The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 10, 1928, Page 3

Page Three THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JULY 10, 1928 NEW DRAFT PROGRAM OF THE CO 1. The World System of Capitalism. Its Development and Inevitable Destruction. CAPITALIST SYSTEM RAPIDLY § . : it APPROACHING ITS COLLAPSE _ DRAFT PROGRAM POINTS OUT : Sees Sharpening of Fundamental. Contradic- Stresses Struggles of Colonial Workers, Peasants. and Imperialist Powers ToAll Sections of the Communist International: The Programme Commission of the Executive Committee of the mmunist International is publishing a DRAFT PROGRAM. he Commission thinks it.its duty to declare that while the text fethis draft is of course based on the sume fundamental principles ag-those upon which the draft programme.provisionally passed by the-Fifth Congress of the Communist International was based, never- theless, it differs very considerably from that draft. The Program Commission felt that in view of the great changes that have taken plage in many important spheres of international life and particularly inathe revolutionary movement since the Fifth Congress, it could not-confine itaclf to making merely editorial changes in the original draft. -A-ehange-has taken place in the form of the general crisis of capitalism; a change has taken place in the relationships between vartous groups of powers. Great events have taken place, like the great revolution in China, which once again emphasized the signifi- cance of the agrarian-peasant question. made in building up socialism in publics. The struggle between th thé-Union of Socialist Soviet Republics is becoming acute. Great progress has been the Union of Socialist Soviet Re- e aggressive capitalist world and Fascism isGrowing-ond becoming transformed into the terrorist dictatorship of=big capital. Social democracy imperialism. The lessons that hav International in the fight against the-growth of Communism, the fa become internationalized, the new t International as a single organiza itemecessary considerably to alter a maThe general tendency of the has degenerated into Chauvinist ye been learned by the Communist opposition tendencies and finally ct that the movement has really asks that confront the Communist tion—all this has inevitably made nd enlarge the former draft. changes that have been made is towards more concreteness and greater emphasis upon THE INTER- NATION. séétions... immediately with SxActing’ on the aspects both in the theoretical section as well as in the the struggles of the Communist decision of the Executive Committee of the Com- munist International, the Programme Commission, in publishing this Graft program, calls upon all comrades to express their opinion and criticism of “it in articles, remarks and concrete suggestions. The work-done on the program has revealed how difficult it is to embrace in a single document. all-the proble’ munist movement. The question o; central questions at the Sixth Congress. »I material be collected by the time the discussic ms of the present-day world Com- if the program will be one of the | essential that.sufficient on of the question takes place at the Congress. The Commission therefore invites all comrades to join in the fruitful discussion of the program. _ ; THE PROGRAMME COMMISSION OF THE £08 J 2 tf 2 EXECUTIVE CoMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL The characteristic feature of capitalist society, which arose on the basis of the development of commodity production, are the monopolization of the means of production by the capitalist class, the exploitation of the wage labor of the proletarian class and the production of commodities for the purpose of profit. The relationships of exploitation of the bourgeoisie find their political expression in the state! organization of capital as an instru-?—— ment for, the suppression of the proletariat. The development of capitalism has‘wholly confirmed Marx’ doctrine coneerning the laws of development of capitalist: society and’ the contra- dictions of this development, which mugt inevitably bring about the doom of the capitalist system. In their-quest for profits the bour- geoisie were compelled to develop the forces of production on an ever- increasing scale and to strengthen and expand the domination of cap- italistic relationships of production. As ~& consequence, the development of capitalism ‘constaritly reproduées on p. wider® basis “all the inherent contradictions of the capitalist sys- tem and primarily, the decisive con- tradiction betWweén ‘social production and'the private atquisition of the re- sults’ of production,—between the growth of ‘the forces-of production and capitalist property relationships. The predominance of private owner- ship of the means of production and the anarchy prevailing in production have disturbed the economic equilib- rium=between the various branches of production; for the developing contradiction between the unlimited expansion of production and the re- stricted consumption of the masses of the proletariat has led to period- feal and devastating crises and mass @nemployment among the proletari- at. The predominanée of private property also found expression in competition—within each separate capitalist country as well as on the constantly..expanding world market. The tatter-form of capitalist rivalry are the Inévitable accompaniment of eapitalist development. : At the same time a change took ‘place in the internal structure of capitalist society. The technical and pee advantages of large-scale’ luction have led to the destruc- tion of pre-capitalist economic forms | in the course of the competitive struggle and to the continuously in- creasing concentration and central- Azation of capital. In the sphere of industry this law has manifested it- self primarily in the direct destruc- tion of small enterprises and partly in their degradation to the position of auxiliary units of large enter- prises. In the sphere of agriculture, it not only found expression in the process. of differentiation among the peasantry and the proletarianization of broad strata of the latter, bi principally in the tacit and ovowed subordination of peasant-farming to “big-capital; the small farmers have and the economic domination been able to maintain an appearance of independence only at the price of exhausting toil and systematic starvation, The increasing employment of machinery, the constant improve- ment in technique and the uninter- rupted rise in the organic composi- tion of capital, which is accompanied by greater division of labor and an increase in the productivity and in- tensity of labor, signified also the more extensive employment of woman and child labor and the formation of enormous industyial reserve armies, which are constantly being recruited from among the proletarianized peasantry who are ‘forced to leave their villages and among the ruined petty and middle urban bourgeoisie. The existence of a small group of billionaires at one Pole of social relationships and of an epormous mass of proletarians on the other, the constantly increasing rate of exploitation of the working class, the reproduction on a wider basis of the profoundest contradic- tions of capitalism and their con- sequences (crises, wars, ete.), the constant growth of social inequality, the rising indignation of the pro- letariat; united and trained by the mechanism of capitalist production itself,—all this has inevitably under- mined the foundations of capitalism and has brought nearer the day of its collapse. The period of industrial capitalism in the main was a period of “free, competition,” a period of welatively Smooth evolution and expansion of capitalism throughout the whole world amidst conditions of the par- tittori and armed conquest of unoc- cupied™ colonies and the steady growth of the contradictions of cap- italism, the burdens of which fell mainly upon the shoulders, of the eon: and oppressed colonial peo- ples. ‘ Towards the beginning of the 20th century, however, this period gave place to a new period,—the period of Imperialism. In this period capital- ism develops spasmodically and in the midst of conflicts; free competi- tion has given place to monopoly; the “unoccupied” colonial lands are all divided up and the struggle for a redistribution of colonies and spher- es of influence is primarily assum- ing the form of armed conflicts. ‘The ramifications and truly world- wide scope of the contradictions of capitalism found most striking ex- -pression..in the epoch of imperialism | (finance capitalism) which historic- between the various parts of world capitalist economy and a change in the relationships between the princi- pal classes of capitalist society. This new historical period came in | 28 a result of the development of the | principal dynamic laws of capitalist | society. The law of the concentra- |! tion and centralization of capital led | ‘0 the formation of powerful monop- olist combines (cartels, syndicates, trusts), to new forms of gigantic combinations of enterprises linked up by the banks. The merging of industrial capital with bank capital and the monopolistic character of | this form of capitalism transformed the epoch of industrial capital into the epoch of finance capital. “Free competition” of the period of indus- trial capitalism, which came in to take the place of feudal monopoly and merchant capital monopoly, is in being transformed finance capital monopoly. its turn into The growing employment of com-| plex machinery, of chemical proc- esses and electrical energy, the rise | in the organic composition of cap- | ital and the consequent decline in jthe rate of profit, which is only partly offset by the high, cartel prices policy still further stimulate the quest for colonial super-profits and the struggle for a re-distribu- tion of the globe. Standardized and mass production creates the neces- sity for seeking new foreign mar-| kets. The rise in the price of raw materials and fuel stimulates the quest for the sources of these mate- rials. Finally, the system of high protection creates an added stim- ulus for the export of capital, and this is becoming the decisive and specific form of economic contact between the various parts of world | capitalist economy. The total effect | | is that the monopoly of colonial mar- kets, of sources of raw materials and of spheres of investment of cap-} ital has extremely accentuated the | general unévenness of capitalist de- velopment and has intensified the | conflict between the “great powers” of finance capital over the redis- tribution of the colonies and spheres of influence. The growth of the productive forces of world industry thus leads | to the further internationalization of | economic life and at the same time |to the struggle for a redistribution of the globe,—which is already di- vided up among the biggest finance capitalist states, and to a succession of such struggles in an increasingly acute form. To an increasing extent it leads to the method of fighting, by forcing down prices, being aban- doned in favor of methods of forcible pressure (boycott, high protection, tariff wars, wars proper, etc.). Con- sequently, the monopolist form of by imperialist wars, which ‘by the area they embrace and the destruc- tiveness of their technique are unex- ampled in the world’s history Under such circumstances state power and the armed forces of the state acquire special significance for the bourgeoisie. Hence, finance cap- \ital reveals a tendency to develop | state capitalist forms, which on the one hand facilitate the struggle for capitalism is inevitably accompanied | MMUNIST | bourgeoisie in the semi-colonial and | inate t contradiction by cutti at and decline of Hence colonial countries who have become | road by fire and sword towar m ‘ seared by the revolution ma ingle world state-capit t g the d movement. By plundering the colo: hich is to organize of | petition. In cond of | ¢ nies and semi-colonic the bour-| world industry. But this ultra-i high car and h ur geoisie in the most powerful imperi- | perialist utopia—so highly pra divided the mark | alist states obtain supplementary ex: | by the social democ: l a i |cess profits, out of which they |—encounters obj mment of: the: forced raised the wages of a section of the | such magnitude that capitali ist | production. I Orr workers in the home countries and | inevitably fall beneath the wei sums of ex pr ou c in this way gave them an interest in| its own contradictions. Impe nillions of color 1 this plunder and bought their loyalty | wars, which peasants and a c to the imperialist “fatherland.” This systematic bribery particularly af- | fected the aristocracy of labor and the bureaucratic strata of the work- ing : the leading elements of cent to reach its utmost world limits single world trust, by so much destruction. and i and b; zatic |foreign markets and the military | pillars of the capitalist system. | mobilization of industry, and on the | other hand lead to the exceptionally | But, by stimulating the growth monstrous growth of militarism (armies, naval and air fleets, the employment of chemistry and bac- teriology). Thus the epoch of imperialism re- produces the fundamental contradic- tions of capitalism to an ever-in- creasing degree. Competition among small capitalists ceases, only make way for competition among big capitalists; where competit‘on among big capitalists subsides, it flares between gigantic combinations of millionaires and ments. come transformed into crises affect- | ing a number of countries, and sub- sequently into world crises. Local wars give place to wars between coalitions of states and to world wars. The class struggle is trans- formed from isolated actions of sep- arate groups of workers into nation- wide struggles and subsequently in- to an international struggle between the world proletariat and the world bourgeoisie. Two main revolutionary forces are organizing against the powerfully organized forces of finance capital; on the one hand the | workers in the capitalist states; on the other hand, the masses of the people in the colonies oppressed by the leadership of the revolutionary proletarian movement in the imperi- alist home countries. This fundamental revolutionary tendency, however, is temporarily paralyzed by the corruption of cer- tain sections of the European, North American and Japanese proletariat by the imperialist bourgeoisie and by the treachery of the national their govern-| Local and national crises be- | foreign capital are marching under | of the corrupt upper stratum of the | working class, imperialism at last destroys the influence of that stratum among the working cla: | because the increasing contradictions jalism, the worsening of the we s of the broad masses of | « the enormous cost and | ¢: military conflicts, the} |fact that certain Powers have lost |their monopolistic position in the | | world market—loss of colonies, ete., |undermine the ‘basis of socia: dem- | | the workers, | burdens of to | of of the prole’ Imperialism is the highest pha: developm eloped the world industry to enormous dimen- ons and has re-fash s own model. to it orld raws with’ pitalist exploitation all the colo- nies, all races and all nations, t the same time, however, the monop- olist form of capital increa: velops the elements of y which t on of capit m_ strives a are accompanied pose | social democracy and the trade un-| such burdens upon the shoulders of ‘ }ions, who proved to be the direct | the working class and of mi! f | cialized labo ‘ channels of bourgeois influence | colonial proletaria: and s | and pre- | € among the proletariat and stalwart | that capitalism must inevitably be} requisite n- | € crushed beneath the hammerblows nt antag e tarian revolution or ent of capitalism. It de- | Imper e productive forces of ioned the whole Thus it in the orbit of finance international e dictatorsh ed and proletarian ows logically from the development of capital- particular. i political devel al From ne international pr ion w of capital: nness becomes still m ensified in th nd from its imperi- Uneven must not be re- single simultaneous and The victory of Social- e at first in a few and s the gene 1g, the capitali apitalist country. proletarian v s approachi But ‘tory of world revolution , still further in- ral crisis of Cap- final p of finance shing and giving place am of the Communist DAILY WORKER. t The First Phase ocracy among the masses. Similar! he treachery of the na- | tional bourgeoisie in the colonies and | | Semi-colonies and their rapproche- |ment with the imperialist powers leads, in the final analysis, to the intensification of imperialist op- pression, to the decline of national |bourgebis influence among the | masses of the people, to the intensi- | fication of the revolutionary crises, | to the unleashing of the mass agra- | | rian revolutionary movement and to| the creation of favorable conditions | for establishing the hegemony of the | |colonial proletariat in the popular, | j mass struggle. for independence and complete national liberation. Imperialism has greatly developed | the productive forces of world cap-.| italism. It has created all the ma-| terial prerequisites for the socialist | | organization of society. By its wars |it has. demonstrated that the pro- | ductive forces of world. industry— which have outgrown the restricted | \ boundaries of imperialist states— | now demand the organization of in- | dustry on a world, or international scale. Imperialism strives to elim- | The Election Drive Is a Party Test By I. AMTER. The Workers (Communist) Party has been carrying on many cam- paigns. The workers of the coun- try know the activity of the Party in Passaic. They know that the Party members have been active in the miners’ strike, in the strike in New Bedford. They know that the Communists have done their full share in raising relief for the min- ers and textile workers, and in pro- viding for the defense of the ar- rested workers. The workers know that the Com- munist Party is the only’ force in the country for combatting imper- ialism. They know that there is no pacifism in the propaganda arfd or- ganization of the Communist Par- ty, and that the anti-imperialism of the Workers (Communist) Party is not the “anti-imperialism” of the socialist party, of the democratic party and of the numerous pacifists. The workers recognize in the fight of the Communists against Amer- ican and world imperialism, a mob- ilization of the workers for mili- tant action to prevent, if possible, another world slaughter. “Informal” War. In the struggle against the butch- ety of Nicaraguan workers and pea- sants by “brave” American marines and aviators, made protest only against the fact that Coolidge had failed formally to declare war on Nicaragua. In the murder of the Chinese workers and peasants by “courageous” Am- erican marines, in conjunction with British and Japanese marines, the British Labor Party and its “emi- nent” leaders, Ramsay MacDonald ad J. H. Thomas, proposed not only that British “interests” should be protected, but if protection were to be given at all, then a large army should be sent. In the fight that has been going on in the United Mine Workers, the socialists have given full support for relief to John L. Lewis. The ally signifies a new form of capital- ism, a new system of relationship: money they collected for relief went to Lewis to pay the salaries of him- self and his hundreds of organizers and other officials—and all their expenses. ‘ Lewis, in a letter to a republican committeeman, declared that he would be satisfied with the nomin- ation of Hoover. ‘Who nominated Hoover? It was none’ other than Andrew Mellon, the open shop scab coal operator of the Pittsburgh Coal Company, one of the first to repu- diate the agreement with the United Mine Workers. Birds of a Feather. A fine line-up: Mellon, Hoover Lewis, the socialist party. In the fight that is going on to organize the miners, the textile workers, who is taking the lead? The socialists? The socialists are doing everything in their power to prevent the organization of these unorganized workers. It is the Communists who have formulated the proper policy and members of the socialist party! the Communist Party are in the front rank battling for organization of these workers. It is the Sigmans, Hillmans, Zar- itskys who now represent and per- sonify the policy and leadership of the socialist party. Today this par- ty is aligned with the capitalis One has but to look at their plat- form to discover that in some re- spects the Wall Street candidate. Smith, is more “progressive” than the “socialist”? Norman Thomas. Certainly no capitalist candidate elected to office has been more brazen than the vice presidential candidate of the socialist party, James Maurer, who together with the other socialist members of the | City Council of Reading, Pa., on taking office declared that “in case of strikes the employers will be given more protection than ever be- fore.” If it is becoming clear to the workers that the Communists are the only fighters for the working class—on all fronts—then these workers must be induced to show their sentiment in the election cam- paign. . These workers should be shown why it is important both for the Communist Party and for the working class that fighting spokes- men be sent to the legislative and jexecutive office to fight for the | workers, to expose the sham and {hideousness of the s;'stem, to mob- iilize the workers from the cham- bers of parliament. But just as the Communists make the workers no promises, but plainly tell the work- ers that the working class alone can emancipate the workers out of the morass, so too, the elected Commu- nist candidates will only be able to sound the call, but the workers in their organizations, in the shops, through resolutions, demonstrations. through strikes, will build the move- ‘}ment that will put terror into the hearts of the capitalists. A Test. This election campaign therefore will oe a test for the Communist Party. Have the members of the Party freed themselves completely from the sectarian policy of “boy- cotting the elections,” which once was advocated by our Party? (Not that under certain conditions the Party may not again call for a boy- cott of the elections.) Do the mem- bers of the Party realize the im- portance of engaging in this cam- paign in which millions of workers are interested and will vote, thereby binding themselves once more to the capitalists? There are several reasons why our Party members must throw themselves with full energy and en- thusiasm into the election cam- paign: 1, Because the workers and farm- ers still have faith in elections and expect relief from their troubles through the capitalist parties. 2. Because too many workers fol- low us on the industrial field, who do not regard us as a_ political] party. 3. Because the more states in which we get on the ticket, the! more significant will our campaign be—not a mere propaganda cam- paign—but one in which many workers will be able to vote for our | Party, who would otherwise be | foreed to vote for the other parties. | 4, Because, until the Communists | establish themselves as a political party nationally, we will not have the political standing in the eyes of | the American workers that the Par- ty deserves. Tasks Ahead. | The election campaign will be a} real test for the Party. It will dem- onstrate whether we ourselves com- prehend the importance of parlia- mentarism (and let no comrade un- derestimate its value, particularly in a backward country like the United States, where the workers as a whole, have only the faintest notion of the workings of “their” government, and have great faith in capitalist “democracy”.) It will also be a test of the Party in that it will show the extent to) which we have been able to direct} the attention of the workers to the questions of government. The over- throw of the system and of the cap- italist government is the aim of the Communist Party. How many Am- erican workers have lost ¢1l faith in the American form of government? Many who are merely disgruntled, but do not understand the fight that will be necessary—on all fronts—til! that government is no more. We know that tens of thousands of workers support the Party and would follow and vote for the Par- ty, but they are not citizens. But it is the duty of every Party mem- ber to bring to the polls every last worker citizen Get Out Communist Vote. And last of all, every Party mem- ber who is a citizen must not fail to vote. This is self-evident, and yet many Party members, believing that the elections are not worth ; While (sectarians, they are, suffer- ing from Left Sickness), and in the further belief that Communists can- not be elected, fail to register and vote. This is not only a neglect of Party duty, but a serious hindrance to our Party. Tt is not impossible for state and county candidates of the Communist Party to be elected this year! It is totally within ‘the range of possi- bility—but only if every Party member, every sympathizer, every militant worker gets into the har- ness and helps the Party in this campaign. With the proper energy. organization and enthusiasm, the Workers (Communist) Party can become a real factor in the political life of the United States, holding not in our eyes alone, but in the eyes of the American workers and farmers,. the uncontested and in- contestible position of ader of the’ American workers and farmers. { Therer ROXY BALLET Professor Produces Music From the Air (Without Aid of Any Instruments) ARNOLD VOLPE ARNOLD VOLPE, Conductor Symphony Orchestra of 50 Most Amazing Invention of the Twentieth Century Russian and Oriental Dances Coney Island Stadium Surf Avenue and West 6th Street SAT.EVE., JULY 14, 1928 Tickets: 75c, $1.00, $1.25 and $1.50. ON SALE AT: 26-28 Union Sq.; 30 Union Sq.; 2700 Bronx Prak East; 1310 So. Boulevard (Book 1 Store); 15 West 126th St.; 1600 Madison Ave. (Restaurant); 202 E. Broadway (Book Store); 17 E. 3rd St.; 46 Ten Eyck St., Brooklyn. It ship of the proletariat. NTERNATIONAL —s SS I «| theboutesi3¥ caess a