The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 28, 1928, Page 6

Page Six HE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY. JUNE 28, 1928 | THE DAILY WORKER { | Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Ine. | 4 Daily, Except Sunday | 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. | Cable Address: SUBSCRIPTION RATES Ne By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per year’ $4.50 six 1. 1ths $6.50 per year $3.50 six months $2.50 three months $2.00 three months. + Phone, Orchard 1680 “Datwork" Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. ..-ROBERT MINOR .WM. F. DUNNE © a= secona-clasa mail at the post-office at New York, N. Y. under the act of March 3, 1879. For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER ; For the Party of the Class Struggle! For the Workers! Against the Capita s VOTE COMMUNIST: | WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY +} | 1 Mr. Raskob Booms the “Smith Market”’ Alfred E. Smith as president would give the country a con- structive business administration. Business, big or little, has noth- ing to fear from Governor Smith. There. is no occasion for busi- ness timidity during a presidential campaign. _ Business has out- grown the feeling that there is something to fear in campaign years. It is on too big a scale for that—John J. Raskob. Mr. Raskob is that prophet of the Stock Exchange whose | word to a newspaper sent the prices of all leading stocks soaring. Raskob is chairman of the finance committee of General Motors | and one of the monarchs of American finance-capital. | The whole life of Raskob is given to the organization and financing of huge concerns for the efficient exploitation of labor. Of supreme interest to him is the matter of forcing the hardest possible conditions of labor upon the hundreds of thousands of workers employed by the giant General Motors corporation and | other concerns in which he and his associates are interested. Es-| pecially at this moment his corporations are concerned in the greatest possible lengthening of the working day. This is one) effect of the universal spread of high machine development. When | in all leading industrial countries the number of workers em- | ployed is decreasing in relation to the amount of investment in| tremendous modern machine plants, the capitalists’ greed for surplus value can be met only by increasing the length of the working day, intensifying exploitation and worsening conditions. Of most vital concern to Mr. Raskob at this time is the complete barring of all labor organization in automobile and steel manufac- ture and coal production. Mr. Raskob is no fool. He knows that in the immediate years ghead there will be big and restless movements for the organiza- tion of huge mass unions in the automobile, steel and machine trades, and that the great mass union of the mine workers is now in process of being born. Raskob knows that right ahead | will be strikes as big and even more important than the great steel strike of 1919-20 and the railroad and coal strikes of 1922. Raskob knows, because he is no fool, that the full power of the central government and of the state governments will be required by himself and his fellow finance-capitalists, to crush the coming strikes, to attack and destroy the more vital labor movement that will grow out of the overthrow of such men as John Lewis, for instance, and the building of new, militant unions in the. coal industry, the steel industry, etc. Mr. John J. Raskob is interested in politics, because he is no fool, because no “syndicalist” illusions of “unimportance” of the state power have trickled through to his splendid offices. He knows that the state power is the decisive power in all class struggles. Mr. Raskob is officially a republican. But that does not matter. He is one of those industrial-financial kings compelling the democratic national convention at Houston to nominate Alfred E. Smith for president (just as the same powers compelled the nomination of Hoover at Kansas City). Raskob, living in Wall Street, knows that Smith has been advertised as somewhat “pro-labor” and “liberal,” and that such names stick in the gullet of his Wall Street associates. So Mr. Raskob tips them off again. “Big business has noth- ing to fear from Governor Smith.” This means that Smith will obediently serve his masters, such as Raskob, in using the full} power of the government, the army and the navy if needed, to crush the coming strikes, the most powerful executive office in thé world to back up all legislation and court injunctions to de-| vastate the trade unions. Mr. Raskob knows that a decision by | the board of the General Motors, supported by the interlocking directorates of the big banks and the Steel ‘trust, would be in- stantly reflected in diptomatic notes of Smith’s secretary of state and in orders of Smith’s war department that would send United States armies marching in China, or Argentine, or to the borders of the Soviet Union. * * i Big business has nothing to fear from Al Smith, aay more than from Hoover. But the working class of America has everything to dread in the .actions of Al Smith as president of the United States. The farmers have that to fear in the rule of Mr. Raskob through his servant, Al Smith, which they had to fear in the rule of the country by Mr. Raskob (with Morgan, Rockefeller, Mellon, etc.) through Coolidge—ruin, bankruptcy, expropriation. Even the “little business” referred to by Raskob can expect nothing but extinction at the hands of the trusts. + 8 8 The Wall Street vultures represented by Raskob have some- thing to fear only from one party: It is the party that is al- readv furnishing all of the organized vitality that is behind the movments among the trade unions and unorganized workers for the big struggles which Mr. Raskob is afraid of. It is the revolutionary party of the working class, which is utilizing this election to rally the workers against capitalism—the Workers (Communist) Party. Mr. Raskob is no fool, and he knows where there is danger to the rule of his class. Many thousands of workers and exploited farmers will also learn it in the big red campaign of the Communist Party. Vote Communist. Join the Workers (Communist) Party. THE PROHIBITION CAUCUS AT HOUSTON a Crimson Day in Red Berlin By LENWICK TONG. The 27th of May was a bright and beautiful Whitsuntide Sunday on which the powerful, militant and well organized Red Front Fighters had their demonstration. This was the fourth annual affair since their organization. But this year the demonstration has greater significance. In the first place, the war danger has accentuated. A demonstration of this kind to show the strength of the workers certainly would make the capitalistic imperialists reckon many times before they dare to plan a war on Soviet Russia. In the second plaee, before the elec tion the German reactionaries di their worst to suppress thiis organi- zation, But the high courts did not dare such an open act of repres- sion against such a powerful organ- ization. In the third place, this demonstra- tion was held right after the election which had showed a sweeping victory | for the Communist Party. In many districts the Communist Party has shown an increase of over 50 per cent. Even in the most bourgeois territories the Communist element has inereased more than ihat of any other party. Consequently, the Com- munist Party stands today second in Berlin and is the fourth party in Germany. In this fourth demonstration the Lustgarten (The pleasure garden of the former German Emperors) was the place for concentration. The right of way was given to the demon- strators and all traffic to this square had been suspended by the police. As we have travelled in other ca talistie countries witnessing the ar bitrary and oppressive measures of the police in suppressing any and all legal but radical mee why the police in Berlin are so “dif- ferent.” ‘But the reason is not far to jseek, the Red Front Fighters organi- zation is too powerful to be ignored. * * * Long before the time scheduled for the demonstrators to march in, the immense throng had already over- flowed the Lustgarden. Women and children had on their holiday clothes, Many wore red capes and dresses. Everybody was decorated with a red flower in his or her botton-hole. The square is bounded on ‘one side by the former imperial castle, at its right is the Dom or the Cathedral, on its left is a canal and opposite is an art museum. Covering “the length of the Dom was a big red banner with the following slogan: “Comrades, The Red Front Enters the Communist Party.” While that strung across the imperial castle was inscribed: “We swear that we are ready to de- fend the Soviet Union,” and the same banner continued: “Each Factory is a Fortress of the Red Front.” | On the museum steps stood a male choir of two or three hundred strong, while trucks with car-loads of young pioneers were parked alongside the cannal. Promptly at 2:30 p. m. bands ap- peared from all the avenues leading to the square. Armies of Red Front Fighters were marching in to their appointed places. These armies were gathered from all parts of Germany or at least divisions were sent. They had been parading or marching thru the city since 6 o'clock in the morn- ing. But all were in good spirits and|manufacturing and trading showed no sign of weariness. ngs we wonder} er would read the pledge and his audi- | N Holds Its Aside from numerous red flags they carried there were many ban- s and placards with slogans of the following nature: “The Only Way to Victory is Over the Barricades,” “We Will Revenge The Murder of Voikoff,” “War Against War,” etc. Of course the. square was entirely too small to accommodate the 500,- 000 people, 100,000 being Red Front Fighters and the rest being onlookers, Therefore people were overflowing the avenues. 2 * The bugle soon announced the opening of the program. The choir sang the most stirring revolutionary songs. Although in the, open, the strong voices were carried even to the most remote sections. Then speakers rose up at various quarters speaking to different groups. The shouting of “Hoch, Hoch, Hoch,” ' or “Rote Front, Rote Front” were echoed and re-echoed everywhere. At the end of the speech the speak- * * ence would follow and repeat each line. “This pledge or oath is cer- tainly inspiring, herewith is the translation: “Never to forget that world im- perialism is preparing the war aainst Soviet Russia. “Never to forget that the destiny of the working class of the whole world is bound up with Soviet Russia. “Never to forget the experience and the suffering of the working class in the imperialist World War. “Never to forget the 4th of August, 1914 and the betrayal of the re- formists. “Always and forever to fulfill: my revolutionary duty to the working class and socialism. “Always and forever remain a soldier of the revolution, “Always and forever in all prole- ian mass organizations in indus- and factories to be a pioneer of rreconcilable class war. “On the front and in the army of imperialism to work only for the revo- lution. “To lead the revolutionary fight for the destruction of class rule of the German bourgeoisie. “To defend the Chinese Revolution and the*Russian Soviet Union by any Last. Session. and every means. “T swear: “Always and forever to fight for Soviet Russia and for the world revo- lution.” * * The uniform of the Red Front Fighters is made of gray cloth. Some, who came from South Germany, so I was told, wore khaki. The First Aid Squad was clad in white, as were the | sport squads. To show the popularity of the Red Front Fighters we only need to re- late an incident: 75,000 of them jammed into the city of Berlin from various parts and they were accom- modated and well cared for by their fellow-workers; while some time ago the Steel Helmet or fascist organiza- tion had a demonstration and they gathered about 16,000 people to come to Berlin, but no quarters were found for them. Besides, the Red Front Fighters individually or in group go around the city freely and always are warmly welcomed by workers, but ; when the Steel Helmets go around they are hissed and booed and often have to get police protection for their loafing about or demonstration. In a word, the police had to be set in action to protect the Steel Helmets from the population. Four Years Old. The Red Front was organized in 1924. Ever since it has developed by leaps and bounds. Now there are 200,000 members in the organization, besides the 50,000 Red Youth Front, 80,000 Red Women Front and 20,000 Pioneers. They are all in uniform and under one organization. About 25 per cent of the Red Front belong to the Communist Party, while the rest are mostly workers of non- political connections, although some belong to the Social Democratic Party. Any one with red blood in him would join this active and progres- sive organization, but, of course, when a disloyal member is found out he is kicked out. 5 Anyway, the Red Front is abso- lutely under the Communist direction and in case of an imperialist war it would be the “Storm Troops” of the proletariat. Moreover; 200,000 strong WORLD TRUST GRIPS _ CHEMICAL INDUSTRY Byy LELAND OLDS. (Federated Press.) A capitalist chemical colossus be- striding the world is revealed as suc- cessor to the pre-war international munitions ring in the report of Chair- man Alfred Mond to the first annuai general meeting of the Imperial Chemical Industries, Ltd, The Imperial Chemical Industries has interests in Canada, New Zealand, China, Japan, the United States and on the European continent. It is rapidly expanding. In 1927 it acquired more than 99 per cent of the eapital stock of Brunner Mond, Nobel Industries, United Alkali and British Dyestuffs together with practical ownership of Cassel Cyan- ide, Union Acid and several other im- portant chemical companies. “I, C. 1,” said Mond, “now has complete controlling interests in 40 concerns and a large measure of a} over Australia, | more than 30 other companies. The iprincipal constituent companies have always worked in relations of com- plete harmony with several toreign companies, notably with Solvays, Al- lied Chemicals and DuPonts. With foreign concerns interests must touch lat many points and it is only natural that all should desire to reach under- standings on such matters as ex- |change of technical information and prevention of uneconomic production.” Imperial Chemical has investments in DuPonts, General Motors and Al- tied Chemical, Recently the alliance has been strengthened by the estab- lishment of the Finance Co. of Britain & America, Ltd., with capital stock held equally by Mond’s combine and the Chase National Bank of New York. Its purpose, according to Mond, is to supply credit, reorganize and develop industries in any part of the world except Russia. By Fred Ellis is no guage of the strength of the Red Front, for, only those above 21 can join the organization, while those under that age would belong to the Red Youth. The social-democratic leaders would sell out when the crisis comes, but many of the workers in that organi- zation will come over to the Com- munists. To illustrate, the Commu- nist Party in Germany may not have members up to the mark of 150,000. but according to the return of the election about three and a half mil- lions voted for the Communist ticket. Again, the actual number of the Red Front in Berlin has shown a de- crease this year due to the strict dis- cipline and the time required of them. The policy is to make every one active and weed out all dead timber. Despite this the voting on the Communist ticket even in Berlin has increased more than any other party. In Key Industries. The strength of the Red Front is firmly established in the key indus- tries, such as the chemical, steel and metal, including the harbor workers In the agrarian district of East Prussia since the attempt of the re- actionary to suppress this organi- zation 1,800 new members have been recruited from there, * * * Again, to estimate the real strength of the Red Front we must not over- look its superb morale. Compare it with the Steel Helmet which is noth- capitalists. Even the well trainea and equipped soldiers of the imperial- ists would go into the battle fields for no other purpose than to earn their bread and butter. The Red Front Fighters are an army of class | conscious ‘hard working men. If they lfight they are fighting for a cause. They fight to loosen their own chaing and to free their fellow workers under oppression elsewhere. Therefore when they take that oath as quoted above they fully realize its meaning and when they sang “The. Interna- tional” -with the following words, they surely cannot fail to grasp the significance: “Arise! ye prisoners of starvation! “Arise! ye wretched of the earth! For justice thunders condemnation, A better world’s in birth!” ete, In the Red Youth Front annual conference a couple of days before this demonstration ~ we witnessed similar revolutionary display and at- mosphere. It is certainly an inspira- tion without proceecing further into that’ home of the proletariat—Mos- cow. Anything comparable. to this outside of Russia would be the mass demonstration in China when the revolution was in the hands of the proletariat and under Soviet advice. Although all the capitalistic coun- tries now are getting more and more reactionary and fascistic, the work- ers are becoming more and more class conscious, better united and or- ganized. We certainly cannot pre- sume that the German ruling class is merciful and tolerant. Force is the only argument that the ruling class can understand. Let workers of other capitalistic countries organize as well as those of Germany. The most die-hard im- | perialistic cliques in America, France, Japan, Italy, Poland, ete. would be just as “tolerant” as that in Berlin by permitting such open revolu- tionary meetings and demonstrations —if they have to be. { ing but a mercenary horde of the| ~ a The lyric ery of recognition that rises to the lips of one apologist for capitalism when he beholds another brother of the ilk quivered upon the pages of the New York Times when Evans Clark, star “economist” of the Times, rose on his hind legs and crowed for all the world to hear that Georgd Bernard Shaw’s new book, “The Intelligent Woman’s Guide to | Socialism,” is a “monumental” work. HAna In addition to tooting the kazo for George, whose whiskers are the pride of the Second International, Mr. Clark also tried to take Karl Marx down 2x few pegs. Marx may have been right as far as British capitalism is concerned, Clark chortles, but he was all wrong about the land of the brave and home of the free where the bosses are cooperating to keep prices as low and wages as high as possible. And ~ to prove that Marx was wrong this ex-socialist. proceeds to pervert him. | Which really proves that Mr. Evans | Clark has an acute, un-Marxian nose | for whiffing the direction from which his pay-check comes. * | Our prosperous contemporary, the | Wall Street Journal, announces that |a 10 per cent cut has been made in| the prices of Firestone Tires. This. | should be hailed with a rousing cheer | by the proletariat. No worker now jneed let his Hispana-Suizas, or Rolls- Royce fall into decay for lack of a: |few dollars. * * * * * Frank G. Gannon, superintendent |of Street-Cleaning now on trial for graft in New York, managed to save. | $111,588 in 3 years on a salary of: | $8,800 a year. When asked to ex- plain this phenomenon, Gannon an- swered “A little birdie gave it to me.” | Which means of course, that Gannon, while playing golf with the business men of the city, arranged the graft! between shots. * * * GEMS OF LEARNING | Fred C. W. Parker, in the Kiwanis Rulon |Magazine: “Shelley, I believe, said, ‘Hell is a city like ......' Shelley were referring to our conven- tion city he would revise his state- ment and say, ‘Heaven is a city like Seattle’.” Not if he worked in the sawmills. William J. Smith, Business: man: “T’ll tell you what has been my most valuable idea. In learning to be grateful for what I have, I learned the most important lesson of my life. People are usually fighting to gain material things and when they learn to be satisfied with what life has given them they begin to be happy.” Tf life has given you yellow jaundice and pyorrhea be satisfied with it. Don’t ask for more! : Who Toil © By PAUL REISS Comrades! Workers! There is little to be added to the things already said and written through the numerous appeals in The DAILY WORKER, how important it is to rush aid in the form of funds in order to keep The DAILY WORKER. Out DAILY WORKER. ‘Your paper and my paper, the mouth- piece of the revolutionary workers that is in grave danger. The DAILY WORKER is in danger lof being destroyed and at this time not by direct force of the authorities, the enemy of the working class, but - by lack of support from the workers themselves; by lack of funds to keep up the spark of the most important fighter for the worker’s cause every~ where. @ Time For Action. This is not a time for beautiful nor sentimental appeals; nor is it a time for sighing and crying about how bad it is that our DAILY WORKER may have to go down. Some of the ap- peals haye been very beautifully worded and very entertaining to those who like to listen but are not up to act. Beautiful words are good in |peace time, not in time of war and |danger. At such time, action counts, The hour for action is here. You are | playing a tremendous part in this struggle to save The DAILY WORKER. The way to keep alive the spark of the revolutionary mouth- piece of the workers of America is © not by listening to beantiful words and appeals but by action,—quick and determined. oa Comrades, you must act now. This — very minute. You must dig deep into your pockets and contribute the last nickle, the last penny, thay you have. Contribute until it hurts—now~ ; never before. YOU MUST! YO! WILL! : Making History This very minute you are making history of the working class, Every minute that you ldse in hesitation*you are postponing that much further the — gains and the victory of the workers, Altogether with united effort we shall win, save and keep our DAILY WORKER. We shall make it much — stronger, much more powerful than ever before. Let The DAILY WORKER be the beacon light of the — workers towards victory. x From the White Spot of the world are appealing to you comrades in ferent parts of the country and ask vou to do your share. x < An Appeal Thee. -—from Los Angeles, we the comealer y ask }