The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 18, 1928, Page 5

‘Not Support | ne ane i a > Imperialist War, But Convert Into Civil Wa taken place in Germany’s position and the resuscitation of German im- yerialism. I have already referred to the growing contradiction between the economic and political power of the United States and the relatively significant dimensions of her colonial possessions. This contradic- om. finds expression in the growing aggtessiveness of the United ates of America. The slogan “peaceful penetration” is gradually giving way to open political and military occupation. The events in Nicaragua are a striking expression of this change in the policy of the United States. Notwithstanding all her liberal professions, the position of the United States is not far removed materially from military occupation. The aggressive policy of the United States is countered by her rival Great Britain. Anglo-American antagonism is now the pivot \round which all the antagonisms between capitalist states revolve. Conflicts between the United States and Great Britain take place m the most varied spheres. In the rather big conflict over rubber, Britain suffered a defeat and was compelled to compromise. Britain vas defeated also in the struggle for oil. Now the fight is taking place ver cotton. I have in mind the plans of United States capital affecting ; frica—in Abyssinia and through her to Egypt. United States capi- jalism has already stretched out its feelers towards India. On the South American continent the United States already holds jhe northern part of Latin America in economic servitude, and now it 's fairly successfully competing with Great Britain in the southern parts of Latin America. I repeat and emphasize that the conflict be- ween the United States and Great Britain is the pivot around which jhe contradictions within the capitalist sector of world economy revolve. THE RESUSCITATION OF GERMAN IMPERIALISM AND THE CRISIS OF THE VERSAILLES TREATY. In Germany a peculiar “Renaissance” is taking place, which is ixtremely important from the point of view of European relationships, hamely, the resuscitation of German imperialism. What does this mply? Germany has not yet its own army or navy, but its position has changed very considerably. Germany was crushed, German mono- polist capital went out of the war “game” greatly ruined. Politically ind nationally Germany was degraded. But with the aid of credits, primarily with the aid of American credits, German capitalism restored (ts affairs. The technique of German capital, or rather, the dynamics of technical progress in Germany, show record figures for Europe and n certain sectors Germany shows record figures for the whole world. n regard to economic reorganization the process of trustification in Jermany has assumed classical forms. Giant trusts, which exercise ‘normous international influence, the strong position occupied by Ger- man capital in the world markets, the relative cheapness of German soods and the growth of the competitive power of German capitalism tnd of German industr}, about this there can be no doubt at all. It is quite understandable that a strengthened economic foundation should find its reflection in politics: the Versailles peace treaty has n part practically been annulled already. The political position of Ger- pany capitalism has become considerably consolidated compared with what it was several years ago. Germany now plays a fairly important le in the concert of European states and on certain questions some- mes even plays a determining role. It is not difficult to understand at this feature of development, or rather this general process of jevelopment of Germany, is equal to the growth of the aspirations of erman monopolist capital in regard to foreign politics. The quest for mandates,” for protectorates and for colonies has become a political fashion in Germany. But this is not merely a “fashion,” but some- hing more material. This “fashion” does not lack real prospects, for r the | play of various antagonisms and forces, in the complex of rela- onships between France and Italy, France and Great Britain, France jnd Germany, Germany and Poland, etc., in this complicated tangle of Puropean relationships, Germany on the one hand is the subject and ym the other hand the object and in certain circumstances a number f countries may and will support Germany. This tendency in the de- velopment of German capitalism is linked up with the phenomenon nown as the “western orientation” of German capitalism. A few fears ago Germany was menaced by Entente capital. The muzzle of fe French revolver was levelled at her head; she lost her fortified po- itions and the only outlet German capital had for a short time was e bloc with the U. S. S. R. This was expressed by the Apallo Treaty i Germany foreign policy of that period. | Now the situation is changed. The colonial aspirations of Ger- any grow in proportion to the growth of monopolist capitalism and orrespondingly the western orientation of German capital becomes nore and more crystallized. It goes without saying that the present A sees ‘must not be simplified too much in our analysis; this funda- ontal tendency in the development of Germany does not by any means ‘clude the possibility of various moves and maneuvers on the political .fess board, of Germany taking advantage of the intermediary position he oceupfes between the western powers and the U.S. S. R., etc. This an indisputable fact. But these chess moves and maneuvers do not nnul the fundamental tendency of the development of Germany, which will willingly allow itself to be “violated” and will march side by side with its colleagues against the U. S. S. R. THE CHANGES IN INTER-STATE RELATIONSHIPS AND THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE U.S. 5. R. The crisis of capitalism finds its reflection also in the kaledio- scopic changes in the relationships between the various powers. Not a single alliance is permanent or durable. Qn the contrary, a con- tinuous regrouping of forces is taking place before our very eyes. But Yunning like a tKread through all these regroupings, changes and various constellations of European capitalist powers, runs the funda- mental tendency of—the grouping of forces against the U. S. S. R. We have repeatedly reverted to this theme. I will not dwell here on th question of the various alliances of the so-called small Entente, on the agreements conéluded between the various border states, be- tween the more powerful states, etc. All these facts are now known even Ao infants. If the analysis of the economic foundation I made in the first part of my report is correct, then it is perfectly understandable that the relationships between states should represent the political expression of the preparations being made for war against the U. S. S. R. We of course must build up our tactics accordingly. PREPARATIOS FOR WAR. As a consequence, the internal processes in the important capitalist countries are proceeding along the lines of preparation for war. These processes loudly contradiet the social democrat babble about the realiza- tion of pacifism, about “ultra-imperialist” era, etc. The growth of armaments, the passing of laws, like Paul Boncour’s military law in France, and the general feverish preparations of the bourgeoisie for preserving so-called “peace and order” in their respective countries in the event of war, are sufficiently well-known to all. In the latter category of measures must be included the British Anti-Trade Union Act, Mussolini’s “Charter of Labor,” the incredible terror raging in a number of~countries like Hungary, Poland, Roumania, and in the Balkans generallj, and in Italy, the extensive plans for corrupting certain sections of the peasantry, so-called “industrial peace,” “Mon- dism,” the American methods of corrupting the proletariat—measures carried out on the one hand with the aid of fascism and on the other hand with the aid of the social democratic parties. With all this are linked up the organizational changes in the structure of the state power. I have already spoken of state capitalist tendencies and of the tendencies towards the direct grafting of private capitalist organizations on the organs of the bourgeois.state. This tendency riot only has a general economic political significance; it also has enormous significance from the point of view of preparations for war. It would be a mistake to assert that the bourgeoisie consciously strives to graft the private capitalist organizations with the organs of the capitalist state, ar that it sees in this a means of preparing for war. The process bears a more spontaneous character, but objectively there is not the slightest-doubt that the evolution of the state power and the growth of state capitalist tendencies serve the aims of war preparations. Already in the period of the first-world war we passed through a phase of state capitalism decorated in peculiar tones. In the language of the German economists this was called “compulsory economy.” The funda- mental reason for the regulation of industry was the considerable de- cline that took place in the forces of production, the pursuit of ration- alization and the more expedient regulation of consumption in the con- ditions prevailing in the “besie; fortress.” Subsequently all this passed away. Today, however, state capitalist tendencies are developing on a new basis, on the basis of growing productive forces of capitalism, on the basis of decentralization of capitalism and without specifically compulsory regulations. There is not the slightest doubt that in the event of war and during it these state capitalist tendencies will be utilized for the purpose of mobilizing the whole of national economy for the pursuit of war. 7 This evolution in the organizational forms of state power, this powerful concentration of the political and economic organizations of the bourgeoisie is of extreme significance for further development. | These phenomena are of great significance also from the point of view of proletarian class struggle. Not all have yet sufficiently appre- ciated the fact that the proletariat now has to deal not only with in- dividual capitalists or even with separate trusts, but with the whole of the organized power of the bourgeoisie as a class, and that this is the reason why the position of the proletariat in every economic battle is so difficult and so complex. In so far as the proletariat has to deal directly with large trusts and cartels which have become gvafted with the bourgeois state apparatus, every strike has a tendency of becom- ing transformed into a political strike and every partial conflict into an extensive working class struggle.» I will deal with this subject again in another connection. I will now pass to the question of the position of the classes in the important European countries and primarily in the United States. ‘ II. Internal Political Processes in the Bourgeois Countries. THE ACCENTUATION OF INTERNAL CONTRADICTIONS. / In analyzing stabilization I pointed out that the fact that it was nly relative stabilization was revealed in the conflicts among the arious states, in the danger of war, in the antagonisms between the perialist world and the Soviet Union. This, however, does not imply hat the contradictions exist only as between states and that the con- adictions in each given imperialist country are not becoming sharper. he internal contradictions in the capitalist countries are becoming tensified and inevitably must become intensified. However, the na- ure of these contradictions is quite different. These contradictions, herent in every capitalist society, have now been accentuated in view f specific causes, and they considerably accentuate the class strug- le. The perspective of partial and temporary stabilization holds out lhe prospect of war. ( ! The process of stabilization affects the situation of the largest apitalist countries in various ways. Partial stabilization is a two- ided process, On the one hand there is a certain technico-economical solidation of capitalism, and on the other—which must not be left of sight—contradictions grow, the class struggle becomes more cute, unemployment increases. * The United States may serve as a classical example. It is a coun- ry where capitalist development proceeds at a most rapid rate and here side by side with growing productive forces, unemployment is onstantly increasing, This unemployment itself is organically bound ip with the development of the productive forces. It is absolutely lear that this is tantamount to an accentuation of the class struggle In the United States. Four million unemployed is no trifle. Unem- loyment affects also the other sections of the proletariat. It is the urden of capitalism. At the same time stabilization makes possible the improvement of the material conditions of certain strata of the orking class. In this connection we must analyze also the special ‘elations that exist within the proletariat. he Social Democracy in its general form. We have been maintaining that social democracy, opportunism, is ankrupt, and this is absolutely true. Neyertheless this cursed social lemocracy still lives. In some countries both its numbers and sig- ifieance are on the increase, o record in Germany, especially since the previous defeats. Never- heless, social democtacy polled 9 million votes at the last elections d this is no trifle. In the present period of our development and iggle we must occupy ourselves with the question as to the roots f this phenomenon, rs . | THE ROOTS OF SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC VITALITY. Usually we discuss the question of the roots of opportunism in onnection with the question of the colonies and super profits received y the capitalists from thecolonies by means of which they are able to orrupt the upper stratum of the working class, Germany has no olonies. Why then is German social democracy, or let us say its posi- ions, becoming stronger? Why does not this treacherous social dem- cracy leave the stage, why does it possess such maneuvering power? m explaining this it is not sufficient to speak of cunning and skill— his is not of decisive importance, it is not this that determines all the est, The vitality of social democracy is \closely bound up with the rocess of stabilization. The economic side of this is very complicated. itherto we have been speaking of super-profits directly extorted by ne country or another from the colonies. The United States has not large number of colonies. Does not the United States receive super- ofits? “It does. I recall that Marx quoted a number of examples in sition in world economy and received differential profits, thanks to e superiority of its technique, 7 Here I raise the problem of | The Comintern has great achievements | he case of a big industrial country which occupied a relatively strong These super-profits of capitalism ara playing an enormous role of late. Hence, the economic basis of re- formism is not super-profit obtained directly from colonies, but also super-profit obtained from the general exchange of commodities on the world market, and from capital exports, apart from that invested in colohies. Take the United States. That country extracts enormous super- profits, thanks to the monopolist position occupied by American capi- talism, although it has no large colonial possessions. Take Great Britain. Here we sée a declining curve of develop- ment but the colonial monopoly has not yet disappeared. The basis of British imperialism is being narrowed down but it still exists. Within the country, the proletariat is swinging to the left; the influence of the Communist Party is growing, etc., but the end of monopolist dom- ination! of British imperialism is not coming as rapidly as we thought formerly. The colonial monopoly of the Kingdom of Great Britain still serves as a large and broad base for British reformism. I have already dealt with Germany. In order*to understand the underlying cause of the strength of the social democracy it is necessary to understand a whole series of most vital factors. Among these are the very important internal political changes which have taken place in several countries. Large numbers of former social democratic and trade union officials are now becom- ing state or municipal officials or officials in capitalist organizations. This is to be noticed in many countries and particularly in Germany. The tendency towards grafting the reformist labor organizations with the employers’ organizations and the organs of the imperialist bour; geois state practically signifies a partial conversion of the trade union and party bureaucracy in to state officials of private capitalist or- ganizations. This is what we call, peculiar methods of corruption em- ployed by the bourgeoisie. } FASCISM AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY. I believe that the same process is going on also in the fascist countries. Let us take for example a country like Poland, with Pil- sudski’s military organization, the Streltsi. This is a “voluntary” or- ganization. volunteers, nevertheless it is a semi-state organization. Are there any socialist workers in it? Yes, there are. Moreover, large num- bers of them constitute a definite stratum of the state structure. Thus, on the whole, the main causes of the strength of the social democracy are the economic and political factors which I have pointed out. Of course, the maneuvering capacity of the social democratic parties, their experience and political shrewdness also play their part. All these factors naturally play a very important role. But these and these alone do not explain the situation. It may be said that on the one hand the process of stabilization creates an economic basis for ‘social democracy and on the pther hand the contradictions of stabiliza- tion create a basis for the development of the Communist Parties. Hence, we frequently observe a parallel growth in the influence of both the Communists and the social democrats. Of course, various other causes must be borne in mind. They cannot be ignored. Take for example, the social re-grouping that takes place among the strata of the population under the influence of social democracy, Social democracy at times recruits its strength from the ranks of the petty bourgeoisie. During elections social democfacy grows also at the ex- pense of the bourgeois parties by winning away from the latter a large number of petty bourgeois votes, It must be borne in mind however, that in many countries, including Germany and France, we so far have won over only a small section of the workers employed even in the. largest enterprises, the biggest trusts, where social demo- -eracy is still stron, THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, AUGUST 18, 1928. —_ Officially, of course, the organization is composed of THE INTENSIFICATION OF THE CLASS STRUGGLE, The internal contradictions of stabilization in each capitalist coun- try accentuate the class struggle also ‘when the changes in the organ- izational structure of the modern state and of contemporary capitalism, of which I have already spoken, have taken place, and convert every strike of any magnitude into a political event of first class impor- tance. This was the case with the British strike, with the metallurgical strike in Germany and such will be the case in the future. The trans- formation of an economic into a political strike is determined by the specific features of the situation—trustification of capitalism and the grafting of private capitalist organizations with the state That is how the internal contradictions in each capitalist coun- try grow. The inherent contradictions of capitalism in each country result in a sharpening of the class struggle and a growth in Commu- nist influence. This can be illustrated and substantiated by many facts. I have in mind the strike wave in various countries—France, Czechoslovakia, Germany, the so-called swing to the left of the prole tariat, the growing sympathy with the Union of Socialist Soviet Re- publics, the collapse of certain bourgeois parties, which the proletariat formerly followed, for example the Centrist Party in Germany, the Catholic organizations in Italy, etc. The election results in France and Germany also serve as an expression of the accentuation of the class struggle. The process of stabilization is full of contradictions, that is why we are growing, if not in every case numerically, at least nearly in every case in political influence. Last year, in his speech at the social democratic congress of Germany, Hilferding said: “Comrades, sooner or later the Communists will come to their end. I can quite understand that people who for many years have labored under the curse of unemployment, who have been driven to desperation by the loss of their all during the inflation, who have been disappointed in everything and have retained only their belief violence, should, on the impulse of a passing sentiment vote for the Communists at election times. But the Communist Party is of no importance whatever as a political movement. It is played out.” (Laughter.) In reality we see that things have developed differently. The Communist Parties are constantly growing. This has been borne out even by the elections in Germany, where the Communist Party polled 81-4 million votes. Herr Hilferding’s prediction was a miserable failure! This can be seen also from the venal point of view of the social democrats, who measure their influence by the number of seats in parliament they have obtained. Our political influence is growing parallel with the growth of the contradictions in capitalist stabiliza- tion. But side by side with this the influence of the social democrats, and social democracy itself grows for a time. Social democracy has gone through a profound evolution during recent years. It would be wrong to judge the social democrats by what they were, let us say, in 1914. Social democracy of August 4, 1914, was merely the embryo of contemporary social democracy. Social democracy of today has cast off the last shreds even of quasi-Marxian phrases. The spiritual food of social democracy consists now of Mac- Donald's absurdities imported from Great Britain and the social demo- cratic leaders are trying to prepare as appetising a meal out of these as they possibly can. THE CAESARIST FEATURES OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY. Comrade Riazanov recently published in “Pravda,” the organ of our Party, the correspondence between Lasalle and Bismark. The kind of political figure Lasalle represented is now pretty well known, In his letter to Bismark, Ferdinand Lasalle says that it would be well to set up a social monarchy with a “crown” at,the head. This proposal established an intimacy between Lasalle and Bismark and prompted the former to concoct a political intrigue. Notwithstanding this, social democracy has now advanced the slogan of “back to Lasalle.” The meaning of this instinctive gravitation, “back to Lasalle,” is now clear to us; It represents a sort of ideological basis for the rapprochement between the followers of Noske and the Italian fascists. “Social Caesarism” with a dynasty at its head is an ideology exceedingly suit- able for contemporary social democracy. In August, 1914, the social democrats betrayed Marxism, and declared themselves in favor of Na- tional defense. In our days social democracy is an active force, con- sciously building the capitalist state. This home policy of social demo- eracy has its concomittant in its foreign policy. Not only does it now defend the capitalist fatherland, but from the capitalist viewpoint it is the most outspoken champion of the aggressive ambitions of its fatherland. I ask you: are there not social democrats in Germany who demand colonies for their country? Of course there are, many of them, and they put forward this demand quite openly. In the history of German social democracy we have the Hilderbrand case. The r Against Bourgeoisie Page Five -—— = = —— € , Chemnitz Congress expelled him from the party for having written a book in which he flirted with ideas of this kind. In the ranks of present-day social demoéracy, its honored and respected members openly advocate \the colonial idea. This is no accident and no excep- tion. Take for example the last resolution passed by the II. Interna- tional on the colonial problem. It is possible that Bauer edited this resolution and gave it a quasi-Marxian tinge. In that resolution we find the following subdivision—some colonies must become autonomous, others should be left under a protectorate, while others are in such a low stage of development that the status quo must be retained. As far as I know this is exactly what is said in the documents in the League of ions. Thus we find that there is no difference whatever between the would-be socialists and the sharks in the camp of the im- perialist bourgeoisie, Or take another example, the question of war, their attitude to- wards the League of Nations, and their attitude towards the Union of list Soviet Republics. Compare Kautsky of 1914 with the Kautsky and you will find an entirely different person, with outspoken revolutionary. strivings. SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC ANTI-SOVIET ACTIVITY. All Communists must understand that in the coming war the despicableness of the conduct of social democracy will exceed all our Of course we must differentiate between the social demo- predictions. cratic leaders and the social democratic workers, among whom serious crises, splits, discontent, regroupings, etc., will manifest themselves. But the upper clique will act hand in hand with the greatest criminals of the imperialist camp. Of this there can be no doubt at all, Herr Hilferding alr ly has the audacity to advance the following argu- mentation—in Europe there is also unemployment; this unemployment is caused by the fact that the affairs of capitalism are not all too smooth; it were better if the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics would be drawn into the general complex of capitalist countries; but the monopoly of foreign trade prevents that. The conclusion this argu- mentation leads to is that the proletariat is interested in breaking the foreign trade monopoly of the U. S. S. R. I ask you what is that? It is nothing more nor less than ideological preparation for a direct war of aggression against the U. S. S. R. As yet there is much that is academic, theoretical, etc., in Hilferding’s thesis. But in the pro- cess of development this economic thesis will become a very vital and concrete political thesis. What was first formulated theoretically will later be turned into action. The practical application of Herr Hilferd- ing’s formula means nothing more nor less than war against the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. Naturally, the evolution of social demoeracy as I have just de- called forth a corresponding reaction on our part. All the comrades know that the last Enlarged Plenum of the Executive Com- mittee of the Communist International called for a change in the tactics of. the French and the British Parties and to a certain extent along our whole line. This took place on our initiative, the initiative of the Executive Committee. Some comrades link up this change with all kinds of secondary factors. But this is wrong, because the change in tactics was called for by reason of the factors fo which I have already referred; it was called forth by the entire evolution of social democracy. It would be childish to think that we are trying to go ‘to the left” because of the reproaches hurled against us by the opposition, etc. This argument is not worthy replying to. The only sound reason which caused us to change our tactics was the change that had taken place in the dbjective situation, the change in the cor- relation of forces of the various classes, various parties, etc. The question must be approached thus—has a change taken place in the relations between ourselves and the social democrats? The answer is: Yes, a change has taken place. Are we to make any practical de- ductions from this? Yes. Why do the social democrats attack us more fiercely now than ever before in the trade unions and other organizations? Because not only in big questions of foreign policy but on all questions, in all spheres our political policy is directly op- posite to theirs, Take for example the position in a single factory. What is the social democratic policy in the factory? Civil peace, no desire to call out strikes, merging of the factory committee with the capitalist organizations, “Mondism,” all along the line—such is the social democratic position in the factory, and not only in the factory but also in relation to the trust, to the state, to the League of Na- tions and everywhere. This line of policy in its complete form did not arise at one bound, It developed gradually. But, being what it is, must we draw certain conclusions from it or not? Of course we must draw certain practical conclusions from it, otherwise the enemy will beat us. scribed (To Be Continued.) ONE BIG DAY of Sports, Amusements and Fun Daily Worker International Costume Carnival _ Admission, 35c Tickets on Sale at y, Dafly Worker, 26-28 Union Sq., New York City Games, Contests, Open Air Dancing, Athletics, Mass Singing Sunday, August 19 Pleasant Bay Park Directions: E. 180th St. Subway to 177th St., then take Unionport car to end of line—Free buses to park ooo