The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 3, 1928, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NE‘ YORK, (artdgudeae¢ 1928 Central Organ of the Workers Worker (Communist) Party : Published by NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc., Daily, Except Sunday 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: york Phone, Stuyvesant 1696-7-3 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): $8 per year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 per year $3.50 six months $2 three months Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Entered as second-class mail at the post-office at N .-ROBERT MINOR ..WM. F. DUNNE F. ew York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1879. VOTE COMMUNIST! * pS xy ay For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER ‘ For the Workers! For the Party of the Class Struggle! Against the Capitalists! For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW The Birthday of the Communist Party Our American Communist Party is nine | years old today. On September 1, 1919, at Chicago, the con- ventions of the revolutionary former mem- bers of the socialist party brought into ex ence the two Communist organizations which by a process of struggle and consolidation constituted our American section of the Com- munist International. The World War had revealed the rotten- ness of the Second International, the treach- erous role of its leadership through which each national section had been made an in- strument of “its own” capitalist government in support of the rival imperialist aims. Small indeed was the number of leaders that remained true to the revolutionary views of Marx and Engels. At the head of these few was the leader of the Bolshevik wing of the Russian social-democratic movement, Vladi- mir Ilyich Lenin. Only the Bolshevik Party of the Russian Czarist Empire had at that time the revolutionary Marxian character necessary to meet the situation. Lenin’s slo- gan, “Transform the Imperialist War into Civil War against the Capitalist Class’—his slogan which undertook to rally the working class of each capitalist country for the defeat of its own capitalist government—had suc- cessful results at the time only in one imper- jalist land. But the founding of the first socialist republic followed. In all countries including the United States the Russian proletarian Revelution had the effect which Lenin knew it would have. The general exposure of the oppor- tunism long cultivated in all social-democratic parties by corrupted, careerist leaders to whom the revolutionary teachings of Marx and Engels had become nothing more than “<ndiscretions,’—this exposure together with the living example of revolutionary Marxism in action really overthrowing the capitalist state and forming the Soviet Republic—could only result in the clarification and solidifi- cation of Revolutionary Marxism throughout the world. From the first news of the treason of the Second International leaders on August 4, 1914, Lenin raised the slogan of the found- ing of the new International of the revolu- tionary proletariat, and the founding of the Communist International quickened the proc- ess of solidification of the left wing of the social-democratic parties in all countries. At first taking advantage of conditions in the United States which delayed the entry of | the Wall Street government into the War, and later with empty words of pretended friendliness to the Communist International, for the joining of which they were going to “negotiate,” the Hillquits and Bergers of the American socialist party were driven soon to open alliance with the police and the capital- | ist class which is now so clearly visible. A fact often lost sight of is that the great bulk of the socialist party of this country left or was thrown out of that party in the strug- gle of the treacherous Jeaders to hold their positions and to crush all revolutionary tend- encies. The American capitalist government was able by a wave of police terror to drive the newly formed Communist parties out of open existence, and thus out of mass contact since the Communists could not then master the am of mass contact despite illegality. Thus the two Communist parties were re- duced to small proportions after the mass of the socialist party membership had quit the opportunist leaders. Under the influence of the Communist International the extreme sectarian tenden- cies were slowly eradicated and the two American! 8™all Communist parties unified. Also un- der the International’s guidance the Commu- nist Party was brought out of its state of illegal existence through the formation of | the Workers Party. This important step prepared the way for the Party to take a part in the big strike struggles of 1922, in the movement for amalgamation of the trade unions, and the fight for independent politi- cal action of the working class through the formation of a labor party. Through these struggles the Communist Party was learning the early lessons necess- ary to the formation of a Leninist party. Mass contacts began. Penetration of the trade unions took on a real character, and participation in the actual struggles of the workers drove the early sectarianism more and more to the wall. The Party began to learn the first lessons of work among the super-exploited Negro masses who will play such a large part in the struggle. Thus the Bolshevization of the Party was seriously carried forward. The reorganization of the Party on the basis of a shop nuclei and the abolition of language branches worked a_ transforma- tion so fundamental as to multiply the strength of the party. far beyond the pro- portion of its membership. Participation in strikes developed into the leadership of strikes of some mass signifi- cance. To the tremendous lesson of the need t owork in the trade unions was added the great lesson of Communist leadership of unions, of strikes, and then the great lesson of the formation of new unions, the organiz- ation of the unorganized by the Communist Party. Historic conditions objectively, and the development and Bolshevization of the Com- munist Party, brought the Workers (Com- munist Party before the working class as the sole leader of great struggles—so that for a long period there has been no single important struggle of the workers against the employers in which the Workers (Com- munist Party has not been depended upon by the workers for leadership. The supreme task of struggle against im- perialist war and for the defense of the So- cialist Fatherland of the working class of the world—the Soviet Union, brought a deep- er Leninist character to the Party. Here in the most fundamental way the Communist Party shows its development toward the revolutionary character whicl Lenin had in- stilled. The party that is not international- ist in spirit and practice can lay no claims to the names of either Marx or Lenin. The struggle against the imperialist aggression on Nicaragua and all of Latin America, the struggle for the Chinese Revolution, are testing and at the same time developing he Workers (Communist) Party as one worthy of the standards set by the great Party that Lenin forged in the fires of revolution. The Workers (Communist) Party today is engaged in these struggles. And to these are added, as an inseparable part of the entire fight on American and world imperialism, the revolutionary use of the national presi- dential election—rejecting illusions, rejecting the opportunism of parliamentary reformism and utilizing our participation in the capital- ist “democratic” elections for the rallying and training of the working masses in poli- tical consciousness, in class consciousness and class struggle. The Workers (Communist) Party can on its ninth birthday say without hesitation to the working class of America: “This is your class party; this is the party of the class struggle; this is the party of Lenin, the party of the revolutionary Marxian movement which will again put into action the program of “transforming the imperialist war into civil war against the capitalist class, and which will remake the world into a World Union of Socialist Soviet Republics.” McCoy Nervous in Nicaragua Election MANAGUA, Nicaragua, Aug. 31. —The situation here is so teuse as erackers because of their | f ilarity to gun-shots, which might | precautions so as to prevent any at- a L Satie the marines who will stand tempt on the part of the Nicara-|to the declaration of the colonial tem, which always guarantees the | \ a government, more than 1,500 per- government majority in the Volks-|the Dutch newspapers in Indonesia, close sim-jarmy officer, has made ali possible ~ the elections of November 4 draw | on guard all over Nicaragua, fully |guans to express their dissatisfac- near that a presidential decree, yrmed to prevent any uprising tion with the armed intervention. i ished with the approval of the ¥ States election committee, prohibited the explosion of fire- , « | among the inhabitants. | The election commission, leadesl | sale of liquor from September 17-to by General McCoy, United States | November 4 The same decree also bans the THE ROAD TO PITTSBURGH A By Fred Brill. | Lewis has declared Walker) (President Illinois State Federa-| | tion of Labor) ineligible as a jcandidate for International Pres- | jident of the U. M. W. A. Quoting} | Section 1, Article 8 of the Consti- | | tution, Lewis has informed him that | | “You are not employed at our trade | and have no official connection with |the United Mine Workers of Amer- lica as required by law.” | Pretty tough for a manipulator | of Constitutions to have the Consti- jtution used against him! So | Walker is shedding tears and com-) | plaining or discrimination and il-) legality. Walker is being pushed for the office of President, in order to fool somes miners into thinking that the | |. M. W. A. can be saved, that |there is no need of a new union. ; Lewis seems to be fighting back. | Whether this is stage play or not will be seen later. Admits U. M. W. A. Broken. Walker writes to a local union in Illinois: “I have looked on with sincere regret and profound sorrow at the disintegration of the U. M. |W. A. in recent years. There isn’t |anything on earth that I would | rather do than to rehabilitate it and | put it once again on a sound basis |in good standing with its member- |ship and with the people of our | country.” Looked on, John? What did you do to stop the disintegration? Not| |New Miners Union. | being thrown into the race as yellow | record. Gets Taste of Own Reactionary Medicine When Lewis Declares Him Ineligible a damned thing. You were doing your share to undermine the labor movement of Illinois by the same policies that Lewis put up. You | were fighting the progressives in Illinois, just as Lewis expelled the progressive elements who urged that the disintegration of the U. M. W. A. be stopped. And now you offer yourself as a Messiah, as the Saviour of miners. If the membership of the U. M. W. A. couldn’t save the union from destruction by John L. Lewis and his henchmen, what makes you think that you can save the union? You don’t intend to save the union for the membership; you plan to save the union for the bosses, for the rotten official machine of the U. M. W. A. Your backers know that the membership is against Lewis, that the members are com- ing out in greater numbers for the And you are herring to stop the tide toward the new union among the Illinois miners. But this won't work; the Illinois miners know your reactionary It won’t work. The New Miners Union will be built. The interesting part of this story is the confession of Walker that he| didn’t kick when unconstitutional acts were committed by Le: Why didn’t you kick, “Hone: John Walker? Here is what Walker writes: “I did not even raise objections to the} employment of former President + | White of the Miners Union to repre-| sent the International Union in the} South West, altho he left our organi-| | zation to become a non-union pow- der manufacturer, and so far as I | know never dug any coal or worked |in or around the coal mines after | having started in as a non-union |powder manufacturer.” Why didn’t | you kick, John? | | He goes on: “Neither had I any! | objections to his employment of |Butch James of Tower Hill to re- present our International Union in a legislative capacity in Washington, {altho just prior to that time and for a year or more, Butch James| had been serving as the labor re- | presentative of the then notoriously | non-union McKinley Traction *Sys- |tem, and so far as I know, had not | worked in the mines to qualify him- |self to serve in any international |capacity since that time.” | Why should you kick, “Honest” | | John? | won’t fool the miners. “Weepin ” Walker Complains James was only doing openly—what Farrington and Lewis were doing secretly—acting as of Why agents for the coal operators. | course, you didn’t kick,.John. should you? John protests: “I any objections even to K. CG. Adams representing our International Union before the Interstate Commerce Commission at Washington, dealing with the freight rates (the thing which I think failure to deal with properly has brought about the disaster to our union that. it is suffering from now), if in the judgement of the men in charge, these men were best calculated to render that service, even altho K. C. to my knowledge, |has never been a member of our union at all.” The New Union. John Walker, you’re an operators man as much as Fishwick, Far- rington, Lewis, Murray or the rest of them. Your program is an operators program. Your squealing Your appeal for constitutional rights and fair play is a huge joke. You're getting a dose of your own medicine. Whether Lewis or you or some} henchman of Lewis becomes Pres- ident of the U. M. W. U,, it is doomed. Nothing can save it. The New Miners Union has come to stay. By MOHAMMAD HATTA. President of “Perhimpoenan Indoneesia” Since the recent insurrection, po- litical events in Indonesia have taken an exciting but hopeful turn. On the one hand, the Governor- General De Graeff has made a change of front in favor of the Dutch colonial capitalist groun, while, on the other his attitude has stimulated the Indonesian national- ist parties to consolidate their uni- ted front. | ~ When De Graeff took up his post | |of eovernor-general in the autumn of 1926, he announced in the Volks- vaad—the so-called National Coun- cil, which is anything but a council | of the people—that the general line | of his policy would be to restore the confidence of the people in the Bov- | ernment, This was an indirect re-| pudiation of the reactionary rule of | his predecessor, Fock. He criticized in general terms the procedure that | had been adopted in combatting Communism because, he said, it had | degenerated into a systematic per- secution. And with regard to the nationalist movement, he said that he would not be a Dutch patriot if | he did not appreciate the national aspirations of the Indonesians, Deport Leader. But the soft “ethical” hand of Jonkheer De Graeff came down) more heavily than the mailed fist | of the tyrant Fock, for after the) failure of the uprising the people | of Indoesnia were delivered over to the unlimited arbitrariness of the government. Hundreds of so-called ringleaders were deported without trial to Upper Digoul, an unhealthy, swampy district in the barren wilderness of New Guinea. Many of them have since become victims | _of marsh-fever and died. According | sons includine wore> have already been deported to these concentration camp . Brutality, Deportation of Native Workers Has Brought Awakening of Class-Consciousness | Dutch Imperialism Enslaves Indonesia ment to hang without trial anyone ho opposed it. “Cord is cheaper,” said the “Java Bode,” in other words, hang the “rebels” instead of exiling or puttivg them in jail. Finally, | “Het Nies* var den Dag” said that isuch a method corresponded more those who are at this moment in|}members are government function-| closely to the Dutch idea of justice jail, awaiting deportation to the|aries. The Volksraad is a sham, so for Indonesians. Siberia of the Indonesians. |this “majority” is only a trick to| Notwithstanding the provisions At the opening session of the | Keep the Indonesians quiet. of the penal code making it punish- Volksraad last year, the Governor-| Meanwhile this conciliatory policy able to disseminate race hatred, the General De Graeff spoke of the pos- | Of the government towards the right Dutch colonial press can insult In- sibility of there being a large num-| Wing of the nationalist movement |donesians daily with impunity. The ber of innocent persons among those | has brought chout a certain unrest |“Het Neiuws van den Dag” went exiled. Now the colonial minister |among the Dutch colonials, who even so far as to write to the Gov- declares in the Dutch parliament | feel that they are living on a vol-|ernor-General the following: “Go that’ “conscientious” inquiries will|cano. Since the last uprising they away! Make room for another! You be made as to how many innocent have been dominated by the spirit .are an honest man with good inten- persons have been unwittingly de-|of vengeance. Even the officials tions, but what the Dutch East In- ported to Upper Digoul! This is a have been affected. During the dies want at the present moment is cheap excuse for a government session of the Volksraad last year, a stronger hand than yours.” Ac- which governs the colony in the|the Assistant-Resident, Meyer Ran-| cording to the prevalent code of most arbitrary manner possible; |neft, who represents the Dutch |“justice” in Indonesia such things while the’ oppressed people are un-|colonials in that body, urged the| are tolerated, if written for Dutch able*to bring the government to ac-.| adoption of a strictly hostile atti-| newspapers by Dutch journalists; count. tude towards the extremists. He should an Indonesian journalist proposed the creation of an “effi- say as much, the penal code is im- cient centralized apparatus,” a kind | mediately made applicable to him. of department for internal war, to|Many Indonesian editors hav been supply the police with Te yaad oly to jotaarharv aan pout ‘ ‘. sng renades, machine-guns, etc.” | onment for minor “offences,” while will, “exterminate Communism,” |Farther, he aid that the Dutch in| thelr European colieagues have com- while at the same time he expressed tatdanantay oct chee mitted crimes for which they have his willingness to tolerate and even | Mdonesia must dorks them- | mi Ives to be in a continual state of | never been prosecuted. encourage the existence of a pure °° | : 3 wa: and consequently must adopt | (To Be Continued.) Men snee meovements, but Gnly, esr erehaive: tactics... His! method “Gel Freiheit Chorus Plans long as it took up a conciliatory and rs is _|dealing with the “rebels” was: eal ae aee, MORTHE: GRR, BOVEEN “Strike them down without therey.” | . oe New Numbers at Picnic Many new musical numbers that . During the session of the Volks- raad De Graeff, still under the in-| fluence of the above-mentioned up-| rising, declared that the government ment. And in order to win the sup- 4 B port of the moderate elements in the, Racial Antagonism Growing. nationalist movement the govern-| The racial antagonism between ment proposed a law, which, con-|the exploiter and the ex- trary to the present position, will give the Indonesians a majority in the Volksraad—in which case the council will consist of 30 Indones- jans, 25 Dutch and 5 foreign Orien- tals. In the meantime no change has been made in the electoral sys- -aad, whatever its racial proportion + composition may be. It should be noted that under the present elec- ber will be greatly increased by | toral system most of the Indonesian |donesians and advising the govern- ploited is the cause of this spirit of | | Yengeance shown by the Dutch col- | (onial civil servants. But such a| spirit only serves to promote con- | |flicts between the government and | the people. The Dutch colonial press has also | been very much alarmed. Nearly all especially “Het Nieuws van den Dag,” have been carrying on a vin- | dictive campaign against the In- have never before been presented by the Freiheit Gesangs Verein, will ‘make up a big part of the program of that organization at its annual picnic, to be held Sunday, September 9, at Pleasant Bay Park, The chorus is preparing an entire- ly new program for the entertain- |ment of the thousands “of workers from New York City and vicinity who are expected to attend. NEWSPAPER headline tells us that “Kellogg Mutism Sets New Style In Diplomacy.” This has to |do with the rule of silence observed jat the signing of the alleged anti- |war treaty in Paris. Briand, when delivering his short speech of wel- come must have thot of the adage: |“In the kingdom of the blind the | cockeyed man is king.” |(HIEFS of the New York State Federation of Labor cheered |mention of Al Smith’s name. There | is no doubt but the labor fakers are for Al and they will succeed in convincing masses of workers that the election of the Tammany leader would mean _needle- less beer. The platform of the Workers (Com- T. J. O'Flaherty munist) Party is opposed to the eighteenth amendment, but | those who expect relief from the Volstead Act thru the election of Al Smith, are dreaming. Further- fea they are all wet, so to speak, | GCARCELY had the signatories to | the Kellogg pact adjourned to the wine garden when a war broke jout in Paris. A band of rich ladies oe oe . |status of women should be recog- / nized in the treaty demanded a hearing and when refused, stormed the president’s palace. They were | defeated in a short, but brisk en- counter with the gendarmerie and taken prisoners. This is the first | military victory won by the Kellogg peace treaty. se | NSTEAD of struggling for | women’s rights over in gallant France, where the female of the |species gets little more substantial |than compliments, Doris Stevens |and her Amazonic army should re- |turn to this country where women |are appreciated. Listen to what |the noble Elk, vice-presidential G. |0. P, candidate Charlie Curtis has |to say: “I want to see you women \in action during the campaign. If you join with the men we will win \bey an overwhelming majority.” |lais is an acknowledgement that the vote of the female is as deadly as the male’s, eae * BY George this fellow Curtis is a gem. A Curtis speech is as welcome to a columnist on a hot day as a thousand-word letter from in- dignant. reader. Charlie spoke at | Syracuse and the natives took the | precaution to have his finger prints |taken. Even lifelong republicans would not promise to vote for him until he left his finger tracks in the House of Correction. Now if a | Syracuse bank collapses in the near future, the stockholders and de- |positors will know where to look |foz the clue. Faith in capitalist | politicians is certainly ebbing fast. * * * | CHARLIE reminds one of a good |© deal of that good old soul War- | ven Gamaliel Harding. Gamaliel’s |favorite pastime was _ shooting |eraps when he was not doing the right thing by his little Nan. It ap- |pears that Charlie is a race track |addict. The vice-presidential candi- | date on the G. 0. P. ticket visited the |track at Syracuse and while there | delivered a speech that must have | given the nags something to whinny | over for a while. aor eight years it was my ‘privi- lege to follow the track and it al- |ways pleases me to see them | trot, pace or run,” Charlie said. “I | know you are here to see some rac- | ing and not to listen to me. I hope that they will bring the horses right out and that you will all pick win- ners.” Isn’t that just like bright, big-hearted Charlie? + * @ | SOMETIMES I think that capitalist politicians deserve all the graft | they collect. Once upon a time I ac- |companied a candidate for the ju- diciary on an automobile trip around the baseball parks and picnic grounds of Brooklyn. I was collecting mater- ial for an unwritten novel. He paid and paid and paid, but his audience | regarded him with a pitying look as |if they were being badgered by @®+ first-class nut. He passed in and owt of picnic grounds, forgetting that he had tickets, brought from the ward heeler in his pocket and paying at the turnstile both times. He stood in the middle of a baseball park dur- ing a halt in the game,:and was in- sulted in forty languages by the fans. Empty pop bottles popped from all directions and the candidate adjourned quickly but not gracefully. “It was a wonderful reception” he gurgled when he reached the safety zone where the machine was parked. So when you read of a capitalist politician getting away with a few million dollars, you should not join the anvil chorus of condemnation but temper criticism with mercy, |who insisted that the belligerent , f i | | ef! 7~ * ’ ” 4 = = i} 2