin| was a “pessimist.” But the fact is, we have these words written in black and white by Lenin. Shall we say that this was an “incautious” expression to use? I do not know whether this forecast will be re- alized, but I do know that such a danger exists in view of the under- | estimation of the war danger. I ask you what other danger is there to compare with this one? Almost none, for this is the fundamental question of the whole situation. How the Question of External and Internal Contradictions Should be Presented. I ask you to verify the question as to whether this is the fundamen- tal question or not. If you decide that this is the fundamental question then it will be easy for you to draw _ the necessary conclusions. In my | opinion, attempts to transfer the | ! center of gravity from the question | ~ of the war danger to that of the| internal contradictions or to some other, imply a failure to understand the seriousness of the situation. This question is closely connected with the under-estimation of the in- tervention which has already com- menced in China. I think also that it is connected with what I referred to in my speech: the inadequate in- ternationalism of our Communist Parties, The question of the internal con- tions is a very complicated one. I have already pointed out that some comrades, as it were, put the internal contradictions in one pocket and the external contradictions in| the other. Such an attitude does not correspond tc the objective state of affairs and must inevitably lead to erroneous tactical conclusions. Let us examine the question. First of all I ask you: is revolution pos- sible without war? This is quite a legitimate question. The answer is: of course it is possible. It would absurd to suggest that an im- mediate revolutionary situation can arise only in connection with war. | It is true that history shows that in a majority of cases revolutions have been connected with war. Examples of these are: the Paris Commune, which arose during the Franco- Prussian war; the first great rev- olution in Russia in 1905, which broke out immediately following the Russo-Japanese war: the Fehruary and October Revolutions of 1917 in Russia and a number of European and Asiatic revolutions, which broke out in connection with the world war—all these revolutions were closely connected with wars. But can it be asserted that in our times on immediate revolutionary situation in countries like Germany and Czechoslovakia can arise, only in connection with war? Such an as- sertion would be absurd and from the practical point of view it would jimply that we must “wait” for war to break out, and that we must take into account only one single perspective in our work. The ques- tion is: must we, as subjective fac- | tors, as a definite force, prepare for revolutionary situations under all circumstances? Of course we must. T repeat, it would be absurd to pro- pose any other tactics. But, speak- ing generally, the degree of proba- bility of revolution in éither of these cases are not the same. I would formulate this in the following way: immediate revolutionary situations are possible, and perhaps even prob- able in Europe say, even without wars; but it is absolutely inevitable in the event of war. In the event of war revolution is historically in- evitable; wars will be inevitably ac- companied by revolutions. Thus, it would be radically wrong to deny the possibility of an immediate rev- olutionary situation arising as a re- sult of the development of internal contradictions alone. Rejecting as I do the eclectic point of view of the comrades who isolate internal from external con- tradictions I must deal with the mu- tualyrelations of these contradic- tions. What are the mutual relations between these two categories of facts, where is the function point, which is to serve as the starting point or the. conclusions we must draw? In my opinion, world econ- omic contradictions, the great world conflicts are of first class import- | ance in this respect. Take England for example. Are the internal con- tradictions becoming more acute there? Of course they are. The growth of those contradictions in Great Britain are connected with the process of decline of the British | Empire. But has not the process | of decline of the British Empire its roots, in the majority of cases, in| it | not due to the competition of the | the international sitation? Is United States, to the centrifugal tendencies of the British Dominions | and partly also of the colonies, and a number of other international fac- tors? Picture to yourself a differ- ent international milieu for British capitalism, and the results will be altogether different. Now take another example, the | | | internal contradictions in Germany. | Who does not know that it was American capitalism that facilitated | the stabilization of Germany. Can we in this case draw a sharr line | of demarcation between internal and international factors? Just imag- | ine for a moment America refusing | to supply credits to Germany (a! prospect that is held out by the) Economist, Paish)—and internal | collapse is inevitable. | | with economics? I have in mind | politics and partly also economic |policy. We talk about “industrial | |peace,” “Mondism,” about the | treachery of social democracy and | of how it is becoming merged with the state apparatus, etc. All this is 100 per cent true. But try and explain these processes merely from the point of view of the growth of internal contradictions. You will | not be able to explain them. What | is “peace in industry?” It is the} most sharply expressed form of the | class truce—the best form of war) preparations. Those who fail to| understand that, lose sight of the| very essentials of the question. Why | was the Trade Union Act passed in Great Britain? Is it possible for us | to understand this “internal” act if we ignore external problems and completely lose sight of the prep- arations for war? If we ignore this point, in this way we shall be in- capable of cafrying on any agita- tion whatever against this act. Does not the new orientation of social democracy towards the internal question of class truce intensify the; treacherous role of social democ- racy in foreign politics? Is this| not clear to every infant? Is there anyone so foolish as to deny the| connection that exists between Paul | |Boncour’s military law with the in- | ternal situation in France as well | as with its foreign relationships? I} could quote numerous examples of a similar character. But the ex- amples I have already quoted are sufficient to convince us that all other problems are subordinate to the central problem of the war dan- ‘ger, to the problem of war. This |applies to the problems of internal politics and to internal contradic- |tions. Any other approach to the question of internal politics and to the tactical problems connected | with them are unsound and cer- tainly not revolutionary. The Fight Against the War Danger Must Permeate All Our Day to Day Work. We all start out from the point that it is necessary to intensify our day to day mass struggle. Several Parties are limping along very |badly in this respect. But every- one is agreed with the theory of it. | What then is the difference between lovr day to day work and the day {to day work of the social demo- crats? There surely must be a dif- ference. What is this difference? |The difference is that Communists | | must link up the day to day ques- | 35 DAYS of Interesting Travel Free Russian Visas COMPLETE TOUR | VISIT SOVIET RUSSIA (Last Tour This Year) Sails: SS. MAURETANIA October 17 WORLD TOURISTS Incorporated. 69 FIFTH AVE. New York Algonquin 6800 and The the presidential elections. 1928 The Presidential Election By JAY LOVESTONE 20 cents The secretary of the Workers (Communist) Party analyzes the economic and political background for The role of the major parties in the campaign. The tasks facing the workers and what the Workers (Communist) Party means to them. WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS 39 East 125th St., New ork City Workers tions of so-called “high politics.” Take a British Communist for ex- ample. What sort of agitation must he carry on among the masses when, for example, he has to lead, say, a small strike? The fight against restriction of trade union rights in any form must be linked up with the fight against the Trade Union Act. In its turn the fight against the Trade Union Act must be Inked up with the fight against |“Mondism” and With the fight Now take another category of egainst war. The fight against factors. Why should we deal only | war must be linked up with the fight for the dictatorship cf the proletariat. If he does not act in this way he is not a Communist. The broad masses of the proletariat TEXTILE PICKET LINES STRONGER Expose Fake Federal Mediation Scheme Continued from Page One a break in their ranks are the cause for frenzied attempts to marshall seabs, strengthen the police terro: and cal! in federal “conciliators” o: the strikebreaking Wood type. In spite of the rumors of rallying scabs, two of the most important mills here, the Potomska and the| Kilburn, were compelied to an- nounce to their office force, minor superintendents and other petty foramen, that the mills are com pelled to dismiss them until fur. ther notice. Charles Wood, federal labor com- missioner, announced that he is in- | tensifying his efforts for a settle- ment. Surprisingly little attention is being paid to his efforts by the workers, who are determined not to permit their inspiring struggle to be betrayed by a fake settlement Wood and the Textile Council of- ficialdom may reach without tak- ing into consideration the Textile who took part in the last world war know the “price” and know the in- |calculable suffering that the imper- |ialist bourgeoisie inflicted upon hu- mani In our day to day work we must point to the danger of war in connection with every day to day question of any importance. We could quite easily give up this tramp card, but it would be a very silly thing to do trom the political point of view. I want to put this question very clearly before the comrades and ask them to ponder over it. In my opinion we may make two estimations of the situa- tion, and from each of these, differ- ent tactical orientations will follow. One orientation is that which does IV. The External and Internal Contradictions |not co-ordinate general problems with everyday problems, and the jother orientation which certainly does link up every day to day de- |mand with the prqblem of war— \the problem which in our day is the central problem. In their tactics | Communists must unfailingly link | up every minor, everyday problem |with the big general problems. It goes without saying that this calls for considerable ability. High- sounding phrases are not enough. We must employ astute methods of propaganda and agitation; not iso- late but co-ordinate them and sub- ordinate all problems to the prob- lem of war. In criticizing the so- cial democrats (rights as well as “lefts,” who are the most le and most pernicious dec of the working class) we m phasize that “industrial democ and arbitration are not only con- omic significance, but that they are also means for the preparation for war. We must open the eyes of t and the poo fact. This is ho’ on our propaganda, this the direction towards which we n orieritate the whole of our t line. We do not want s; but A t the developing te st bring out the ce: pr In co-c dencies we m tral point, the central the war danger. our partial demands with the lem of war, with against war, we mus’ up with the propagand. tatorship of the,proletariat. It so happen, of cou t mediate struggle for e of the proletariat will c forefront even if there is But we must note the coming war is alrea Workers Union of the Textile Mill Committees, who are the real repre- sentatives of the strikers. Wood said he had applied to Secretary of Labor Davis for two more members of the commission to be sent here. * tect | The removal of the governor- jappointed judges who have sent |hundreds of strikers to jail, dona- jtion to strikers’ relief of the sums returned by the authorities to the |mill owners as tax rebates on their |property and the immediate ter- | mination of the police terror against ass picketing, are three of the utstanding demands to be made of overnor Fuller when the commit- ee of 40 strikers go to Boston to |keep their appointment with him. | Although by no means Utopian enough to believe that Fuller will concede these justifiable demands, \the leaders of the textile strikers take this step in order to further xpose the governental machine end show that even the higher of- |ficialdom are directly responsible for the oppression of strikers in Fall River. STRATON AGAIN HOLD PARLEY FOR "STRIKE DEFENSE |\Boston Conference for Mill Strikers Continued from Page One jeffort to break up the mass picket- jing. Many of the workers have |been arrested numerous times and| their sentences total, in some cases, jas high as two years. Their fines jrun into thousands of dollars. The |bail that is now posted with the courts amounts to more than $250,- |000, involving security running up | to $500,000. || “In Fall River 82 workers have | been arrested for their strike activi-| |ties. Their sentences amount to many months in jail and heavy fines. The judge has just handed down a ruling that is practically without| precedent, deciding that the bail| posted for an arrested striker is to be forfeited if the striker is again arrested! The bail put up for the! |Holy Roller, yesterday revived his 000. |attack on Tammany Al Smith, call- jing him the “chief friend of liquor ‘in America today.” + “The International Labor Defense, | a national, non-partisan, working-| jelass organization, whose aim is to defend all workers, irrespective of their opinions or affiliations, fr attacks, arrests and imprisonment, or deportation at the hands of the capitalists and their institutions, hi been busily engaged in the strike New Bedford and Fall River, j it is engaged in every similar gle. It has furnished lawyers and legal defense all the arrested workers, seen to it that bail was ¢ tained, and helped to rally workers in other parts of the country to the aid of the strikers. “The main defense work for the New Bedford and Fall River strik- ers has been conducted by the New England District Office of the I. L D., at enormous expense. All the strike cases have been appealed and will come up for trial by jury at the next session of the Superior Court, while additional new cases come up almost daily. All available financial and moral support must be mobilized for the defense of the textile strikers. “For this reason it has been de- cided to call a special conference of the International Labor Defense of New England District. “All sections of the militant and conscious labor movement, regard- less of differences between them, trug- to John Roach Straton, notorious | Fall River strikers amounts to $35,-| must be mobilized for this fight. “The representation at the Special District Conference will be as fol- lows: “1. Each branch of the I. L. D. is entitled to send two delegates. ee | y to Discussion on the International Situation evil shadov internal and ex- I have emphasized tic approach to this le. This the neces- determined line y for concentrating tention on the problem, of war; i for linking up this problem 1 all other problems, the need propaganda and agita- er to prepare the pro- e struggle against the nst social dem: s our fundamental t is the only possible Communist Interna Bukharin’s speech will be * 8 continued in tomorrow's Daily Worker when the fifth section, “V. Problems conne ed with the work of Parties,” the Communist will be published. organization of the having more thar nch) is entitled to send tw one of whom is to be the 3. All trade unions, co-opera workers fraternal societies and other organizations sym thetic to the aims of Internationa » are entitled to twe h, Former influential individuals interested ir labor defense, and members of thi “4 class-war prisoners District Committee of the I. L. D. are invited to attend the conferenct as fraternal delegates. 9. The expenses of all delegate: attending the conference are to be paid by the delegates themselves 0) the organizations they represent “Tt is the aim of the Internationa Labor Defense to make this confer ence of New England an imposing demonstration of the unity of al progressive elements in the labo: movement for the defense of Nev Bedford and Fall River strikers an for support of all persecuted work ers and their families and for or ganized resistance to capitalist per secution in America and throughow the world. “All organizations which favo: this idea are urgently requested t send delegates to the conference Credential form enclosed herewith Please notify the District Office a: soon as your delegates are elected. A Subscription to the Daily Worker Is a Vote for Communism ee eee Build the only English Labor Daily that is fighting against the oppressors and betrayers of the working class by casting in this Sub to the DAILY WORKER 26-28 Union Sq. New York Address Sent in By—Name .. 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