The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 26, 1928, Page 6

‘THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JUNE 26, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc Daily, Except Sunday #3 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address SUBSCRIPTION RATES CMR By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New Yors): | $8.00 per vear $4.50 six r-nths $6.50 per year %3.50 six months $9.50 three months $2.00 three months. Phone, Orchard 1680 “Dalwork” Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y- ..ROBERT MINOR ..WM. F. DUNNE «» second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥. the act of March 3, 1879. Editor Assistant Editor. under VOTE COMMUNIST! For Vice-President BENJAMIN GITLOW For President WILLIAM Z. FOSTER For the Party of the Class Struggle! ee Against the Capitalis WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY For the Workers! War Cloud Has Red Lining Two events remind us of the tremendous process transform- ing the United States into the most gigantic and ruthless im- perialism that has or ever will be known to history. : : : - C veak and hysterical little One is the action of Kellogg, the weal id hy ‘Gal old man whom the irony of history has made into the Hanni a] of American imperialism. Secretary of State Kellogg has just given to the lesser imperialist nations of the world the text of his “treaty renouncing war as an instrument of national policy. The real characcter of the “treaty renouncing war” is that of a maneuver in preparation for the bloodiest war of all history, from which the United States will attempt to issue as the mas- ter of all the world, the overlord of all colonies, the super- exploiter of all the world’s toilers. The other event has to do with John Porter, a worker in the textile mills of New Bedford, and member of the Young Workers (Communist) League, who is now occupying the at- tention of the war department of the United States government. Porter joined the army when he was sixteen years old. Then he discovered what the army is. Sensing its purpose and char- acter as an instrument of violence against the working class, and not yet ripe enough in his understanding to see that he could serve his class by doing anti-militarist work in the imperialist army itself among his fellow soldiers to make them, also, see their duty to their class, the young man left the army. Later, Porter became an actiye leader of the New Bedford textile strike and vice president of the union. Seeing the role of the Young Workers (Communist) League in leading the proletarian youth in the struggle, he joined the League and soon became its organizer. Then the military arm of the United States government proved in action what the Young Communists had taught Porter of the character of the army. Keén to do anything in their pow- er to break the fighting strength of any body of workers engaged in struggle against employers, the army authorities seized Porter and threw him into prison for military court martial. This case will surprise Secretary of War Dwight F. Davis and all the rest of the Teapot Dome cabinet. The graft cabinet in Washington will be astonished to learn that this is the period when many and rapidly repeated incidents are to be expected, in which young working class men are trans- formed from blind tools of imperialism into conscious members of their class. They will be surprised also to learn that this case will echo around the world. We saw the light break on the horizon in 1925, when Paul Crouch and Walter Trumbull, two young American soldiers, were court martialled for organizing the Young Workers (Communist) League among the soldiers in Hawaii. Again we saw the signs of a new day when two United States marines left the Wall Street forces to go over to the side of the Ni, suans, fighting for liberty under Sandino. American imperialism cannot enter the period of imperialism without the consequences following. Slowly but surely, the cur- rents of class consciousness are finding their way among the young men and women of the American working class. There will be more Paul Crouches, Walter Trumbulls and John Porters, and more marines such as saw their duty toward their fellow rkers in Nicaragua. Imperialism will continue its bloody cour disillusionment will follow disillusionment. In- stead of individual John Porters, there will be whole nuclei of John Porters; instead of isolated soldiers there will be regiments of soldiers which come to understand that American imperialism is their enemy and the enemy of their class. : It is time to congratulate our young comrades of the Young Workers (Communist) League. * These young men and women . are beginning to show that they too know how to serve their class. Freed from all the paralyzing taint of pacifism, they are reaching the minds and the hearts of the youth of the working class. This youth will conquer in the final struggle. ~ Let the encrusted militarists rave and curse and give thun- derous verdicts against Comrade John Porter. : -@ But United States capitalism has turned the corner of im- ‘ ‘perialism, and within the shadow of imperialism there is a red army. | Farm Labor Gets $2.46 a Day E raw material of the.country’s, of the independent farmers them- food and clothing is produced by) Selves, it can be pointed out that the ; : eee ., average farmer receives only about gebor averaging only $2.46 a day °*/ $850 for his own labor, the labor of $48.63 a month, according to a report| his family and the return on his in- of the UU. S. Department Agricul-|vestment, and that only about half ture on the wages of farm labor. The} of this is in cash. “report shows that farm wages have The average agricultural worker not kept pace with the cost of living. In 1927 they purchased 5 per cent Tess than the wages paid farm work- in 1913 and 15 per cent less than vin 1906. The daily and monthly wages noted are for farm workers who provide ir own board. When the farmer ides the board the worker aver- ages only $1.90 if paid on a daily basis or $34.58 a month. If it is ‘ d that these low wages apply y to hired farm labor while most of the food is produced BAe labor earns less than $600 a year but if we allow the average farmer any re- turn on his investment his own wage falls considerably below that of his hired man. Here is one explanation of the lack of purchasing power for the products of industry which con- stantly forces curtailment ‘of factory employment. The average monthly farm wage of $48.63 compares with $65.05 in 1920 and $30.21 in 1913. This represents a drop of 25 per cent since 1920 to a level about 61 per cent above 1913. ee Sn 8 on, ~ CAMOUFLAGE IS AN ART OF WAR a teen wince meeiiaa + ba sy + Gitlow’s Acceptance Speech The Honorable Mr. Berger writes}moral decay. Eugene V. Debs must (Continued From Yesterday) Role of the Socialist Party. At a time when the capitalist re- action is growing, at a time when the intensification of exploitation is in- creasing, what is the role of the so- cialist party in the labor movement? The role of the socialist party in the labor movement is the role it demonstrated it can play so well in Germany, Italy, Poland, etc. It is the role of the hangman of the revolution, It is no accident that the day after the New Leader carries an attack against the textile workers in New Bedford, against the rank and file committees that are leading the strike, after it carries a vicious attack against the Communists, that Communists and the rank and file of the New Bed- ford Textile strike are arrested and thrown into prison. Who is the standard bearer of the socialist party? The standard’ bearer of the socialist party is a sky pilot, a minister, who believes that revolution is too costly for the workers. Well, how costly to the working class is the rule of capitalism and im- perialism ? Where has a revolution taken place on the face of the earth that was so bloody as the’ imperialist war? The result of capitalism is wage- cuts, unemployment, poverty, misery, frame-ups, white terror, fascism and imperialist world war. These fruits of capitalism Norman Thomas favors, but he does not favor revolution to end all this, The extent to which the socialist party has degenerated, its complete abandonment of the class gle and the best traditions of Eugene V. Debs is clearly indicated in the article writ- ten by Victor Berger in the June issue of Current History. as follows: “If democracy is to survive, if the republic is to endure, we must have a political realignment. ... And since both old parties are ultra-con- servative we must have an opposi- tion party, striving and fighting for progress.” . Berger wants a political realign- ment. A political party of all classes. He does not want a working class party. Berger has no use for a work- ing class revolutionary party that stands for the overthrow of-capital- ism. Berger is opposed also to a la- bor party. Berger only wants a reformist third party that fights for the vague thing progress. In other words Berger wants a “progressive” capitalist party. It is logical for Berger to maintain that the socialist party is such a party. Thag the capitalists have nothing to fear from the socialist party, Con- gressman Berger is convinced, be- cause he writes: “All classes will be benefited by the change.” If the so- cialist party comes into power the capitalists have nothing to worry says Berger, they will be benefitted by the change. Berger further writes: “Socialism can never take root in a commonwealth that is venal. A social democreacy can never be established in a nation that is rot- ten. More than any other citizen the socialist is interested in weeding out graft. More than any other Party, the socialist party must make it its task to unearth corruption and prevent moral decay.” No appeal here to the workers as a class to overthrow the whole cor- rupt edifice of capitalism. Socialism can never be established unless the rotten capitalist nation is made “clean and honest.” The main task of a so- cialist party according to Berger is to unearth corruption and prevent turn in his grave when he hears Ber- ger state that the main task of the socialist party is to make capitalism and its government honest and to pre- vent its decay. The class struggle doesn’t exist for Congressman Berger. In the article on the socialist party and the 1928 election campaign, Vic- tor Berger also makes the following statement, I will read it: “The prime essential factor, how- ever, is the awakening of the social genius of American people. With- out such awakening a real change in our public life is impossible. Without a change in American psychology even a successful revolu- tion will mean only a change of mas- ters.” He continues: “A similar instance we see in Russia where after all neither polit- ical or economic liberty was achieved.” Who does Mr. Berger want economic and political liberty for? Have we got it in America? Have you the right to strike? The right to vote? Do the Negroes have the right to vote? Quite the con- trary. Who enjoys the economic and political liberties in the United States —Mr. Worker or Mr. Rockefeller? Compares Soviet Russia. The answer is very clear. Not the workers, The Haymarkets, the Passaics, the coal strikes, the unemployment, the injunctions, the whole anti-labor strike-breaking activities of the capi- \talist government of the United States, its sham hypocritical class.democracy is positive proof of the dominance, rule and dictatorship of the capitalists over the country. In the Soviet Unfon it is different. In the Soviet Union the workers and peasants enjoy political and economic freedom. Soviet Russia established the 7-hour day. .Compared to wealthy United States, Soviet Russia is still a very poor country. Nevertheless it could afford to establish a 7-hour day. It was established without strikes, with- out pickets, without injunctions. Why, because Soviet Russia was established as the result of a successful revolution which crushed capitalism and set up a working class government with lib- erty and freedom, both political and economic for the workers and not for the shirkers. ‘ I was a member of the socialist party over a period of 12 years. I know what is left of the socialist party. I know that the revolutionary and militant elements have been driven out of the socialist party. I remember how I was expelled from the socialist party. A detective was planted in the central committee. The police encircled the party headquarters so as not to let us in. Now what is left of the socialist party? Where are its 100,000 members? What is left? The Norman Thomases, the Vic- tor Bergers, the Hillquits, the O’Neals, the doctors, the lawyers, thé dentists, the shopkeepers, the prostitute intel- lectuals, all lickspittles of capitalism. That is what is left in the socialist party. (applause) The Communist Party out of this convention sends a clarion call to the West, to the North, to the South, and to the East. - It sends a clarion gall into every factory, into every mine, into every mill, ‘t sends a call to all workers, to all exploited, the farmers as well as workers, Jt sends a call to the blacks, to the yellow races, to the whites, unite against the powerful enemy, crush capitalism, make the working class the ruling class, the Communist Party the ruling party. (Prolonged Ap- plause.) x (THE END) Donetz Conspirators Worked for Czarists’ Return (By Our Special Correspondent) MOSCOW, U. S. S.-R.—(By mail) Sitting at the Donbas Company trial in the Hall of the Trade Union one is struck by the complete absence of the formalism and mock solemnity with which capitalist courts reek. The trial of course is being conducted ac- cording to the rules laid down by the Juridical Code, but no one, not even the accused with the weighty charges hanging over them, appear to feel any more restraint than one feels at a business meeting. This is a serious business meeting of course. There is not the slightest suggestion of the, theatrical. There is, it is true, the big audience in the hall, and the trial is takins, place on a stage-like platform. ut the audience in no way obtrudes upon the platform; indeed, they would appear ot be divided from it by a transpar- ent curtain, Only very rarely does the chairman have to ring his bell to hush a sybdued murmur that ripples through the hall at a more than usually interesting incident. The trial is being given the widest publicity, but without sensation. Al- most at the very beginning of the proceedings some of the accused com- plained of the glare of the Klieg lights while the cinema operators were “shooting” them. The president all other photographing cease and there has been none since. Thus a valuable piece of publicity was sacri- ficed in deference to the feelings of the accused. Then there is something unique about the bench. Only the two su» preme court judges look their part. The two assessors sit there like work- ing men with a serious job on hand. They follow the proceedings closely and now and again put ques- tions to the accused or to witnesses. But the bench is dominated by Com- rade Vishinsky, the president of the court. A man of unbounded charm. Of slightly ruddy complexion, his face beams with kindness and sympathy. It is his manner of approach to the accused that causes them to turn to him smilingly to explain some ob- scure “point in videnc: immediately ordered that cinema and at the trial: Prosecuting counsel hotly pursues a point in the evidence of one of the accused and pours a rapid fire of questions at him. The accused is being carried off his feet. The president intervenes: To Krilenko: “Wait a minute, let him finish his reply.” To the accused: “Do you want to say anything more on this point?” The accused explains what he wants to say. To Krilenko: “Have you any more questions? Please continue.” Accused Flustered. In the course of cross examination the accused will get flustered. Seeing this the president will take up the questioning himself .and with a quip and jest put the accused at his ease again and then only let the prosecut- ing counsel continue. The accused are defended by coun- sel of their own choosing, the ablest in the profession here. The German Social-Democrats demonstratively de- manded to he allowed to appoint a German lawyer to defend one of t Germans accused. But they mad mistake. The Soviet court does permit tha infringement of the sover- eignty of the Soviet State. The de- fense of the German prisoners was arranged by the German Embassy here and the best counsel obtainable have been engaged. In addition to their counsel the accused themselves are permitted to cross-examine witnesses. After each witness has given evidence and after he or she has been examined by de- fending counsel the president calls upon the accused concerned to ques- tion the witness if he desires to do so. Sometimes quite.a wrangle takes place*between the accused and wit- ness, one asserting, the other deny- ing a certain point that has been made until the president pulls them up: “Witness says you did this thing; you deny it. Very well, you must now leave it to the court to decide.” This is avowedly a class court; the court of the proletarian dictatorship; but it is a scrupulously fair one and its verdict will be determined by the merits of the case. * (To Be Continued.) (AILERON | The New York State Confectionary jand Chocolate Manufacturers’ Asso- |ciation, suddenly inspired by the an- |gel of magnanimity and good-will, jannounces that it will distribute five |tons of candy to 12,000 orphans and crippled children in New York City institutions. This move, announces the president of the association, is prompted by a desire “to fulfill man’s duty to God on earth.” Of course, |front page publicity in all of the pa- | pers of the country will be accepted without protest by the candy manu- facturers. What the Well Dressed Bandit Will Wear “Oh Mama how can the man afford to dress up so much in these hard times?” “That's John D. Rockefeller, Jr. He’s got more money than you could look at with a pair of field glasses in a 48 hour week.” “How did he earn it all. have had steady work.” “He did. He was industrious, put in a long day and kept his mind on his work.” eae “What's his calling?” “Robbing workers.” | “What does he do with so’ much?” | “He's always spending pocket money for this or that. The other | morning he decided to have the town He must | 000,000.” | “Won't that make ‘him short?” “Oh, no, He’s closed down his mines in West Virginia and will let the workers starve.” < “What else does he do?” “He goes to church.” t “If he ever comes here Pll sit on is hat.” 4 - “Adolph take your feet off my back and go to sleep.” . . With new reports coming in each day from Queens the height of daring is reached by a commission in White Plains which recommends the cone struction of a new sewer. A Graft Marvel The smooth article pictured above is George W. Olvany, chief graft collector of Tammany Hatt, the envy of every politician who ever handed out a piece of brown paper for a cigar. The City of New York ver buys a paper clip or a broom andle without getting Olwany’s permission and giving him his rake- off. In order to keep supporters who might be inclined to edge away, due to the aroma of corruption, Tammany each year gives their children a picnic. This year at Central Park 33,000 youngsters were giving 15,000 quarts of ice cream, 10,000 quarts of milk and five tons of crackers. The native reporters of the capitalist press ree ferred to the affair as an “event innocent and charming.” But for every soda biscuit Tammany Hall Ee out it takes in a house and | of Williamsburg, Va. rebuilt for $5. é |