The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 6, 1928, Page 6

Fr Page Six { THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, AUGUST 6, 1928. Daily Central Organ of the Workers (Communist) Party Published by NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc., Daily, Except Sunday 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Cable Address; “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): $8 per year $4.50 six months . $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 per year $3.50 six-months Phone, Stuyvesant 1696-7-8 $2 three months Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Assistant Editor... SS Entered as secc ..ROBERT MINOR -WM. F. DUNNE mail at the post-offiée at New York, N. Y., under the act of March 8, 1879. VOTE COMMUNIST! For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER For the Workers! For the Party of the Class Struggle! Against the Capitalists! For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW China and Amsterdam. “That Is Diplomacy.” The struggle of the toiling masses in China|. The Mexican newspaper Excelsior published | for their emancipation from tl wer of the | Saturday an editorial in which it licked the a ae ee boots of the Wall Street ambassador, Morrow. foreign imperialists and. their own militarists represents one of the most heroic pages in the | diplo “Mr. macy,’ says the newspaper in a Morrow’s work makes us say, ‘that is spirit | history of the emancipation movement/which makes us want to inquire into its throughout the world. Nevertheless the Chinese masses engaged in of the international labor organizations to which they are entitled. While the Red Inter- national of Labor Unions and its sections have done their utmost to contribute to the victory of their Chinese brothers, neither the Second International nor the Amsterdam International have lifted a finger to check the furious on- slaught of the imperialists against China, to hinder the dispatching of innumerable troops and warships and to put an end to the outrage- ous shooting of defenseless Chinese masses. | Already in 1925 the Executive of the Am-| sterdam International, discussing at the August | session the question of China and of the need | of extending material and moral support to| the Chinese workers, contented itself with passing a resolution expressing the pious wish that: “.. the Chinese workers might succeed in improving their miserable conditions by creating a powerful trade union movement and by consistent economic struggle.” As to the material aid, it was declared in the resolution that: “In view of the unsettled situation in China, in view of the lack of sufficient direct infor- mation, and also in view of the economic situation in the countries affiliated to the In- ternational Federation of Trade Unions, the latter was unable just now to start an inter- national campaign of financial aid.” Even the more characteristic of Amsterdam’s attitude on the question of the revolutionary movement in China, was the answer given by Oudegest, former secretary of the Amsterdam International, to a delegation of the Chinese Trade Unions in March, 1927. _ In answer to the request of the delegates to send a Commis- sion of Amsterdamers to investigate the situa- tion on the spot, the worthy leader of re- formism declared: “The trade union movement is interested in a constructive movement which can develop only in such countries where political tran- quility prevails. Whilst there is no such tran- quility in China, the Amsterdam International does not intend to send a delegation to China.” This reply was quite cynically frank. Oudegest declared outright that the Amster- damers cannot go against the bourgeoisie which considers it necessary to crush the Chi- nese revolutionary movement. Only after the establishment of sepulchral tranquility in China by the British and Japanese by means of blood baths like those of Wan-Kiang and Tsinan, only after the shooting of the best leaders of the revolutionary trade union movement by Chiang Kai-shek and other hangmen, will Am- sterdam think it fit to study the state of affairs ‘in China. And it ought to be said that Amsterdam has sources of income. The editorial is a virtual declaration that the this struggle d ive the aid and |real successor of the murdered Obregon as Be eee ono Stetye the aid _and suppor | president of Mexico is none other than Dwight W. Morrow. To quote a few passages: “Mexico can not discard that confidence which Ambassador Morrow has placed in since he has come among us and learned us to know us. That dignity, that bravery, that calm which Mr. Morrow found in the Mexican people following the murder of President-elect Obre- gon should convert us to complete discipline and unanimous cooperation with legal orders. Civilized peoples are distinguished from bar- barous races by their acceptance of laws. “The Ambassador’s words call us to our re- sponsibility, and we are no constitutional coun- try if we do not heed them. *“Our great task is to unmask the ideas of those who are undisciplined and to show our politicians that their greatest duty is to merit the confidence of the outside world.” So the actions of J. P. Morgan and Co's part- ner “should convert Mexico to complete dis-. cipline.” Whose discipline? Morgan’s. “The ambassador's words call us to our responsi- Bility ei? a foreign power—to the United States. And “those who are undisciplined” |questionably are those Mexicans who refuse| to accept the discipline that Dwight W. “Responsibility” to whom? To un- Mor- row, impudent ‘imperialist from Wall Street, is trying to force upon Mexico. The bold truth is that Morrow, in his dual capacity as repre- sentative of the International Bankers and of the United States government is pressing Mexico with carefully veiled military threats | (so carefully veiled at present that the Ex- celsior says: “Thanks to him the American government has lost that aggressive attitude with which at times it confronted us”) as well as by the- subtle pressure that the banking monopoly can wield upon a nation in financial need. The newspaper Excelsior has virtually de- clared a program of punishment of any “un- disciplined” portion of the Mexican population that may fail to bend the knee to the Wall Street ambassador. The suggestion is obvious that the workers in plants held by United capitalists, and peasants whose demands for land might conflict with “legal orders” as con- ceived by Morrow, will very likely come into conflict with the new “discipline.” In the few but fast-moving days that have elapsed since Obregon’s assassination, Mexico has been dragged many degrees toward com- plete subjection as a Wall Street colony under a dictatorship appointed directly from Wash- ington. The Mexican masses are yet to .be from. And there is strong reason to heard think that the Calles government is trying to stifle the voice and still the actions of the masses by suppressing gatherings and trying to com- pel both workers and peasants to “let si the end. Whatev | da it.” been consistent to the end. Whatever the blood Tnactivity: pf!-the’ workers “and peasants ‘of Mexico now would mean to “let Morrow do it.” baths and atrocities perpetrated by the im- perialists and militarists in China, Amsterdam and its sections kept silent. Amsterdam which sonsiders itself the only representative of in- ternational trade union organizations could not manage to establish contact with the three "million trade unionists in China. Only when the counter-revolution got for the ary forces in China, only when it seemed sterdam that the political “tranquility” oken pf by Oudegest had set in China, its ed of establishing close relations with the st trade unions which have been set up the hangmen of the Chinese workers. dressing the meeting of the National Com- of the General Confederation in France, arch of this year, on the perspective de- pment of Amsterdam, Jouhaux declared: “We might go into China where the workers, disappointed in Bolshevism, will turn our way.” evertheless the Amsterdamers were rather ty in their jubilations. The revolutionary ovement in China, having suffered an ad- mitted defeat, is not dead. Relying upon the ictive aid which will be rendered by the class onscious proletariat of the world in spite of the reformists, the Chinese proletariat will ary on to the end the great cause for which i made and is continuing to make in- erable sacrifices, ; being the upper hand over the revolu-| The Panhandling Trust. Calles mendicant officer of the Brooklyn Bureau of good living in New York City—chiefly reference to subways looks suspicious. | ganized charity.” ‘charity organizers. opoly on hand-outs and mooches.” Charities, as quoted in a capitalist newspaper conducting a campaign against panhandlers, complains that 2,000 beggars are making a from panhandling in the subways. Just at the time tive, and the question i now | When the Interborough subway millionaires are aro ae q a doing a neat little “panhandling” job to com- pel the payment of a 7-cent fare that will | mean an increase of 40 per cent in their gross income, or hundreds of millions of dollars, this But perhaps that is only secondary. to Mr. Godfrey. His primary purpose appears to be the pro- motion of the lucrative business of the “or- The charity monopoly is |losing something like $30,000,000 a year, ac- cording to this complaint, which is being picked up by pencil-peddlers or by plain moochers. The crippled and broken victims of capitalism no longer able to work and those unemployed who | may have given up-hope of obtaining employ- ment, should still be slaves of the charity trust, |according to the theory of the professional “Keep off the street, you | bums,” they say in effect, ‘we have a mon- at — \ | “I LIKE MEXICO—WELL DONE.” By WILL HERBERG “An oppressed class that doe: not strive to learn to use arms . = | Oppressed Must Learn Use of Arms to Cast Off Slavery HE: decision. to. incorporate ee | AGAINST military training? What | ALL military training) just as fun- deserves to remain in slavery.” —LENIN. * T elementary forms of military training (drill, ete.) into the cur- riculum of the Young Workers | (Communist) League Summer) Schools has caused a certain amount | of surprise and perhaps a trace of | opposition among even some sec- | tions of the party membership. This | reaction is not entirely unexpected. | America, Land of Pacifism. | America is the classic land of | pacifism. In America petty bour-| geois pacifism has unfortunately left deep traces on the labor move~ ment and even on the more advanced elements, We cannot here go into the well-known historical reasons for this, but it is an obvious fact that until the influence of the pro- letariat revolution in Russia began to be left in America practically the entire opposition to militarism and war in the labor movement revolved within the narrow limits of pacif- ism; it is characteristic that “con- scientious objection” developed as the most popular and recognized “weapon” against the world war. Really revolutionary ideas on mili- tarism and war came to the fore only towards the end of the war when the most elementary lessons of Bolshevism and the Russian rev- olution began to absorbed. It needs no long discussion to prove that in the American movement traditions of pacifism are strong and tradi- tions of revolutionary-Leninist struggle against bourgeois militar- ism and imperialist war very weak. Pacifism still exercises its influence in the labor and revolutionary move- ments. Pacifist Opposition to Training. The “shock” some feel when they hear of the military training in the league schools is a clear manifesta- tion of these pacifist remnants. Some immediately raise the ques- * * tion: “But isn't the league } |kind of face will you have when, | damentally as we are to bourgeois |on the one hand, you fight military | militarism and in fighting against training in the City College of New York and other colleges, and, on the , other, you institute military train- ing in your own schools?” ‘Others, however, are not so “naive”, they are “for” the military training “in principle”’—but they raise all kinds of arguments against it “in prac- tice”—“We aren’t prepared for it! now,” “It'll bring all kinds of ‘trouble,’ ’? and so on, arguments that amount to the same thing in the end. * * * | 'O produce such “shocks” was em cisely one of the objectives for | instituting military training in our schools; that is, to dramatize in clearest possible form our Leninist position on militarism and to utilize this to effect a real work of clarifi- cation. Already some good results in this direction have been obtained. Not Against All Militarism. Our Leminist position on militar- ism and war is very clear aad cer- tain. We are NOT against war and | against militarism “as such.” We are against IMPERIALIST war; we are against BOURGEOIS mili- | tarism (i. e.. the militarization of the proletarian and farmer youth to fight in the interests of the bour- geois-ie). But we are in favor of REVOLUTIONARY wars (wars of oppressed colonial peoples against the imperialist powers, civil wars of proletarian revolution); we are in favor of the military training of the proletarian youth to learn to use arms in the interests of their class and against the bourgeoisie. “An oppressed class that does not strive to learn to use arms... de- serves to remain in slavery” (Len- in). We are therefore opposed to pacifism (which opposes, “as a matter of principle’ ALL war and| against new imperialist wars and | right track. By HARRY GANNES and LEON S. RUIZ. When Jose de Leon Toral, the 23- year old art student, fired five shots into the body of Alvaro Obregon, president-elect of Mexico on July 17th, what a sigh of relief must have escaped from the breast of Wall Street’s ambassador to Mexico, Dwight Morrow! Let us not be mistaken about Obregon. He was not the foremost enemy of American imperialism in Mexico. His own pockets had been lined through the sweat and blood of the Mexican peasants. Obregon found the revolution of 1910 profit- able to him; it not only gave him political power but wealth. At the same time, he had the support of Mexico’s revolutionary armed pea- sants. He was the national unifying force of these peasants. He based his power upon their armed strength; Obregon was by no means a tool in the hands of Morrow such as Macha- do, president o: Cuba, is in the clut- ches of Wall Street. » Murder of Obregon Political. The murder of Obregon was not an accident or a personal matter. The gombined enemies of the one- arme# general had attempted to as- Catholic sassinate him twice during the last two months. His main enemies were: The re- actionary clericals and the Catholic church, which had been waging a losing fight. Calles was beginning to make important concessions to the church, undoubtedly under the coach- ing of Morrow. They did not know what treatment to expect from Obre- gon. Morones, the reactionary leader of the Mexican labor movement, par- ticularly the Confederacion Regional Obrera Mexicana (CROM), was ex- tremely antagonistic to Obregon. He had threatened to meet the as- cension to power of Obregon with armed revolt. He was also.a candi- date on the Labor Pai ticket controlled by Morones against Obre- gon. Though he was the only candi- date against Obregon, he received about 1,000 votes. At a recent ban- quet in honor of Obregon, charges ‘were made against Morones as being a tool of American (capitalists against a challenge that Morones the influence of bourgeois militar- ism and jingoism over the working class youth, we must at the same time fight just as energetically against the influence of pacifism. Pacifism is a deadly poison to a class fighting for its emancipation; in present-day relations pacifism is a most useful support and prop for imperialism. To break the pacifist illusions of many elements of the working class youth and to win the youth away from both jingoism and pacifism to the revolutionary class struggle is one of our most import- ant tasks. * * * ECAUSE of perspective of revo- | lutionary struggle, we are will-| ing, yes, anxious, to have the pro-| letarian youth learn the use of | arms—especially the most advanced | sections of the young workers—for this training on the part of ‘the working class is a very necessary prerequisite for the-proletarian rev- olution. “The bourgeoisie has mili- tarized the entire people—now it is militarizing the youth. Tomorrow, perhaps, it will militarize the wo- men. .So much the better! So much the faster do things go for- | ward—so much nearer is the armed | uprising against the bourgeoisie” (Lenin), Our main task, of course, is to prevent the young workers who | are being militarized from becom- ing traitors to their class; it con- sists in winning them for the pro- letarian class struggle and getting them to use their training for the benefit of the workers and not! against their own-class. This is | cur main task and this attitude is | in no contradiction to—on the con- | trary, it clearly falls in with—our bourgeois militarism. It is not, however, for the actual military instruction, that military training was included in our schoo curriculum. We realize very welt that under present conditions and | for the next period of time, the chief way for us to obtain military instruction is in the military organ- izations of the bourgeoisie (regular forces, National Guard, military schools, R. O. T. C., C. M. T. C, ete.). (Of course, as Comrade Gor- kic points out, Jugendinternationale, May, 1928, the sending of our com- rades into these bourgecis military institutions “implies no rejection whatever of the attempt to set up a class organization of the proletariat te provide military training for young workers”). Our chief reason for including military instruction in our schools is to make clear, in a way that mere teaching cannot it- self accomplish, to the students, to the league as a whole, and to the young workers, our Leninist posi- tion on the question of militarism and our complete differentiation from the pacifists. And here also we are having success. oe Correcting Pacifist Errors. ‘THE American league has had some % experience with pacifism. It was not so very long ago that we were very correctly branded as having committed some of the worst pacif- t errors—and the fault was not 11 ours, but was shared by the whole movement. Since then, how- jever, under the closest direction of | the Young Communist International, we have gone a good way towards stamping out the last remnants of pacifism in our own league ranks, and in carrying on a broad propa- ganda of the Leninist principles of militarism and among the young workers, but we can even now record to our credit some suc- cess in actual anti-militarist activi- ties, some noteworthy accomplish- mdaits. But the important thing above all is that we are on the bitter and most determined struggle Church, Morones, Allied With Wall Street Imperialism made against Obregon. The blame for the murder ‘of Obregon was first laid to the church by the chief of police when he said he was “already in a position to make public that the responsibility for the crime belongs to the catholic clergy.” These very same catholic clergy had been dancing quadriller around Wall Street, and were not averse to a few murders to bring back the happy days in Mexico when everything was owned by the church In later days, they were willing to divide this honor with Wall Street. on the assurance of support from this quarter. Morones Friend of U. S. Imperialism. But now new charges have been made. Contrary to the usual custom the assassin has not been executed summarily, but is being held in the hope of further confessions. Open charges against Morones are being hurled from the Obregonist camp. He is called the “psychological author of the crime,” Magpnes with some of Mexican Working Class Must Fight Reactionaries It’s rather funny when John D. Godfrey, | his cronies was forced to quit gov- ernment positions in the Calles cabinet. He is reported to be in . | hiding in Mexico City. Morones is a friend of American imperialism and an ally and warm supporter of Green of the A. F. of L. He is one of the most reactionary leaders of the Pan-American Federation of Labor, outstripping at times Green in todying to U. S. bankers. When Dwight Morrow came to Mexico Morones did everything he could to win his favor. Morones ordered the CROM to demonstrate in honor off of jt, Morrow when the partner of Mor- gan first came to Mexico. All Deny Guilt. Morrow, Morones and the Catholic Church disclaim any knowledge of the murder and call upon the gov- ernment to punish the guilty. Whichever was responsible for the crime, all three are pleased. We state categorically that the clergy is guilty of the crime. Who is Obregon? Both Calles and Obregon had fought to; er in va- rious phases of the 1910 revolution which ultimately established the pre- sent Mexican government. In late years, however, there had developed important differences in the policies: of Obregon and Calles. Both Calles} Told You So. | 'Y the time this appears in print the meeting of the executive jcouncil of the A. F. of L. held in Atlantic City may have adjourned and some decision reached regard- supported this year by the “bona- fide” labor leaders. Or, as is threat- ened, they may postpone final judg- ment until they hear the acceptance speeches of Hoover and Smith over the radio. * iit decided one important ques- tion, however. They voted to raise a fund of $150,000 to erect a marble statute of the late Sam Gompers. The funny thing about poor Sam is that since his death the fund to rig up a separate corner in the league of nations headquarters in Geneva in his honor is not yet much more than ninety eight cents. Unless one of the members of the executive coun- cil has a sculptor in the family we fear that marble will not experience a bull market as a result of the A. F, of L. decision. GENERAL MOTORS would like wo eat its cake and still have it. If % Al Smith wins G. M. will have a‘ latch key to the back door of the | White House and the prestige ac- eruing to an organization that motored a president into the execu- tive mansion will be worth’ millions of dollars in-advertising. But in the meantime, General Motors wants to sell automobiles and lest fanatical Republicans might turn to the lowly |flivver, Mr. Sloan, president of G: |M. warns its employees that the name of the corporation must not be used in the. election campaign. General Motors intends to remain neutral even if one of the several |floors of the G. M. building is oc- * * * |cupied by the Democratic National Campaign Committee. * * * restaurants has deserted the vegeterian cause and has taken back | |to its bosom the prodigal meats that ” | Military Training at the Leagues’ Schools were banished by the founder of the marble-tiled hasheries. Tho it costs money to dine in those starched emporiums one gets an education thrown in with the meal. Childs dis- covered that meat was bad for the human system and not so good for the cashier’s cage. Vegetables could be purchased more cheaply than | meats and a little propaganda would |make the patient like a vegetarian inner as well as a couple of pork | chops or a sirloin of beef . * . UT the confounded customers would not be saved. After leav- ing the best part of a dollar in a Childs joint the diner went away only partly satisfied and* since human nature is what it is it is very doubtful if the people can ever be converted to the idea that they are better off hungry than with con-» |tented tummies. A customer ee leave Childs with a grouch and re- air to the nearest Nedick stand for a glass of pineapple juice and a “hot dog.” He would have his meat. | ese UT the confounded customers would not be saved. After leav- ing the best part of a dollar in a Childs’ joint the diners went away only partly satisfied and since hu man nature is what it is it is very doubtful if the people can ever be Pconverted to the idea that they are better off hungry than with con- tented tummies. A customer would leave Childs’ with a grouch and re- pair to the nearest Nedick stand for a glass of pineapple juice and a “hot |dog.” He would habe his meat. eee ee Childs’ restaurants began to lose customers. The old racket of clattering dishes degenerated into a faint murmur. The starched waitresses stood around listlessly or, aS soon as a stray customer made for the door darted to his va- cant place in the trail of the lone- some dime. Childs, a chronic vegetarian thought things were go- fing alright. Being a fanatic he would risk his stockholders’ fortunes rathen than haul down the cauli- flower banner. But his stockhold- ers went to bat and demanded that the embargo on meat be raised. They had not a thing in the world against vegetables, they insisted. But neither had they anything against meat, and if the customers insist on pork and beans, veal stew or a small steak, why not let them have it? So meat is returning to the Childs’ menu. It is’ marching back with drums beating and the pens of publicity men flying, in the act of writing its praises. A tre- mendous advertising campaign will be carried on to sell meat to the public who were led to believe by a previous Childs’ advertising cam- paign that it just stopped of being deadly poison. Childs has learned from some mysterious source that the use of meat is not the cause of all human ailments but the abuse . / and Obregon favored the importa- tion of American capital, and the conciliation of U. S. imperialism. They did not support the same groups. Calles supports Wall Street outright. Morrow has won Calles over and seems to be bending him to the Wall Street wind. Obregon had a weakness for the western brand of United States bankers. He favors the Standard Oil of California and the California bankers. Me (To Be Continued.) , | ing the capitalist candidate to be ge 4) Te nation wide chain of Childs , © 1) | |