The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 1, 1928, Page 6

Page Six —_—______ THE DAILY Wwoxcawin, WY YORK, WEBreeSDAY, AUGUST 1, 1928. §8 per yea Address an Union Square, New York, N. Y. .-ROBERT MINOR ..- WM. F. DUNNE VM. For Pr ent WILLIAM Z. FOSTER The Textile Strikers Fight. New Bedford t new chapter to the Undaunted by the driving bos in police ur bayonets virtual mounted t ing up un dding a d ugs and stand- these brave men and vy n the picket line. Now i ailing, and they go singing to jail in such numbers that the “black Marias” are overt The picturesque daredevil spirit with whic men and women defy the police to break ir ranks, go to jail by the hundreds and refill ev picket line, is not the fir will be put, but it ‘inc to go ahead to meet har harder tests aw them, and they must be steeled to their finest courage. The textile mill barons are not going to give up without trying every fighting weapon. The outrageous sentence of hundr at mass nich they courage es. These of pic- kets to tivo months in ill doubtless stir the New Bedford workers to fight all the harder against the monstro anny. But it must also stir their minds to a realization of the big issues that are at stake. One thing that must be impressed upon ‘the textile workers of New Bedford is that the heroic struggle in which they are engaged is not an isolated incident. New Bedford is part of a great national textile situation, which is in turn a part of a world situation. The fight of the textile workers of that city cannot be un- derstood by those participating in the fight unless they understand this. New Bedford is today the front line of the textile workers of the United States in a contest in which all textile workers of all sections stand to win or lose tremendously. The fight has already shown that the so-called textile unions up to the present have in general served more’ *to keep the workers un anized than to or- ganize them. The trade union bureaucrats of New Bedford proved themselves in this latest test to be what the Communists. always said they were—simply agents of the mill barons, interested only pet ‘outs of a small group of skilled workers, feebly organ- ized, to employers who could afford to in VOTE COMMUNIST! Q | K | WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY For the Party of the Class Struggle! of March 3, 1879. For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW Against the Capitalists! toss a few bones to such elements to keep them quiet, and above all to keep the masses of the textile workers from any real action or any real organization. When the spirit of the workers was moved to picketing and to struggle, these misleaders sought to dampen their ardor: “Go back home to bed,” was their ion. When it was necessary to offer a vigorous and unwavering front to the “peace” gestures of the state-of: cials, really acting at the behest of the bosses, | labor offici is entered into these treacher- ort they both directly and indirectly carried out the desires and furthered the plans of the mill barons. Thus it is perfectly accurate to say that “labor leader such as Batty and Binns are simply an adjunct to the bosses’ clerical staffs. In their extreme need, however, the textile workers found their own real leadership from among uncorrupted workers in the mills and among the militant figures of the left section of the labor movement, including, of ‘course, the Communists. Throwing aside the cowardly policies which Batty and Binns tried to impose upon them; the textile workers of New Bédford have begun to learn and to show the world how class-conscious workers can conduct a strike. But this is not enough. The finest fighting line can be crumpled up if it is isolated. This s the fight of the whole of the textile workers of the country, and all other workers as well. The militant workers already see that they must broaden their line. They must solidify their line with the construction of a big, nation- wide textile union. The beginning of this tremendous undertaking has already been planned ih the calling of the national Textile Convention of September 22. That date is a long way ahead, and much has to be done before then. A big victory on the New Bedford fighting front must be made to inspire the textile workers of the entire United c | States with the will and confidence that will help to draw the whole forces of the industry into the great organization movement. Hold the picket line, New Bedford workers! Keep the scab mills closed! Neither bosses nor police thugsecan run the looms. Keep your line solid and the mills idle; and you and your whole class will gain by your courage. BaMPAIGN CORRES wrt a mass meeting in Wilkes- Barre, Pa., on July 23, the elec- tion campaign in the anthracite got going. H. Benjamin, district organ- izer of District 3, with headquarters in Philadelphia, was the prificipal fpeaker. Other mass meetings with Benjamin as the speaker are being held throughout the hard coal region. On Septamber 1 a big campaign rally and picnic will be held in one of the largest amusement parks in the anthracite. Benjamin Gitlow, Swvice-presidential candidate, will peak. Comrade Emil Gardos, sub- ) district organizer, sent in an order for 1,000 Vote Communist buttons 57 blocks of Vote Communis stamps, 100 National Platforms and 5,000 Communist Campaign leaflets. * * & Max Hankin, district organize for Buffalo (Dis , sent in an order for 500 Platforms and 10,000 Communist Campaign leaflets. Tuly 24 is a holiday in Utah. Why, swe don’t know, but perhaps: Brig- ‘ham Young was born on that date. Be that as it may, our comrades in the Mormon state were inconven- fenced by the holiday, since the ‘Negal machinery stopped running Jong enough to give the Mormon \e er us pushed energetically. Street Ginectines are being held, Communist © électors secured and an order sent to the National Election Campaign Committee for 200 National Plat- forms, 200 buttons, 1,000 Communist Campaign leaflets and ten Vote Communist stamp books. . * # | “Senator Smoot, one of the snoot- jest reactionaries in the Senate, hails from Utah. ¢ * + * Tex Rickard, the boxing impres- sario, is slipping mentally. The wily promoter should know enough not to stage a chin-tapping circus in competition with the sham battle Waged by the republican and demo- ¥ parties for the presidency. @ though the American peo-| » one fake at a time is about chance to commune with natun)\ levertheless the campaign work is for a million-dollar gate for the Tunney-Heeney « fight. He didn’t get it. The big money is in capital- ist polities now. Tex should be per- mitted to stage the Hoover-Smith fight. A ten-million-dollar gate would give even the seasoned Rick- ard a thrill. * ’ * The Workers (Communist) Party stands for the jorganization of the unorganized. Ain’t the Constitution grand! Two federal judges in Texas have upheld the right of the democratic party to limit the franchise to whites only. The ground on which the federal court refused to interfere with the democratic party’s latest ault on the rights of the Negroes at a political party is a purely * * untary association, whose com- position is not atter of govern- ment concern. you imagine what the federal courts would say to the Workers (Communist) Party, should a violation on its part of the federal. constitution be brought to its attention? “ Another big capitalist has come out for Al Smith. He is m H. Woodin, president of the American Car and Foundry Company and the American Locomotive Company, and a director in more corporations Ae you could shake a stick at. A aginst this, the Republicans set the det ction of former Senator Owen of CXlahoma to Hoover. The bars are down in both parties, there be- ing no fundamental difference be- | tween their policies, The Smith wing of the democratic party and the dominating elements in the re- publican party could kiss and make up but for the friendly competition for the spoils of office. Just like the gangsters of the underworld, whose hearts beat with a single thought but who shoot each other nevertheless, because it’s a dog-eat- dog society, and the rule is every man for himself and the devil take the hindmost. * * * Mayor Thompson of Chicago may re.2zn in the near future. “Big Bill” \ First” platform. He insisted that Coolidge should choose to run for re-election. Thompson was a patriot of patriots. But a suit brought against the mayor and some of his aides in a former administration by the Chicago Tribune hit him in the solar plexus to the tune of $2,500,- 000. That took some of the patriot- ism out of him. In*the battle be- tween Thompson and the Tribune there is no altruism on either side. Both want to loot the city. * * ° Elections in Chicago, as in every other large American city, are a farce. Victory is on the side of the strongest army of gangsters, and it takes money to hire those fellows. Citizens vote as many times as is necessary, and the hardy wight who refuses to do as the ward captain tells him may experience unpleasant sensations, such as being lifted through the roof of his home at night by a “pineapple,” alias a bomb, or see stars after the club of some thug ig connected with his dome.. This is the way democracy works in Chicago, yet the United States government has the gall to send marines to Nicaragua to insuré “free” elections in that country. ne 5 The Workers (Communist) Party has qualified-for the official ballot in ten states of the union, This is a splendid showing so early in the campaign. ‘The party experts to be on the ballot im at least thirty states. At the rate the party mem- bership is working this should be easy of accomplishment. The num- ber of signatures required to place a working-class party on the ballot in most states imposes a heavy bur- den on the membership, but the job must be done. * * * Funds to wage an intensive cam- paign are sorely needed by the Na- tional Election Campaign Commit- tee. paign Fund must be raised in order to enable the committee to execute they can stomach. Tex hopedjgot into office on an “America! and Gitlow, and Scott Nearing and |43 Eagt 125th St, New York City. The $100,000 Communist Cam- | SIMON LEGREE By Jacob Burck Our Party’s Election Campaign (Continued) By JAY LOVESTONE | Placing the Party on the Ballot | We have seen the numerous diffi- jeulties placed in the way of our |party’s getting on the ballot in the presidential elections. This year there is a likelihood that we will be | cn the ballot in at Jeast thirty states or double the number of states we | Were on in 1924. Already our candi- dates re on the ballot in such states as Michigan, Delaware, Oklahoma, Georgia, Virginia and West Vir- | ginia. In none of these states did | |we have candidates he ticket in| the 1924 electi 2 | Bolshevik Use Election. | | Our party is uti ing the cam-| paign to get on the ballot as an op- portunity .to spread Communist Propaganda, to bring the Communist program before greater masses and jto introduce our party to thousands of workers hitherto unreached. House to house canvass, factory | and factory gate agitation, open-air meetings, canvassing workers’ fra- ternal and educational organizations, drives in the trade unions, are among the ways employed by our party or- ganizers for securing the sufficient legal requirements prerequisite to our being on the ballot. The entire memborship is being |drawn into this campaign. This drive also seryes bring life to} some of our laclyptf nuclel The campaign to get the party on the ballot is an integral part of the campaign we are now waging to increase the party’s membership and vitalize its units. - Then, in our efforts to put the party on the ballot in the south, we are establishing new contacts, | developing our work particularly | amongst the Negro masses. This is very significant for the entire working class because there is prac- tically no labor movement in the south and even the few weak con- | servative trade unions that exist | there lead a precarious semi-legal | existence in many instances. - Some Serious Errors. | Of course the campaign for se-| curing signatures to get on the bal- lot is fraught with certain serious dangers faced in the effort to over- come the difficulties set up by the American bourgeoisie. Some com- | rades may drift into dangercus op- portunistic errors. For instance, an example of such \gross errors is to be found in a circular prepared by a_ technical worker in our ele campaign giv- ing suggestio: or securing signa- ‘tures. These suggestions com- | pletely disregarded and were in ut- ter violation of the basic policy of the party that LHe“PIERSTRE” ca paign must be used for developi Communist vropaganda and agita- tion and for winning new adherents 'to the party. This document re- flected a crass reformist concept of | parliamentary activity. The author \of this document had no authority ‘to draw it up. Before distribution of these suggestions got well under way it was immediately prohibited ‘from circulation by the secretary of the party. This circular, containing the silli- other prominent speakers. Tons of literature must be printed and dis- est non-Communist suggestions aim- ing to get, signatures to place the party on the ballot through “tricks” instead of through Communist prop- aganda, was never the policy of our party or any section of it and was prepared by an office clerk without permission and in violation of in- structions and decisions of the Polit- | ical Committee of the party. It was irawn up before the Election Cam- paign Committee had been organ- | ized. | Condemned by Central Committee. | Detailed official instructions were | sent on several,occasions in the name of the Politicllommitice to the party units giving the correct Com- munist line of approach in securing such signatures. Subsequently, the Political Committee severely con- demned the author and contents of these non-Communist suggestions and branded them as entirely against the party policy in election cani- paigns, as foreign to Communism; and decided once more to send addi- tional instructions to all party units and prepare articles for the party press to make impossible the recur- PALACES ARE TURNED INTO WORKERS’ HOMES By CLARINA MICHELSON | LENINGRAD (By Mail).—-About | 20 minutes’ ride from the heart of Leningrad is an island in the River | Neva, formerly used by the nobil- ity and rich merchants for their |summer homes, Before the revolu- | tion, workers were under no circum- | stances permitted on the island to enjoy the beautiful parks and gar- dens or to go swimming or rowing on the river. Now the former pala- tial homes are turned into rest sent from the factories, spend their vacations here. Mansions for Workers, One rest house we visited, a huge mansion, flanked by gardens, for- merly owned by a rich engineer, is directly on the river where boats are available for the workers. The enormous “drawing room,” with its satin-covered chairs and oil paint-| ings, is used as a reading and chess jroom, while one corner is cut off | for ping-pong enthusiasts. Four posing dining | room—breakfast, lunch at 1 o'clock of 8 courses, sup- per at 7 of 3 courses and at 11 a buffet supper. Nearby is a library of 50,000 books. Magazines and newspapers are aiso available. There is one central club for the rest houses on the island—a marble structure, formerly the home of a f-tond of Rasputin, where doubtless the ezarina used to come and drink tea on the terraced roof-garden. Here there are reading rooms, smoking rooms, 2 theatres—out- door and indoor, chess and checker rooms, and a buffet, where we got an excellent meal of soup, meat, vegetables, bread and tea for 20 cents. A large bronze statue of Lenin stands on the marble stair- way. Vacation Houses. There are three kinds of vacation houses for the workers throughout. the U. S. S. R.—first, the rest houses for those who are well; sec- ond, the Zdravnitza for worke: who ars run down, nervous or slightly sick; and, third, the sana- toria for sick workers, In 1920 in the Leningrad district 14,402 work- zines. In 1923 there were 286 plays, lectures or concerts, while in 1927, 6,806 plays, lectures or concerts were given. These figures give some idea of one phase of the cul- | tural revolution going on in the U.S. S. R. . ‘France Is Asked to i} | Deport Anti-Fascists rence of such an incident in the| Placing the Party on the Ballot; the Bolshevik Resale. Use of Election 0 get on the ballot. * * * tion, characterizes the procedure and objective of our participation in the election campaign as follows: will be based upon all the other campaigns that the party is con- ducting at the present moment and organically tied up with the struggles of the working class ... the mining campaign, unem- ployment, organizing the unorgan- ized, struggle against imperialist war—Nicaragua, China, Defense of ‘the Soviet Union, textile and needle trades struggle. . . . The keynote to be struck by our party throughout the campaign must be the class struggle . in connec- tion With’ the dropping of this slo- gan by the Socialist Party at its last convention. . . . “The election campaign~ must present our party as the champion of all séctions” of the working class, strikers, unorganized work- ers, Negroes, youth, women, chil- dren, colonial masses. Our party must appear in the election cam- paign as the single revolutionary working class force, as the sole fighting force “against the reac- tionary trade union bureaucracy, PARIS, July 31—The fascist gov- houses and thousands of workers, | ernment of Italy has again requested |the French government to extradite ‘all immigrants who have fled tc escape the fascist jails. Concerning | this “Le Quotidien” ‘writes as fol- | lows: | “It is to be hoped that the French | government will not submit to this | request since most of those wanted |by the Italian government are *poli- | tical opponents. France the land of |freedom, has always offered asylurr | meals a day are served in the im- |‘ &ll hunted politicals.” | If the “hope” of the French bour- geois newspaper will be granted is not as yet known. A good illustra- | tion, however, of the “land of free- |dom” is the fact that only in the last few, days thirteen workers |most of them Italian immigrants |were sent out of Elsass-Lothringer because they were ‘active: in the organizations of the coal and | mineral workers. USSR Places Order of $2,500,000 in England LONDON, (By Mail—On July 5 the chairman of Platt Brothers an- 4nounced that orders for $2,500,000 worth of machinery have been re- ceived from the Soviet Union. Many of the business and government cir- cles here think that if Russian trade were fully developed it would abolish unemployment thruout the engineer- ing trade The Manchester Guardian com- menting on it said: “Credit had to be given, but . . . no one denies that the Soviet Government fulfills the obligations which it has entered as the organizer of the unorgai ized, as the deadly enemy of the socialist party. “The campaign should not re- strict itself to our immediateede- mands, but we should stress all our final a’ fore the working class. We Fhould raise issues of a workers’ and farmers’ govern- ment, the overthrow of capital- ism, the problems of a Communist society. We have to throw all forces of the party into the cam- paign and at the same time have to guard ourselves against all kinds of parliamentary illusions. To gain seats in the various Tegis- lative bodies is very important for our party because we can utilize them as mass tribunals to reach out for the workers, but we should not forget that our basic aim in this campaign is the mobilization of the broadest possible masses.” At the National Nominating Con- vention a resolution was adopted on building the party during the elec- tion campaign, reading in part as follows: “The presidential campaign gives the Workers (Communist) Party an excellent opportunity to reach the broad sections of the American working class with the slogans and program of Commu- nism. . . . No campaign meeting should be allowed to go by with- out making a strong appeal to the workers present to join the Party. Every copy of our campaign literature, every Party publica- tion, must con’ part of its general gentent appeal to farty wi ly em- phasized that the election cam- paign is but one phase of the _ class struggle which must be its program. This program in- tributed, and this costs money. Send ers went to rest houses and Sdrav- | into itself, and dealing with it can] prosecuted all the year round and thane the touring of scores of, jn your contribution at once to the nitza. In 1927 this number jumned therefore be regarded as safe—} that for this purpose the building speakers, including the heads Nationpl Election Campaign Com- to 48,431. In 1928, 38,783 béoks | safer, in fact, than some of those| end strengthening of the Workers of the national ticket, Foster | mittee, Workers (Coomunist) Party,| were *read; in 1927, 70,896 books, which are made Lay private firms! (Communist) Party is the main 21,870 newspapers and 1,328 maga-| in other Bey ee: b ~ guarantee for a revolutionary Ee: “ Se dealing with the preparations for | Belt. 2 the National Nominating Conven- | minds in the Democratic Party are . party’s election campaign | |Told You So How lightly the imperialists take their political “convictions”! And there is a reason. There is no more difference between Al Smith and |Hoover as far as their attitude vw- wards Big Capital is concerned than there is between the two gentlemen |known as Messrs. Tweedledum and | Tweedledee. Wall Street’s job is to keep the heads of both parties in- | formed and to see to it that they do the right thing by big biz. Cochran will probably be attached to the Hoover wing of the House of Mor- gan, while some other member will park himself at Smith’s elbow. As |a matter of fact, Raskob is a House | of Morgan man, since the “House” |is back of General Motors. In this election toss-up its tails the working class loses and heads the capitalists , win. * This will be the case as long as the workers support the capitalist par- ties or any other party except the Workers (Communist) Party. And ‘we do not mean “support” in the socialist sense of merely voting the Communist ticket. We mean in the sense of organizing around the pro- gram of the Workers (Communist) | Party, which deals with every phase of the class struggle and purposes to ~ mobilize the masses against capital- ism. It makes no difference whether Al Smith smokes cigars or wears a brown derby or whether Hoover's face looks like a miniature of Stone Mountain; both are servants of the enemies of the working class, and * * | the only relief the workers will ever et from either of them is probably the letting of a little fresh air into | theiz skulls by means of policemen’s clubs when they go on strike. Biot eae Chairman John J. Raskob of, the Democratic National Committee de- clared that, even tho no bootleggers’ money would be contributed to the Smith campaign, Al would not run short of funds. The ward captains will take good care that the boot- leggers will not have much money to, give anybody between now and No- © |vember. The ward captains will |take it from the bootleggers, with® the understanding that after Al is elected the money will come back | like bread cast upon the waters. _And then, the bootlegging industry, | prosperous and flourishing tho it is, cannot yet hold a candle to the auto- [mobile industry. * * * | Chairman Raskob informs us that the executive committee of the | Democratic campaign committee has |not yet got down to final considera- TBE declaration sent out by the tion ofa plan for the appeal to the Political Committee to the party | “disgruntled” farmers in the Corn This means ‘that the best sweating over a plan to fool the |farmers. The farmers can howl | their heads off between elections and are given the deaf ear by the capital- | its politicians. But they have votes, and when these votes are needed |the capitalist politicians are willing |to go to the trouble of giving them some encouragement to keep them, in the traces until after the as | | are over. * * | The program of the Workers (Communist) Party offers the far- imers the only solution for tha | problems that confront them. This | solution is contained in the National Platform now ready for distribution. | Besides the demands for a mora- |torium on farm debts, protection |against exploitation by railroads, meat packers, milk trusts and grain elevator combines, abolition of all federal and local taxes on working ‘and tenant farmers, and other de- |mands, the poor farmers are urged | to unite with the exploited industrial | workers and with the agricultural workers in a struggle against the }common enemies of both; against | big business, against the trusts, and against the capitalist government. |.A copy of the National Platform of the Workers (Communist) Party should be in the hands of every poor | farmer and industrial worker. It sells for ten cents, and can be se- cured at the National Election Cam- paign Headquarters, 43 E. 125th St. New York City. Som OHahesly New Trial of Soltan | Szanto Is Under Way | BUDAPEST, Hungary, (By Mail). |—On July 9 the new trial of Soltan |Szanto and nine of his comrades, | who are charged with attempting to |overthrow the political and social \order, began. The defendants, who in the previous trial had been sen- tenced to long terms (Szanto to eight and one half years), are now charged with urging forceful mea- sures against the government by re- volutionary statements during the trial. Altho they had already been punished for those Statements the government charges’ them with it it again. preparing for many arrests an many heavily armed soldiers guard the courtroom. It is filled with secret police and only very few ob- servers can find places in the court- room. For the new process the police af ll against American imperial- ism.- i “Particularly, efforts must be made to enlist into the party fac- tory workers so that out of the election campaign a broad network of Communist factory nuclei shall have been established in the in- dustrial centers. Similarly, ener- | getic steps must be taken to draw into the. Party the native Ameri- can workers and exploited farm- ors and Ne pare (To al cy 2 Ve