The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 4, 1928, Page 6

" Page Six Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc Daily, Except Sunday 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y- Cable Address: SUBSCRIPTION RATES Ri By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New feb $8.00 per year $4.50 six rmcnths $6.50 per year £3.50 six mon! $2.50 three months $2.00 three months. “Dalwork” Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. ...ROBERT MINOR ...WM. F. DUNNE Assistant Editor.. y Yo N. Y., under d-class mail at the post at New York, N. Y., Entered as second-class mail ‘at te “poatsbitise, ¢ | VOTE COMMUNIST! For President For Vice-President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER BENJAMIN GITLOW RDiA | WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY For the Party of the Class Struggle! 3. Against the Capitalists! For the Workers! Anniversary of the American Revolution The Fourth of July, commemorating the birth of a republic which had its origin in a revolutionary colonial revolt, dawns today upon that same republic grown into the mightiest imperial- ist power on earth, a power rapidly becoming the most aggressive oppressor of colonial peoples in the world. a eel The American capitalist class, defend : of its social institu- tions and spokesmen of its government, make much of this day in the effort to capitalize the traditions of 1776 in support of the capitalist imperialism of 1928. To dope the minds of, the masses of workers and farmers, to win the support of these masses behind the United States war and its slaughter of Nicaraguans, this capitalism invokes the names of Washington, Paine, Jeffer- nd Franklin! nit pret of the bare-foot revolutionary fighters are evoked to speak—not for the revolutionary fighters now in the army of Sandino—but for the counter-revolutionary Wall Street govern- ment which sends its “Hessian” marines to destroy the indepen- dence of weaker nations. f x All that the United States government and its ruling class ean celebrate today is not revolution, but counter-revolution. For the revolutionary traditions of all periods of history can play their role as vital forces only in the present. ; The United States in 1928 is the most powerful reactionary force in the world. Its imperialist aggression rapidly increasing in Europe and Asia as well as in Latin America, its boast of “inalienable rights” of “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness is a hollow mockery to the hundreds of thousands of starving miners new being driven to the wall by the combined power of government and open shop employers, to the tens of thousands of textile workers battling on the streets for the right merely to hold a meeting—in fact, to the entire working class and to the farmers being expropriated throughout the west. The fact that this editorial is written in jail as a result of an effort to speak publicly against the invasion of Nicaragua, is comment enough upon “American liberty,” and what it means uly 4, 1928. go it require more than a schoolboy’s mind to understand that the traditions of the revolutionary overthrow of government, as practiced by Washington, does not belong to Andrew Mellon, Cal Coolidge, Vare and Hoover? ) The working class and the exploited farmers of America can learn much of their own historic role by a study of the first Amer- ican revolution, a bourgeois revolution, to be sure, but one which released the economic and political forces of progress. It employed revolutionary methods, in forms applicable to that day. Together with the Civil War of 1861, which was a second revolution com- pleting the first, it laid the basis for the growth of that which alone can and will carry thru the third and final American rev- olution—the working class. It is the duty of the workers and the exploited farmers— historic allies in the struggle—to claim all that is revolutionary in the traditions of the American bourgeois revolution. They must learn the nature of the State Power from the continental government that suppressed the former ruling social strata with an iron hand. From the acts of George Washington, Jefferson and Paine, the workers can draw American historical confirmation of the lessons which came in sharper and clearer form out of the greater revolution of 1917. By these events they will be enabled the better to understand the present era of im- perialism and the proletarian revolution, ushered in by the last world war, the overthrow of the government of the czar and the bourgeoisie in what is now the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. Let us make use of every tradition of 1776 for the struggles of the revolutionary working class and the colonial slaves of today. And, in the light of the approaching second world war and the Inevitable imperialist attempt to overthrow the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, Socialist Fatherland of all workers, remember the tradition of Tom Paine, born in England, who joined with heart and hand in the revolutionary cause against England. This tradition fits well with that newer tradition made by the two United States marines, who went over to the revolutionary army of Sandino to fight against the imperialism of “their” native country. Long live the American Revolution! Join the proletarian “Minute Men” of today, the fighters of the revolution in the present—the Communist Party. “CANNOT FOOL WORKERS (By a Worker Correspondent) GRAND RAPIDS, July 2.—During| that the manufacturers were com- pelled to cut wages because the syn- the first part of the week signs were | dicates were able to force them to sell displayed all around the shop of the | at such low prices and also that the Luce Furniture Co. in Grand Rapids, | workers got less for their money at Mich. announcing the fact that on|the chain stores, Wednesday noon a speaker would talk to the workers on the subject, “Who| Cuts Wages?” | The strangest thing about it was! But he completely failed to point ut that these syndicates and trusts are an integral and unavoidable part f the capitalist system of produetio: » K, he | ° aa) P n try bei peaiay Casting ate an for profit instead of for use, and that of the workers knew that the, company OU" Teal enemy was the manufacturer had been cutting wages continuously | 2° wrings his profits out of the for the last 4 or 5 years. So they | Sweat ae blood of the workers and were ; » Who is the principal upholder of the on a gol heat) what the| capitalist system. In this way he tried et Wednesday ‘hoon we were all|*® turn the anger of the workers very surprised to learn from this|#@#inst the chain stores instead of spatibinaee that it was the chain|®#@inst as bpnen ee is just one tores ‘ ‘, + haq|™ore method which the bosses are Si astine ses seeed sot Pan eand trying to use to keep the workers us of a decent living. He attempted | fled a little longer. We class con- to convince us of this absurd idea by |*¢i0U8 Workers must expose these de- some very shallow’ arguments backed | ¥4ers of the working class, up by a lot of oratory. He claimed —ARNOLD ZIEGLER. - THE DAILY WORKER Phone, Stuyvesant 1696. IT SQUEAKS 28 But the workers must get to the shop Monday morning without any “hang-overs.” Rita 2 By PAUL CROUCH On the t8tt-orvurrervornPorter, vice-president of the Textile Work- ers Union and organizer of the Young Workers (Communist) League, was imprisoned by the military authori- ties. This was an event of tremendous importance to the working class. First, it was an open intervention by the army in the textile strike and clearly exposed the role of capitalist militarism. Second, and of even greater importance, the case calls at- tention to the increasing class-con- sciousness of the soldiers and the de- termination not to be used as strike- breakers. Porter a Symbol John Porter today symbolizes the fight against the anti-labor character of the armed forces, and the fight for his release is being taken up by the workers, especially the youth, who see in his imprisonment a threat to all militant servicemen ‘and workers. I have just had the opportunity of a personal interview with Porter at the Fort Adams, R. I, guard house, where he is confined. Personal con- versation fully confirmed my opinion that in Porter the working class has a brave soldier who is ready to give against the bosses, and who must be freed by mass protest and returned to his place as a leader in the New Bed- ford textile strike. Isaac Shorr, the New York attor- ney retained by the International La- bor Defense to defend the young worker-soldier, and I went to New- ‘port, Rhode Island, and from there we had to go to Fort Adams, several miles from the city. Our arrival did not seem to please the military au- thorities, but there is no way to pre- vent an attorney from seeing a pris- oner he is defending. After about an his life if necessary for the struggle | Held Incommunicado John Porter had been held prac- tically incommunicado, denied news- papers and all reading matter, and knew little of the drive being started for his release. Also, he knew nothing of the charges being prepared against him by the military authorities. He expressed his complete approval of what is being done, and requested that the fight for his release must be conducted with no apologies for his revolutionary principles, saying that he is ready to face life imprison- ment rather than retreat from his position. However, Porter has one regret. He requested us to inform the work- ers that he is sorry that he deserted from the army and that now he would remain and conduct propaganda among his fellow soldiers, pointing out the purposes for which they are used and the necessity of defending the working class. Porter accepts his imprisonment and the terrible conditions with which the military authorities are trying to break his spirit as incidents to -be expected in the life of any militant fighter against the bosses, and re- gards his imprisonment from an im- personal viewpoint, seeing the revolu- tionary significance above his own suffering—in spite of persecution which would break many “strong” men. The workers must be informed im- mediately of the conditions under which Porter is forced to exist at the present time. It is almost impossible to realize what such brutalities mean, and without delay these tortures must be stopped by tremendous mass pro- 'tests which will force the war depart- ment to act. Army Brutality Porter’s work in prison consists of shoveling coal with an intensive hour’s delay, John Porter was brought into the room. At last, I was able to shake hands with my fellow-soldier of the future Red Army which will defend the working class. By JOHN L. SHERMAN The time for a detailed exposure of the role and connections of Tam- many Al Smith will come a little later in the summer with the ripen- ing of the election campaign. The charming little liberals who have been shocked by the direct methods of the two recent three-ring political circuses at Kansas City and Houston to the point of annnouncing, as did the “Nation,” that they will not again support the old parties, will by that time have cooled off a bit. The stir- ring progressive sentiments which will no doubt be uttered by the gen- tleman in the brown derby will, with the coming of warm weather, gradu- ally win over these liberals as they were won over by Wilson twelve years ago. The socialists, too, now a bit drunk from the unexpectedly large space al- loted hem in he New York Times’ write-ups, and hypnotized into believ- ing that the fold will increase under th eblessings of the Reverend Norman Thomas, will by that time have been a bit, disillusioned—enough so, at any rate, to induce the little shopkeepers to run for shelter underneath the Tammany wing, as they did in 1926. Exposure of the most hypocritical, political faker on the modern stage will then serve a double purpose. In the meantime a few preliminary remarks are necessary. Current Illusions Three or four widespread convic- tions account in part for the Al Smith speed-up system and armed guards to prevent a second’s rest for ten hours daily for seven days per week. For this work he gets extremely poor food. No reading matter is permitted. boom. These explain the paradox of how the head of the Tammany graft ring, an organization everywhere feared and condemned, has been able to rise to the proportions of a national figure. First there is the notion that while Tammany is rotten Al Smith is pure, Smith, accordingly, shines forth with a sort of added glory among his spotted associates. Then there is the notion that Al is the example, par ex- cellence, of the man of the people. Thousands have risen from the bot- tom and crashed through the top. But only Al has refrained from heaping scorn upon the base ones whom he has trampled in the upward ascent. Then there is the general notion that the New York governor is a friend of labor, a liberal, a man com- mitted to progressive measures in government, practical, efficient, a capable executive—a new democratic Noah in a generation of bad _politi- cians. Isn’t this’ the bunk! What does Al Smith stand for? On’ September 23, 1919, during his first year as governor, Al Smith, friend of the workers and idol of the A. F. of L. labor fakers, sent out the New York State Troopers to Lacka- , wanna, a little town near Buffalo, to \put down the steel strikers who were then carrying on a bit too vigorously for their J. P. Morgan masters. Al is still doing good work for the Mor- |gans, but on a much larger scale, Newspaper clippings about his case have been taken away from him. Authorities refuse to permit Porter to have shaving material, tooth brush, etc, or any change of clothing. The “shoes” he has to wear are open from the heel. A check has been sent to Porter by the Young Workers (Communist) League of Boston so that he might be able to buy personal necessities refused by the army authorities. The check was confiscated by the officers, and they refuse to give it to Porter or to return it to the League. The government has little respect for pri- vate property when it belongs to the workers. The treatment of Porter is far worse than that of other prisoners, and at Fort Adams it is even worse than in Fort Rodman, Mass., where he was imprisoned until sent here last Saturday. Following our interview with Por- ter, his mother and other relatives who came from New Bedford re- quested permission to see him. At first, the authorities were unwilling to permit them to even speak to him, but as a result of the presence of the attorney for Porter permission was given for a ten-minute talk with him. While his mother, sister and girl friend talked with him for the few minutes authorized an officer stood two feet away, to listen to every word spoken. The army is holding Porter a pris- oner and forcing him to do extremely hard labor with no charges against him, and with bail denied. But they had to show to the attorney, Isaac Shorr, the material on which they ex- pect to prepare charges for court- martial. 99-Year Sentence Possible. This material includes Porter’s rec- ord of participation in the textile strike, his activities on the picket line, and arrests by civil authorities less he quits leadership in the strike This means that they are intending to bring charges under the 96th Ar- ticle of War, which enables a court- Smith as the friend of the direct pri- mary. But immediately upon taking office in January, 1919, Al made a deal with Big Boss Barnes of the Re- publican machine to let the Repub- lican legislature by degrees get back the convention system, in return for which Al was to be permitted to have his way with the Public Service Com- mission. In his message to the legis- lature that year he conveniently om- mitted any reference to direct pri- maries. At this time Smith openly admitted to his friends that he would “personally prefer to see a return to the old method of party conventions.” Red Baiter No high public official, with the possible exception of A. Mitchell Pal- mer, has more energetically attacked the radicals and Bolshevists. This is a too little known fact. But the rec- ords stand against the great Tam- many “liberal.” A dozen times during 1919 he attacked the bold, bad Bol- sheviks who were plotting red revolu- tion. When they held a meeting on April 24, 1919, in the Brownsville La- bor Lyceum to welcome the newly ar- rived Ludwig C. A, K. Martens, am- bassador from the Soviet Union, Al Smith sent letters to Police Commis- sioner Enright and to District Attor- \ney Henry E. Lewis, ordering them to ‘investigate. Two weeks later he 'signed a bill making it a crime to dis- play the Red Flag at a meeting or in ‘a parade. He delivered speeches at Cornell University and in other places Reference is frequently made to|on the great red menace, Workers Must Fight for Porter reentrant martial to call anything “conduct to the prejudice of good order and mil- tence of 99 years, From the view- point of the army czars, the partici- pation of a soldier in the struggles of the workers is a most terrible crime against “military discipline.” The fact that Porter’s arrest was due to his participation in the strike is also proven by three warnings to the soldier-worker by members of the police force of New Bedford that they knew he was a deserter and that un- less he quit leadership in the strike he would be turned over to the fed- eral government. Three times Porter replied that they could do as they wished, but that he would not desert the cause of the New Bedford strikers. It is clear that the government is preparing to give a sentence to Porter that, in the opinion of the authorities, will intimidate all servicemen in the future who may wish to follow his example in fighting for the workers. But the government has not taken the power cf the masses into consid- eration. This force will take up the challenge and defeat the purpose of the army intervention in the New Bedford strike. Strikers More Determined. The persecution of the workers has an opposite effect from the expecta- tion of the bosses. The wholesale ar- rests of strikers, and the imprison- ment of the leaders, Murdoch and Beale, have only increased the deter- mination of the textile workers. The movement is spreading to other cen- ters and the textile barons see with dismay the growing power of the workers. Porter’s imprisonment will recoil against those responsible for this brutal persecution of a brave young worker. But we can not wait. A suc. cessful war must be an offensive war, and the drive to return John Porter to his place in the leadership of the strike Pine begin immediately. | The rture Porter is enduring ‘while in prison must be remembered | by every militant worker, and not an ‘hour lost in forcing his release, Smith of Tammany---What He Stands For Smith signed a convict labor bill, disapproved of a workmen’s compen- sation bill, called upon the youth to enter the military training camps, paved the way for the coming great power grab, refused to listen to the ousted B. R. T. women who came to plead with him because of the abuses of the traction trust, We shall not here go into details of his deeper relations with the Tam- many Hall machine of graft and po- litical betrayal. These will all be told in good time. Puts Over Fare Steals An individual is said to be known by the character of the friends he makes. This may or may not be true, but a politician can always be told by his appointments. Smith’s appointees on the Public Service Commission have raised street car fares in prac- tically every up-state city. The man who is now his campaign manager, George R. Van Namee, a member of the up-state commission, together wtih William Prendergast, the Repub- lican chairman of the commission, were instrumental in putting over the ten million gas rate steal of the Con- solidated Gas Company. He named John H. Delaney as transit construc- {en commissioner after it was pub- \licly proved that Delaney was the go- |between Boss Murphy and Thomas F. \Ryan, between traction and after Delaney was exposed in tak- ing bribes from Ryan. Incidentally Delaney still holds office as a mem- itary distipline” and to give a sen-| swinder, | HANdOuTS Anti-feminism has hit the soup manufacturers. Campbell’s soup is now advertised as “A Man’s Soup.” * Bs <p An easy method of obtaining wealth under capitalism is suggested by Dr, Christian F. Reisner, pastor of the Chelsea Methodist Church, in the fol- lowing words: “Early marriage brings the richest blessings.” * * * A drop in the price of commodities due to overproduction is noted in Chi- cargo. A good murder may now be ob- tained for $31. * * * Joynson-Hicks, parliamentary jack- anapes of Great Britain, says he’s cer- tain there’s $135,000 of Moscow money moving around in the British Communist Party. Joynson-Hicks would have a terrible time alone in the dark. He sees so many things that aren’t there, * * * Because the shepherds in John Masefield’s play, “The Coming of Christ,” which was presented at Cane terbury Cathedral, England, mildly discussed labor conditions as they af+ fected shephedrs capitalist critics con- demned the performance “as pre-e sented in a consecrated house.” secrated to the greed system that ig generous to the church, * * * Alamaba Wonder, 10¢, “Oh Mama look what they stuck in the rotograveure?” “That's a demagogue.” “Oh I know what that is fro-, geography. It eats grass and lives a long time.” “No this is a different kind of an animal. It’s a species of senator. It eats bran and lives too long. It’s called a Heflin.” “Well what does it do?” “It makes oratory against Al Smith.” Z “Why? “Al is a Catholic. -Heflin doesn’t want anybody to be president, and direct the robbery of the workers, who is an employee of the pope.” “Well, what does he want then?” “He doesn’t want the working class, whom he loves, to be robbed by any- body who hasn’t been baptised.” “Well what's he doing in the pic- ture, getting ready to hit somebody or only scratching himself?” “Adolph, take that penny out of the slot or I won’t bring you to the Automat again.” * * * GEMS OF LEARNING. Otto H. Kahn:—“Intrinsically un- derlying conditions are good and America is still having a fair modi- cum of prosperity. “You can see it with any good, magnifying glass. * * * Very Rev. Dr. Howard Chandler Robbins, Dean of the Cathedral of St. John the Divine:—“Young people of the present day do not desire religion with the urge and earnestness that they follow other quests, such as art and science.” Strange, isn’t it? * * * Sir Thomas Lipton, labor exploiter: —‘Prohibition in America meant the possibility of an increase in the world’s consumption of Lipton’s tea, to me... I eat plenty of fresh fruit, too. Here! Have a banana. It’s good for you.” Banana oil! SSE ber of the Board of Transportation in the Walker administration. Another Friend Smith, in 1919, appointed Lewis Nixon, successor to Richard Croker, as leader of Tammany Hall in 1901, as another Transit Constructién Com- missioner. Before Nixon had been in office three months he had succeeded in raising surface line fares in the Bronx. Nixon is now one of the est contributors to Al Smith’s cam- paign fund, Smith’s secret conferences and pri- vate deals with Gerry Dahl, of the B. M. T., can likewise be left for an- other time. Here a last word must be said about Al’s pals. There is John J, Raskob, chairman of the Finance Committee of the General Motors; Colonel H. H. Lehman, Wall Street banker and manager of Al’s cam- paigns; William H. Kenny, milti- millionaire shipbuilder and controll owner of the Third Avenue Rai 5 his golfing partner. His campai chest has been filled by the big bane ers and the corrupt franchise seekers. - And they have received their reward. We know you, All