The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 19, 1928, Page 6

RKER, NEW )YORK, TUESDAY, JUNE 19, 1928 THE HOLY MAN WALKS ON THE SEA OF OIL THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Ine | y, Daily, Except Sunday 43 First Street, New York, N. Y Cable Address SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mai] (in New York ozly): $8.00 per ivear $4.50 six 1. xths $2.50 three months, Phone, Orchard 1680 “Datwork” York): By Mail (outside of New ¥ $6.50 per year 3.50 six months $2.00 three months. THE HAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. ; ..ROBERT MINOR | = Assistant Editor. ..WM. F. DUNNE | © wa second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥.. under | the act of March 3, 1879. Now Al Smith Will “Save the Farmers” The democratic newspapers are generally agreed that Her-| bert Hoover is the most decent, the most upright and the ablest republican candidate for president. The republican newspapers are equally sure that Al. Smith is the ablest and most decent and upright democratic candidate for president. ae This remarkable tone of the press of these two parties is worth thinking about. But it is the inevitable reflection of the following facts: : | 1. Both the republican party and the democratic party are) parties of finance-capital, completely controlled by. Wall Street | groups which are composed in each case of almost identically the | same men. Both parties have the same program, the same} financial backers—and it might almost be said, the same can- didate. : | 2. The same banking and industrial interests, merged into a colossal structure of finance-capital, have as their candidate for the republican nomination Herbert Hoover, and have as their candidate for the democratic nomination Al. Smith. | This is not so complicated as it may sound. Hoover is the perfect continuation of the Coolidge regime; he is the “heir ap-- parent” of the present chief executive and his election would be the continuation of the unbroken line of the same administra- | tion. But the same highest chiefs of Wall Street have had, not} only a national government at Washington to maintain and con- trol, but also a series of state governments, the most important | of which is the New York State government. Wall Street has | had not only its president at Washington but also its governor at Albany. The heir of the Wall Street president, and the Wall Street governor in person, are the rival candidates Sf the re- spective parties for the presidency. Both nominees are Wall Street’s choice. Never before has there been a situation in which each of the big capitalist politi- cal parties represents so perfectly the same class interests. Hoover may be the candidate which Wall Street would prefer to elect—other things being equal. But other things might not be equal. It is conceded that the ruin of the farming population may react in such a way as to lose several Western states for the republican party. Through the clever use of a horde of shyster “farmers’ friends” such as Curtis, the vice presidential nominee, Norris and others, further leftward, the Wall Street | | | Address and mail out checks to | | lon. What do the Communist candidates for president and vice-president in this election represent? What does their candidacy mean to the working party to go before the masses wé are’ choosing men or women who will mobilize the working class against the capitalist state, against the ruling class, for the overthrow of the pres- existence. munist International at the Third Congress in Moscow, went at mid- night after a session of the congress Herbert Hoover, who for eight years sat in the oil graft cabinet of Harding, Coolidge, Daugherty, Fall and Mel- But a Teapot Dome conspirator becomes a man of divine purity. cess is impossible for the working class. Those candidates go into the field as marshalls, but at the same HANO“TS GEMS OF LEARNING Rev. Dr. Selden P. Delany—‘We ; |are not worshipping bread and wine but the sacramental body and blood of our saviour, mysteriously present on our altars.” Very mysteriously. * * * Rey. Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick— “In one sense a five-hour day will put | a heavier strain on the morale of the | people than a twelve-hour day.” Workers will take a chance. ohn * * H. F. Gresham, of Bradford, Eng- land, who has just returned from the orient—“The Red . . . soldiers .-. ah }come from the lowest class and have |no ethics of any kind to observe. |There were even a few armored cars being driven through the streets by jyoung students, who represent s| dubious element in China, These stu- jdents have usually been educated in | England or.in the United States. Un-, like the Japanese young men, they do | jnot seem to go to college to learn | |electrical engineering, medicine, or jany specific trade or profession. They | |spend the greater part of their time jon political theory and then come ‘back to China, according to good in- formation, to become agitators for }some impractical political idea.” Gresham then goes on to give a good |description of himself, “I much pre- |fer the merchant class.” * * * Dr. Henry Slane Coffin, president of the Union Theological Seminary— “There are many nominal christians ‘and possibly some in this graduating class have no sense of being lifted or ;upborne by a mighty power.” Ten ‘chances to one, yes. ‘ Lot Bishop: Ruiz of Morelia, Mexico— “It is immediately evident which are the outstanding laws which must be repealed. For instance some of the Mexican states have passed laws stat- ing that all priests must be married. Obviously, if the -Catholic church is must be repealed.” The clergy’s time honored privilege of promiscuity must be upheld. Our Workers Party Candidates A little group of us as?volutionary Communist Party, the?Federation of Labor; the candidate delegates of;our Party to the Com-! Party without whose leadership suc- we propose is a pioneer of the Com- munist movement who was himself in the old underground moyement of our Communist Party in the days chiefs of the republican party have prevented the splitting away class? The DAILY WORKER will|ent form of society and for the es-| to visit and discuss our plans with | time under the discipline of the Party| when we were illegalized; a man of any of the farming elements. Therefore, if the electoral vote |publish in the newt few days the tablishment of a revolutionary state| Comrade Lenin. and subject to the iron command to| whom the capitalist class tried to of the doubtful Western states is cast against the republican party speeches of William Z. Foster and| —purposes utterly antagonistic to the! One of the comrades who was still} carry out the will and the program| imprison in Michigan, a_me rf this year—it will be cast for Al. Smith, Wall Street’s nominee in « the democratic party. ; The backers of Al. Smith are worried as to what position they ought to take (in words) on the farm question. The New York World, backer of Al. Smith, says: \ “Democratic acceptance what the republicans have rejected cannot be reeommended for either political or economic reasons. On the political side the championship of McNary-Haugenism would | alienate more votes in the East than it would win in the West.” | In practice, of course, Al. Smith’s program for the farmers is the same as that of Hoover’s—ruthless exploitation, foreclosure and ruin. But in words—that is another thing. The democratic politicians are fearful of making their party take on something of the color of Bryanism. The problem is to use such clever words as to make the farmers think that capitalism under the democratic party will not ruin the farmers, and yet say it in| such a way as not to overstrain the sense of humor of the big Eastern lords of finance-capital. But the program of Al, Smith no less than of Herbert Hoover is to push forward with the imperialist policies of their masters, which can have no other result than the progressive ruin of the small farmers. And as for the industrial working class—the financial giants laugh. The program is the open shop, the destruction of the trade unions, the “hooverization’” of industry at the expense of the working class. This national election does not leave the workers or the exploited farmers without something to do. The thing for work- érs and farmers to do is to vote Communist, and to build the Communist Party—the only party that will and can fight capi- talism on behalf of the workers and the exploited farmers. Japanese Fascists Kill Workers TOKIO, June 18.—The white terror had been gradually sharpening in Japan from 1923 on until the crisis caused by the earthquake brought about a sudden heightening of the class struggle. “Heroic Deeds.” Some of the heroic deeds of the & aN ens in Japan, among others the Kok- usaikai, the society for struggle Benjamin Gitlow in acceptance of the nominations. To begin with, we pub- lish below the speech of Roberd, Min- or, who was chairman of the commit- tee on nominations, by which the names of Foster and Gitlow were placed before the convention. * * * Comrades:— Your committee on nominations has reached a unanimous recummen- dation. The committee is quite consci- ous of the fact that the nominations of candidates to bear the red flag of working class revolution, the flag of Communism, in a national campaign is a very serious one. The purpose of the Communist Party in making nominations is utterly different from the purpose of the republican party?) the democratic party or a so-called socialist party in choosing standard bearers. We ara not choosing men or women for the purpose of admin- istering in a smooth manner the ma- chinery of the capitalist state. In choosing the representatives of our (The following is from “Soviet Trade Unions,” by Robert Dunn, pub- lished by the Vanguard Press.) * * * (Continued.) Immediately after the March revo- lution a council of trade unions was formed in Moscow and another in Petrograd. These councils later co- Japanese bourgeoisie are the murders of Comrade Kawai and seven other workers committed by the police, the murder of the anarchist Oosugi, his wife and brother, also committed by the police, the Corean pogroms, of which thousands of human beings were victims; the hanging of Nauba, who had made an attempt on the life of the prince regent, the hanging of the worker, Frut, who had made an attempt against the life of General Fukudu, the instigator of the Corean yogroms; and the sentencing to death of the Coieans, Faku and.Kanoko, for high treason. As part of its campaign against the workers and peasants, the Jap- “anese government passed a number of extraordinary laws, such as the law against civil strife, the act for the preservation of law and order, which involves sentences of ten years for the least infraction, and labor legis- lation which permits the most thoro- going meddling by the police in eco- nomic struggles, Fascist Organizations, Besides these measures, the govern- would provide mat ment is favoring a number of fascist |The total of arrests in Tokio reached | sia’s participation in the war. The| faltering coalition. land integrating factor, order | ate ye ie) ween , it may be said|pn physiology, _ bit organizations of which there are doz- 120. growth of the Bolshevik strength in Immediately following the revolu- and uniformity to acts of local factory | 1 this time on the unions, Ghessavatiay: why ( against. the Red peril, the defender of the imperial soldiers, the imperial youth league, the league of young patriots, and the league of patriotic women. These organizatiions take an active. part in the struggle against strikes and revolutionary organiza- tions in the shops and among the ap- prentices. They are chiefly active as denouncers and scab-herders. The last few years have been char- acterized by the oppression of the Peasant movement in Japan and the growth of oppression in Corea. Dur- ing the peasant disturbances in 1926 in the Nagani prefecture, and others, 826 men were arrested, of whom 159 were charged with destroying police booths. In 1928, as a result of the election campaign, there have been numer- ous arrests, particularly in the vil- lages, where the Rodominto, which is demanding the distribution of the en- tire land among the peasantry, is very popular. For example in Kagawa, a small district in the island of Shikoku, over 1,000 workers were arrested operated in calling, in June, 1917, the Third A}l-Russian Trade Union Con- ference. This conference consisted of 247 delegates representing nearly 1,000 local unions and»51 central trades councils, embracing a total membership of about 1,500,000. The conference ‘vas controlled by the Men- shevik and social revolutionary: groups, and confined itself to advo- cating heavier taxation of the capital- ists, the standardization of prices of certain articles ecnsumed by the working class, state control of im- portant branches of industry, and sim- ilar measures. A general tendency toward coalition and cogperation with the employers also manifested itself at this ‘conference. Nevertheless, it advocated the industrial principle of organization and established a central organization for the trade union jnovement. Fror. this time on, however, the union movement swung sharply to the left, due, in part, to the vacillatién und weakness of the Kerensky gov- ernment and its desire to prolong Rus- purposes for which the American democracy, so-called, was formed. The men and women who go out as our representatives must go out as fighting men to mobilize the work- érs to support the strike of the min- ers, to support the strike of the textile workers, to carry on a vigor- ous drive against the labor bureau- cracy and against the bosses for the saving and for the building of our trade union movement in connection with our election campaign. These who represent us as candi- dates must go out as organizers of the working class to struggle for all demands of the workers of today and tomorrow, and at the same time to hold before them the aim of our re- volutionary working class movement, the ultimate emancipation of our class. I recall, comrades, an incident of the time when we were about to found our Workers Party, when < Com- munist Party was illegalized by the capitalist state, suppressed into secret Growth of Trade the unions was dué in part, also, to the attacks of the employers and their associations on the workers. The latter became thoroughly disillusioned concerning the government and were further aroused by attacks om what they coneeived to be their rights and gains under the revolution. The em= ployers not only provoked strikes of local unions which -they then pro- ceeded to crush individually, but also used the lock-out to combat the workers?’ demands for an eight-hour day, increased wages, workers’ con- srol, unemployment insurance and similar legislation, In the bitter struggles between workers and employers which continu- ed during the summer and fall of 1917 the unions of industrial work- crs supported Bolshevist policies and were, in fact, the fighting force that iifected the overthrow of the coali- tion government and ,the setting up of the Soviet government in the Oc- tober revolution. Their strikes, their agitation and their Red Guards. were the instruments through which the revolution was carried out. It was they who, under Bolshevist leadership, took over state power for the work- ers and peasants. With the excep- tion of the printers, commercial and hank eriployees, and the higher grades of railwaymen, practically all the unions were on the October barricades. In Petrograd, Moseow and the other industrial cities union workers were the ones who carried out* the final seizure of power and the disarming of the bourgeois classes and their somewhat afflicted ith some ex- treme leftist views asked Comrade Lenin whether or not our Party should put into the field at an elec- tion campaign any candidates ‘for executive and administrative offices, (The view of that comrade was that we should only put up candidates for legislative positions.) Comrade Lenin replied to us that in his opinion the action of Eichorn in the revolutionary crisis in Ger- many, in taking the post of chief of police of the city of Berlin and utiliz- ing that post to pass out arms to the workers of Berlin was the answer to our preblem.. We ara putting up candidates to lmebilize the workers for the class struggle. In reality it is not individu- als, but our Party itself, which is the | candidate. At the same time we must choose standard bearers who are tried and true leaders of our class, men and women who symbolize the revolutionary: traditions, who are tested and proven leaders of our re- of our Party. We of the committee, without any dissenting vote or dissenting thought, without. the proposal of any other names, have been able to reach a conclusion, in favor of a candidate for president_-of the United States and another for vice-president. We recommend for the presidential candidate a man whose name is asso- ciated first of all in the minds of the workers with that great struggle of the working class, the stcel strike of some years ago. In this man we recommend are embodied the best tra- ditions of the old days of the social- ist party when we all—the older ones among us. here—were in it; embodies the best traditions of the industrial workers of the world when that too was a revolutionary organization. He embodies that great portion which used to be Jarger than it is now in side of the American Federation of Labor, but which the bureaucrats are trying to crush out of it,—the revolu- tionary workers within the American the Executive ‘ittee of the Com- mi 3 a man whose name strikes terror and fear and hatred into the hearts of the capital- ist class. For vice-president we have to re- commend a veteran of the trade union struggle in the latgest city of the most brutal capitalism of the world. We have to recommend a fighter, a fighter for revolutionary principles in the socialist party, in the days when Jchn Reed and Charles E. Ruthenberg led that revolutionary body: a man who represents our tra- ditions as a founder ofethe left wing in the socialist party, a founder of the Communist Party, a founder of the American section of the Commun- ist, International, who has spénd long years of prison and suffering in be- half of our class’ emancipation, Your committee nominates for pres- idént and vice-president of the United States, William Z. Foster and Ben- jamin Gitlow. (Tremendous Applause.) Unions in the Soviet Union tion the unions continued their loy- alty to the new government which they had ereated. They were in the forefront of the struggles against the sabotage of the higher officials of in- dustries and state institutions. They declared that strikes during the peri- od of consolidation of the state power in the hands of the Soviets consti- tuted, in effect, counter-revolution, and did all they could to prevent them and to settle them quickly when they occurred. Their Main job then was to help the workers’ and peas- committees. Inthe course of this important duty the unions became themselves virtually a part of the machinery of government. cussed at the First All-Russian Con- gress of Trade Unions called in Petro- grad in January, 1918. This congress recognized the fact that the whole ‘question of workers’ control was bound ;up with “the general system of regu- lation of national economy; that it is the basis of state regulation.” It likewise decided that the trade unions ants’ government maintain order and put down its class enemies. * The unions led the movement “back to work,” realizing that the factories must be kept going, under workers’ control, if the working population was to be supplied with clothes and need. ed commodities. : “Workers’ control” at that time meant ownership of the factories and workshops by the particuiar group of workers employed in them, but rather operation of a sort of control com- mittee to check up on the activities of the private employer and to see | that he ran his plant with the great- est possible efficiency consistent with those turbulent days. If an employer fled from the s¢ene this committee | would take over the operation of the enterprise; which war forthwith na- tionalized. Workers’ control was thus in itself not the socialization of the factory, but in practice it often proved to be the first step in this direction. In the working pets this process the union proved to be the uniting giving to establish socialism during the per- iod of proletarian dictatorship. Con- sequently it passed resdlutibns strong- ly supporting the Soviet Government and expressing its desire to work with it in the tremendous task of economic construction. The congress also con- firmed the action of the conference of trade unions held the previous June, that “the factory eommittees must become loea¥ organs of the union” and should not carry on an existence sep- arate and apart from the union move- ment. Accordingly its abolished ‘the Central Council of the Factory Com- ‘ittees which hitherto had played lependent role in uniting the com- mittees of various factJries. This con- gress also strengthened the “produc- ‘tion principle” of organization, pro- vided for a further centralization of the union on vertical lines and stressed the role of the unions in the indus- ial upbuilding of the country. The story of the unions during the entire period of war communism jal for a separ- The new role of the unions was dis- could not be neutral in the struggle, firmly led by the Communist Party, held economic and political views practically identical with those of the leaders of the Party and the govern- ment. During the long and trying ‘period of the civil wars the unions P aged practically mobilization centers, | fend skilled union workers from. the metal, textile and other factories were White armies and the foreign inter- yentionists on every front. In regions where the counter-revolutionary forces were successful for a time the unions were wiped out and their leaders shot. Wheneyer the Red troops won terri- tory the unions were restored and workers’ otganizations * helped Weekes “establish soviet control. The history of the unions during this period is the ‘colorful and dramatic story of mili- _tary.campaigns in which the forces of the workers were finally success-_ ful over the forces of the capitalists, _the land dwners and the foreign arm- igs of intervention. j (To Bo. Continued.) | Psychologists Convene MOSCOW, U. S. S. R., June 18— A number of prominent fe } scientists are taking part in the All-Union congress of psychologists — which recently> opened in Moscoy namely — professors Abde Trenrelenburg, Kraemer and, mann and Haldane and also of Soviet scientists. : The congress will hear 180 ‘ io-chemistry to resume its work in Mexico this law - the shock troops that drove back the _