The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 31, 1928, Page 6

y igor specks of light into the sky. | Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, AUGUST 31, 1928 wemorsneereonns wae nn AeA Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS N, Inc. Daily, Except Sunday 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Cable Addres: work” Phone, Stuyvesant 1696-7-8 SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): $8 per year $4.50 six months $2.50 three montns By Mail $6.00 per year $3.50 six months (outside of New York): $2 three months Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. RS Editor .ROBERT MINOR .WM. F. DUNNE Assistant Editor. Entered as second-class ma ‘at the post-office at New Y N. ¥. k, under the act of March 8, 1879. VOTE COMMUNIST! For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER For the Workers! QiXx | WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY For the Party of the Class Struggle! For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW Against the Capitalists! The Communist Party On the Ballot In Bloody Pennsylvania The “Ruhr” coal and iron region of Germany is famous the world over, both in labor history and in the intrigues of diplomats and the strategy of field mar- shalls. But it might not be too much to say that Pennsylvania is as significant to the economy of the United States of America— and to the labor history of this country—as the “Ruhr” is to all of Europe. There are vast differences. From the point of view of labor history, we do not forget that the American working class has not had the same experiences as the brave German workers of the “Ruhr.” But those who know the long history of the workers of the mine fields of Pennsylvania will look to Pennsylvania for some of the most glorious achievements of the working class in the coming years. Pennsylvania is “the guts” of American industry in at least as real a’sense as any other section that could be named. The vast mass of workers in the basic indus- tries of iron, steel and coal can truly be call- ed the flower of the working class of Amer- self, tre nin itself, school itself in political questions so as to raise to a higher stage its class consciousness f the victory which .will crown all years of struggle. the cossacks Voting will not disp , will not change the state power r the struggle towards its many ace of the coal and steel barons into an instru- ment for the benefit of the working class, but the use of the election campaign in a revolutionary manner by the working c! ty which has no illusions of democracy, can bring to the workers pa ass capitalist of Pennsylvania an advantage in all their strug- gies. Is it an accident that the heading the Communist national ticket as red nominee for president and the candid late the late candi that heads the state ticket for United States senator, are respectively, the leader who organized the huge struggle of the Great Steel Strike, and a veteran steel worker who was associated with him in that struggle? The workers of Pennsylvania know that it is not accidental. They know this because the Workers (Communist) Party has been their one true, tireless leader throughout the terrific coal strike through which they have just gone, only to see their former union wrecked by the enemies of themselves and the Communists. It is no accident that the ica. But for the very same capitalist lords of the United States have al- ways used the greatest precautions, the most devices and the most methods to make a vast prison stockade of the steel-mill towns and mining camps. ingenious day’s news of success in the campaign to get reasons the | on the ballot were chiefly ruthless | ticket headed In tells us that the coal miners those who put through the successful campaign to get the national by Foster and Gitlow and the state ticket headed by the steel worker, Wil- liam J. White, on the Pennsylvania ballot. “REWARD YOUR FRIENDS AND PUNISH YOUR ENEMIES” By Fred Ellis How “Socialist” Party Has “Developed” | By I. AMTER | At last we know whither the so- |cialist party is going. “Thirty-six |educators have issued a call to join the socialists. Appeal for forma- tion of progressive party.” This is the goal of the socialist party, sec- |tion of the socialist labor interna- |tional. A party of liberals, to put | themselves at the “head of the lib- eral forces of the country.” Who and what are the liberals? They are the intellectuals, who in- terpret the struggles of the working class in the terms of emotion and |petty-bourgeois interests. They are \that section of the population which is being crowded economically and hardly finds a place in society. Is there a place for them in Amer. this they have not been unsuccessful. Pittsburgh is notoriously a city of blood- and-iron police methods directed against the working class. And if the police The other news item tells of the granting of the first charter for a local of the new Miners’ Union. This also is momentous news. department of that city can be regarded as a sort of a collective Harry Thaw on a ramp- age against everything that seemed to lead even in the direction of free expression from the masses, so also the trade cracy has long been best symbolized as that police department’s little Evelyn. Yet underneath the heartless official sur- face of the state of the coal and iron cossacks and the crass “culture” of the foulest type of America bourgeoisie exemplifigd by the Mellon family, there has always been present the fiery heart of the best that the American proletariat can show in men and women. It is significant that in the Daily Worker today appear two news despatches from the The Workers (Com- munist) Party—the American section of the Communist International, the revolutionary party of the American working class—will be on the ballot this year in Pennsylvania. This is one of the news items. It means a better opportunity for the working class of Pennsylvania to mobilize it- state of Pennsylvania. one. The great Na union bureau- 9. working class. that the new result of the coal miners an traitor Lewis, party which i Congratulat —and put the lot in many m It is a big tional Convention of the coal miners for the founding of the new national union to take the place of the now dead United Mine Workers, destroyed by John L. Lewis and his fellow servants of the capitalist class,—this great convention is now but a few days away. It will be one of the most important events in all of the history of the American It will begin on September There is nothing surprising Union that is being born is a struggle between the militant d the Communists, against the member of the same republican s bossed by Mellon, the arch- type of the scab coal mine owner. The whole working class of Pennsylvania has new opportunities to learn that the class struggle is a political struggle, that the picket line meets the state power of the bosses as its greatest and decisive enemy. e the workers of Pennsylvania Communist ticket on the bal- | ore states! They Studied with Guns in Hands By SOL AUERBACH. EV is a city of green and gold. Built on seven hills overlooking the Dneipr River, with its poplar lined streets climbing the hills, it is a breezy and vigorous city even in the summer. The people walking on the streets have a carefree and easy temper. In the evening they walk in crowds, singing and yelling to one anohter. In the Proletarian Garden, situated on a cliff high above the river, the workers of Kiev gather in the evening to listen to the orchestra or play on the recrea- tion grounds. The gilded domes of the churches blend with the rising and waving green of the streets into a harmony of gold and green in sunlight. The Blotches of light climb up the Kiev hills. Small flickcrs of light on the bridge, from the camp-fires on the opposite shore, from the stars. The smoke from the power plant casts a shadow across the moon. The Ukrainian students sing revolution- ary songs. Yasha stands at the stern of the boat, an athletic and imposing figure. He is the son of a peasant and a student at the Kiev Polytech. He is a giant. Strength radiates from his open collar from the well- set neck, from the muscular fore- arm, from the square jaw, from the lively prancing eyes. He is a man cut for leadership, with a spirit and will that sways m s. He becomes Jour leader immediately, leading the city feels like a summer resort to a|songs, urging us into action. temporary visitor who does not have and the color. Our boat is a volume of song.| to work while he enjoys the Dneipr| The Ukrainian and Russian stu- |dents are swept away by the motion In the evening members of the|of the boat and the call of the night. proletarian student the Prolestud, join us on the way to the river front. We walk along with the crowds, down the hundreds of steps to the river shore. Kiev ‘comes here on a summer evening, in organization, | They sing song after song with the |full strength of their being, united by common experiences, common | sufferings, common aims and ideals. They are songs that come deep, deep 5 |from the masses, full of power, full bands of arm-clasping joyous peo-|of vigor and triumph and also full | ple. They cross in large motor |of sadness. harges to the other shore of the| river where they build small camp fires and splash about in the water. “ * * areas singing into the night. * #8 Yasha stands at the stern of the His voice is deep and clear. From one Twenty-five of us embark on a|song to another he leads his com- large one-motored barge and chuck | rades, his deep rich bass dominating our way against the current up the | all. river. The river is smooth as glass | on the surface, hiding a swift and dangerous current. It is pitch dark “You must excuse us for singing our heads off like this, comrades. |You may not understand these gut there and Kiev throws only |songs in a foreign language. But a you surely must understand their ; Spirit, their real meaning. These songs means everything to us.” And he leads off on another. Suddenly he breaks off the song. We are drawing near to some con- crete pillars projecting out of the |Dneipr. He points to them defi- antly and says, | “Do you see those pillars? It is all that is left of a bridge. The bridge was blown up by the retreat- |ing Polish army. I was in the thick jof the fight. I have taken part in seventeen battles in and around Kiey. The land of the workers and peasants is invincible! Workers of the world this is your home. Work- ers, workers of the world, your day of freedom is at hand. We are your |mainstay, your rallying point, your hope!” He must have fought with the ;same abandonment with which he jsings. And yet Yasha is only one jof the many young workers and |peasants in the vanguard of the |Red Army. Only one of the many students who studied with guns in their hands, studied so that they could be leaders in the construction of the proletarian fatherland. | PUPPET GOVERNMENTS | WASHINGTON, Aug. 30.—In an- swer to the invitation sent to 48 states to join Kellogg’s pact to “out- law war,” only three petty govern- ments have thus far indicated their | unconditional acceptance. The gov- ernments are: Peru, Liberia and Luxembourg. Denmark, Bolivia, Austria, Cuba cated that they intend to join in the future. and San Domingo have communi-| jican capitalist society? There is. |Among these thirty-six men are men who help capitalism to develop | more rapidly in the United States; |but the majority of them are men land women who are unable to in- terpret the struggie that is taking | place, who cannot reconcile it with their conception of ethics, and, in |that some of them are teachers of | religion, decry a number of the baser | manifestations of the struggle. | “Industrial Peace.” These liberals are advocates of industrial peace. Why should in this age of reason, when “intellect has |taken the place of force,” as Mat- |thew Woll would put it, why should \in this day, force play any part in jhuman relations? The worker wants |let them sit down around the table | with the motto that industrial peace | jis the better method, a “give and take” policy, as has been instituted |in the settlement of the coal situa- tion in Colorado, and the class | struggle will be eliminated. This method eliminates nothing; it merely beclouds the issue for a short time, but the class struggle goes on none the less. Phrases will |not stop the workers from strug- gling. Economie determinism will |not keen the employers from forget- |ting industrial peace, when the |question of profits and control arises. The liberal phantasy will |not aid the intellectuals in solving jthe question. The struggle goes on |—and intellectualism will be swept aside. Prepare for War. Despite the proposals of indus- trial peace, the war industry is | working at top speed. “America |has the most formidable war gas | producing industry in the world,” so reports a renowned chemist. Surely | this industry is not intended for the destruction of the American work- ers! Surely it is not intended for the destruction of the working class of another nation, which has arrived at the stage of industrial peace be- |tween the workers and the capital- ist class! Mondism in England is | “established.” The British workers |no longer hate or fear the British capitalists. All is honey and roses —and the war industry will close | down. | This is the product of the propa- |ganda of the intellectuals—the so- |cialists who have “abolished” the ‘class struggle! This is the vain position of the petty-bourgeoisie, which is being shoved to the wall, In despair of its position. it clamors for peace, for it dare not take the position of the working class, and it cannot entice more than a shred of recognition from the capitalist class. The intellectual who sees | himself predestined to take over the |leadership of society! Will this class arrive at the sig- nal position occupied by the leader- ship of the Independent Labor Party (of Great Britain, all of whom, in- |eluding MacDonald, are intellectu- als? It will not. The MacDonalds | became the heirs of the mass move- ment created by the Kerr Hardies, the movement that led to the forma- tion and development of the Labor Party of Great Britain. The devel- cpment of capitalism in Great Brit- | ain required sagacious leaders of the | working: class, who could swing the | Labor Party from its labor and | struggle trend to support of capital- ist policies. The movement for | struggle was tamed, and the Labor Party became respectable. The Intellectuals. \ In the United States there is no |mass movement of the workers as | yet in strongly organized form. The | form of organization and of struggle is as yet the trade union in the) United States, and it is fighting a fight for economic improvements. | The intellectuals play little part in |these struggles. The brutal rise of | American capitalism, in sharp strug- le with imperialisms that are de- |clining and are fighting for their very existence, demands of Ameri- |can capitalism the application of | rigid measures against the working |class, which the intellectuals cannot ease, | There may be one. Woll, but there |eannot be many Wolls in the labor | movement in the United States, for |the organization of the workers, | which means the organization of the | unorganized, has taken the form of a determined strazgle against the | resolve of the emvioyers to make | America an open-shop country. Al- jeuoukh the company union idea is growing and more millions of work- ers are being embraced in it, the experiences of the workers who have been in company unions are tending to explode the entire idea. While | growing, the ground-work is decay- ing. The intellectual who is an ex- ponent of industrial peace, and| therefore of the company union, sees the flower bloom—and rot. Illusions. The socialist supports industrial |peace—and, foliowing in the wake lof the League of Nations, spreads the illusion that the League will bring about the area of international peace. Yet in the name of the Leagua of Nations, the world is near to international disaste: In |the name of the League of Nations, |the colonial peoples are being ex- |ploited as never before. It is a |more refined method—and yet it is more brutal. Irak, India, Egypt, Nicaragua, the Philippines, Liberia |—all of them present the same as- pects. There is no industrial and no international peace, for we are living in the era of imperialist wars and the social revoluti \ Has then the socialist—that is the American capitalist society? His role will soon be spent. It is not transforming itself into an intellec- ‘tual, liberal, progressive party, BY I. AMTER. (Continued.) | ‘The government is seemingly |highly interested in the strike. | Settlement of the strike, however, | will not be so easy for the company or the government. Chipping and |grinding is very hard and dirty work. Americans refuse to do it. | The work is done almost exclusively by foreigners—and in Canton pri- marily by Spaniards, Greeks and Italians. In Massillon, Slavs, Bulgarians and Rumanians | predominate. The work is of such |a character that owing to the tool the worker uses—350 lbs of air pres- sure in it,—the hands swell up the first few weeks and resting the tool on the knee causes great pain. Strategic Situation. Scabs therefore are difficult to procure. Men come and go, for they cannot do the work—and the hand- ling of the tool is dangerous. It is | stated that one of the scabs did not hold the tool properly and it flew | into the air. The result was almost la panic, | The Canton strike may be the be- | ginning of a big movement through- | out the steel industry. Even though the strategic situation of the men made their walk-out easy, the spirit that dominates the men indicates that it is not the consciousness that they can control the further produc- tion, but the fact that a spirit of militancy has entered them. They have been fooled three times, they ve hard workers, and when they saw that the company through the superintendent did not keep faith, they felt that the only thing to do was to strike. What was it that impelled the men immediately to organize? They met, elected their strike committee and proceeded to picket the mill. They issued leaflets, putting forth their demands and calling on the men in Massillon in the chipping and grinding departments to come out. They appealed to the men through- out the plant to cooperate, They performed all the maneuvers that tgained fighters would go through. Lessons of Strike. What lesson must we learn from the strike—which is still on with full force, despite the terrorism of CANTON STEEL STRIKE | peace, tha employer wants peace; | South} the police? One important lesson }and that is that despite unemploy- ment, wage cuts, terrorism, the workers are beginning to » fight | back. Spontaneous movements are | taking place. Some of these move- |ments are occurring in very im- | portant plants. Unquestionably, the Central Alloy Steel is turning out Commercial airplanes are also event- ually come under the jurisdiction of the War Department. In any case, Communists must be jalert: spontaneous movements have |their advantages and drawbacks. | Spontaneous movements may be led | by agents provocateurs. They may be inspired by honest men with | honest motives. Spontaneous move- | ments, without any organization, are |not the best of movements. But out of these movements, if the Com- munists are on the job, widespread movements may develop. This is the period of restlessness on the part ers, needle trades workers, steel workers, railroaders. The next few Bankers, Merchants Receive Kellogg On | Arrival In Dublin DUBLIN, Irish Free State, Aug. 30.—A reception committee com- posed of Captain Nutting, governor of the Bank of Ireland, and the heads of the chambers of commerce, together with government officials, met Secretary Kellogg when he ar- rived on the battleship Detroit from Paris, where he had just affixed his signature on the pact to “outlaw war.” Seventeen guns fired a sat lute as the cruiser approached. An automobile cortege, closely guarded, took the party to Dublin from the port. f KRASSIN LEAVES. MOSCOW, Aug. 30.—The Kras- sin, Soviet ice-breaker, which has been completely refueled and carries food sufficient for several months, is hastening its return to Kings Bay where it will resume the search for lost members of the Nobile expedi- tion and the six missing rescuers including Amundsen, intellectual—an enduring place in| unlikely that the socialist party, now | material for the War Department. | of the workers. Miners, textile work-| eliminating the struggle, and acting as the “peace-bringing” agent of the capitalist class among the workers, will thrive for a while in the United States. But this development will be of short duration. Unemployment of millions—for the second year—rationalization, which means the pauperization and impoverishment of milions (the num- ber of children working in. the fac- tories of the country is not decreas- jing but increasing), the industrial- ization of agriculture, the fear of ‘old age, the expansion of industry with the diminishing scope of for- jeign markets, the intensification of competition with foreign countries, | whose imperialist life depends on |foreign markets for goods and eap- | ital—all of these conditions present no possibility of industrial or inter- national peace. Mass Struggle. The American liberal and intel- | lectual—the American socialist—has “developed” into what he essentially ‘is—but too late. The struggle is |too far advanced for the capitalist | to be able to make much use of him. ‘War ‘and industrial and _ political strife are the order of the day. True, masses of workers are not con- |sciously in this struggle. The strike of the miners, textile |workers and needle trades workers; the spontaneous strike of the auto | workers and the Canton steel work- \ers, indicate that the oppressive and threatening conditions no longer ap- peal to the workers. Struggle is in the air—and instead of aciing as |pacifier—the American intellectual, liberal—called “socialist’”—falls into the category of third capitalist party, created by the petty-bour- geoisie, for the purpose not of |smoothing industrial and_ political differences between the classes but of aiding the capitalist in exploit- ing and crushing the workers. “Socialist” Treachery. This is demonstrated in all the struggles mentioned. The role of the socialist party has amply proven |this contention. The statement of the Reading, Pennsylvania, socialist |party that if a strike should occur in that city, the socialist adminis- tration will “give the employers bet- [ter protection than they have ever had before,” is brilliant indication of it. This is the analysis of the | “development” of the socialists in America. So be it. This eliminates the so- cialists from militant participation in the struggle—except as a counter- revolutionary element. It clearly opens the eyes of the workers fight- ing for elementary demands to the i |role pf the socialist party. Norman months may witness extensive |Thomas—yes, even that former strikes. worker, Jim Maurer—may shake hands with John D. Rockefeller and |Andrew Mellon. All of ther: wish industrial peace—the peace of the graveyard, while the workers wil} struggle in the streets for bread. Fighting Communists. The coming winter will demon- strate the truth of these assertions. Unemployed workers will demand work. — Children will be hungry. Workers in the factories and mills will fight for a little more, which will be denied them. Impelled by the growing competition with in- tense American rationalization, the capitalists of Europe will oppress their workers still more. This will react on America and produce a con- dition of sharper struggle. The so- cialist will play his true role—all flamboyant colors will be laid aside. A third capitalist party with the pious face and garb of the Rever- end Thomas and professors of re- ligion of the universities will be in the field—while the workers will recognize that, despite all profes- sions, the struggle is here and must be fought out—and their leaders vwill not be the emasculated, cas- trated black-robed socialist party, but the fighting, red-garbed Com- munists. Us ihad Told You So | WHEN Fred Marvin, the enterpris- | ing gentleman who furnished | Red scares to the bankers and the | Daughters of the American Revolu- tion, at so much per scare, was found guilty of libeling a prominent ; pacifist woman and soaked to tho tune of $17,000 damages, it was | feared that a worthy successor to Fred would be hard to find. But | Matthew Woll, a vice-presiden: of |the American Federation of Labor, jlearning that Fred got all his “secret” information about the do- lings of the Communists from the \eolumns of tha Daily Worker, stepped into the vacuum and is now peddling the same line of green goods that brought his predecessor ;much notoriety and some cash for | several years. * ee ah | 'OLL is not a chicken-feed peddler | of Communist “plots.” He is a | big merchant. Any newspaper that | agrees to run Matt’s picture and an- |nounce the fact that he is an of- | ficial of the Civic Federation can | have a brand new “plot” as soon as Matt has time to read the Daily | Worker. If the Daily Worker pub- | lishes a resolution on new tactics in | trade union work adopted at a con- ¢ |gress of the Red International of | Trade Unions, or a speech by Com- ation in the United States, Matt | begins to have labor pains and de- jlivers a “Red Plot.” | | Be a | JNFORTUNATELY for Matt, the capitalist editors are beginning to get sick of his stuff. Marvin was’ more clever, Fred issued his scares through prominent society ladies, who had to be played up anyhow in deference to their status in society and their connections with the pow- ers that be, behind department stores and corporations that carry on extensive advertising campaigns. The newspapers ‘also know that Matt fears the Communist propa- ganda because his job is at stake. When the workers get wise to Matt and his fellow-labor fakers, they will no longer vay him a fat salary for betraying their interests to the employers and sitting down with the grand moguls of finance who spend most of their time thinking up schemes to break strikes and make the open-shop universal in the United. States. i be | Hietoe DAY is nearing, but now- adays it if robbed of whatever working class significance it had previously. Though the labor move- ment of the United States was the original proponent of May Day as the rallying day for the workers of the world, later on, its reactionary leaders set up the first Monday in September in opposition to the first of May. Until recent years the central labor bodies in the various cities held parades on Labor Day with whatever unions that happened te be on strike at the time, or, most recently, taking the part of honor in the march, * UT, nowadays, strikes are tabooed by the reactionaries, and in most cities picnics have taken the place of parades. These affairs no longer have much if any labor character. High moguls of the state and city governments are invited guests and in the City of New York prominent militarists have places of honor. In Denver, Colorado, a scabby labor paper by the name of the Colorado Labor Advocate announces that the Denver Post of the American Legion is giving an American flag to the best uniformed union and that the labor-hating newspapers are giving a loving cup for the best float. Ps. ae i dain ae is only another straw which shows which way the wind is blowing in the old trade unions. The bureaucracy has plumbed the depths of betrayal. They have gone over, body and soul, to the employing classes. Most of the reactionary labor leaders now have substantial stakes in the capitalist systems. Their loot is invested in industry and they are just as willing that the workers should be exploited and kept tamely at the machine as the bosses of industry. * eet ae 'HIS period marks a definite turn- ing point in the history of the labor movement in this country, and, indeed, in every country. What it taking place here is an interna- tional phenomenon. It is true that in Europe the reactionary trade union and political leaders of so- cialist and labor parties parrot a more radical phraseology, but, in practice, they are all of the same stripe. Social democrats in Europe, leaders of the British labor party and the bureaucrats of the American Federation of Labor are all playing the same role, serving the interests of imperialism in their own coun- tries. Arrest Of Six Refugees Expected The arrest of the six Mexican refugees who are sought by United States authorities for complicity in the assassination of General Obre- gon and for planting bombs in the Mexican chamber of deputies was reported to be imminent by George J. Mintzer, head of the criminal bureau of the United States. The six are Jose A. Jiminez, a Catholic priest; Manuel Trajo Mor- ales, Oswaldo Rables Ochea, Anci- eta Ortega, Joaquin Navarro Bee- erra and Enrique M. Zepeda. They border immediately ofter Jose Toral killed Obregon, rade Bukharin on the political situ- * aes praca ae a a are believed to have fled over the —