The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 7, 1928, Page 4

Page Four THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JUNE 7, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS'N, Inc. 5 Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address SUBSCRIPTION RA (in New York only): E per year $4.50 six m $2.50 three months Phone, Orchard 1689 “Dalwork” | TES F | fail (outside of New Yor’): | per year £3.50 six months $2.00 three months. By Mail “8.00 Address and mail out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y- ..ROBERT MINOR .WM. F. DUNNE == second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., under the act of March 3, 1879. Coal Miners, Take Control! The emergency district conventions of the United Mine Work- ers Union are proceeding one by one with the imperative job of putting the control of the districts into the hands of the mine workers. The complete and final ousting of the company: agents who have so long controlled the districts for John L. Lewis is of course the unconditional necessity. The special district conven- tion in Illinois, in Ohio, in Indiana, in District five of Pennsylva- nia have ousted these traitors and elected new officers who rep- resent the mine workers. ; But the establi ent of the mine workers’ control of their Union in these districts cannot stop with the mere declaration of the conventions that these representatives are the new officers of the Union. The elections cannot be allowed to remain on pa- per, but must be put into actual force by the whole rank and file of the Union, who must function now more actively than ever before. The old traitors will not give up thr strangle-hold with- out a fight, not without resorting to police agents and company gunmen in claiming still to be the official heads of the Union. The slightest weakness on the part of the newly elected and true representatives of the Union, or the slightest slacking up of the militant activity of the rank and file, would result in stagnation | and chac The new district leadership of the Union must be the leadership in every sense of the word. There is no doubt whatever that the company agents of Lewis will still claim office, will still claim that they and their hench- Assistant Editor... e: The white wing in the brown honest workers. men constitute the Union, in spite of the district emergency con- | ventions. They will try to hypnotize the mine workers with the claim of “regularity” for thems ; and will declare the newly elected officers to constitute a “dual” framework. The mine work- ers must meet this new form of treachery and deceit with a str and fearless hand. To fail to uphold the results of the emergen district convention ss breaking up of the treacherous mean to | bureaucratic machin ould the hundreds of thousands of mine workers whose will must prevail. In the Anthracite distric ne situation i | The Brennan machine, which has come out as a “new leadership” selected by the en ney district convention of District No. 1, is only an evidence of the inability of the mine workers of the anthracite at that time to eliminate another crew of traitors of the Lewis type. | Brennan, McGarry and Harris do not mean a victory for the} mine workers. The Brennan crew in opposing Cappelini has used | ne same trickery by which Cappelini got power—that is} ding to fight for the real interests of the miners, only en upon them a company of bureaucrats essentially no dii- an the Cappelini machine. The Brennan crew will either sell out to Lewis, or will betray | the mine workers by the dastardly scheme of separating the an- thracite miners from the bituminous miners in a so-called ‘“an- thracite union” which will be little else than a company union and which will weaken the miners on a national scale. The mine workers of the anthracite have not yet gotten rid of the vermin of the coal operators. Their e of Brennan must be regarded only as a signal to fight on until the mine w« rs themselves secure control and make the anthracite | an integral part of a completely organized industry on a nation-| wide scale perience with the trickery | Thr as the emergency district con- | ventior ( x, the fight must be intensified and a} comp of the Lewis bureaucracy must be realized. Dis ries of “dual unionism” from the mouths of | Lewis’ company agent Mine workers! Go ahead full speed and | take contro! of your « nion! | iners¥ d Relief Speak Miners \ aud Relief Speaker' ge it | We r ¢ (Bu «a Relief Committ man jack of them are 100 per| men, made of the very| f fellows. Their| r date | es mec up to aa | A., that x e of : knew la V » doing. ctively ee parca that Lewis with his $30 or was not hungry. Miners She to encou j ; ent. She mi , starvation. It took Lewis many sympathizers of the and she spears Need | you pay the assessments. 4 3 f ies | “Some fellows were telling me be- She simply explained the dire need} gee 4 re of the striking miners who go in their | f0re T came to this meeting, that J. L. iy" we strueole.| “ewis and the rest of the gang are 14th month of the -great struggle | ts ‘ bn Chapt 5 aking a big. rake off. It may be If they lose you are all lost, t iia tor wal has ree whole working class of America w | Lay Parag id hag ose Givonhd be + Abi ase = re et us look into this situation with be beaten,” she said. Enthusi 1 ee eohe. ead applause from the 700 miners { ae Pea ian are our friends and ent, and the faces of our sympathiz a Hemsdeg a Sari is ers were aglow at the close of her| Militants. appeal. “Every active man in the Nationa) Then Board Member Boylan got up| Miners’ Relief Committee has been and praised the wonderful’ work of|beaten up for fighting on the picket the investigating committee which J.'lines. Could they be enemies? L. Lewis collected in the course of| 100 ti s no! Keep your eyes open, the strike for which he is paid $40} they are trying to break you and they a day. The N. M. R. C. was also do-| start where you are weakest. ing more damage than the coal opera-| “ ald our brothers in the soft coal region lose the strike in less than ters in breaking the U. M. W. of h> said. |three months, then the coal operators Then the fun began. jand their trusted friends will start Organizer Ida Weitman took the|the same monkey business in the an- fioér for a half ‘hour and with all her} thracite. They want to smash you. Are you going to let them? Every fire and vigor she told the miners everything they want to know. dollar you give tonight will help the brave men and women on the firing “Miners, union men, our’ brother line to win.” Boylan says that the N. M, RB, Cy is e coal opera-| Cheers, yells and applause. As a @ worse enemy than tors, and he tells you these are the| result $29.41 was collected. The Min- ers’ Relief Bulletin was simply torn facts. He praises the senate inves- tigating committee. . from the comrade ww distributed ~ Relief Is Unionist. them. “In the history of U. M. W. of A.| Sympathizers are organizing a or any other labor union in the coun-j house-to-house collecsion in Jessup, mi try we never won a strike with the| Olyphant and Dicson City. —SID, help of any: government committee. * * “ Do not we know tt they always EDITOR’S NOTE; Olynhaet is ,The Na-} in the anthracite ’ °| the No.| - \ ception, misdirection. derby is Mr. ON THE SIDEWALKS OF NEW YORK—AT BROAD AND WALLSTS. By Fred Ellis Al Smith, candidate for president. The cartoonist apologizes to the real white wings who are After the Fall of Peking --What? This remarkable and timely article on the significance of the fall of Peking, written in advance of the event by Earl R, Browder, will be The DAILY WORKER. Readers are advised not to miss the instal- ments.—E DITOR. * By EARL BROWDER. HERE is so much blood smeared over the Chinese scene that it is not always easy to see what is going on behind this red screen. Workers, peasants, youths, have been and are daily being slaughtered in the most horrible ways, in numbers running * * into the hundreds of thousards, in or-' der to carry out the declared program of Imperialism in China. The war of larmies, between Chang Tso-lin and Chiang Kai-shek, Feng Yu-hsiang and Co., is child’s play compared>to the class-war that rages over the country- ide. This class-war is announced as an ti-Communist” movement to purge hina of a small group of heretical fanatics, whose fantastic program is the Chinese supposed to endanger revolution. This pleasant myth is |camouflage to hide the complete treachery to the revolution by the Kuomintang and Chinese Bourgeoisie. The long-heralded capture of Peking, now in the headlines as imminent, has lost its revolutionary significance, < alm yone now realizes th makes real change in China. Tha use the Kuomintang oc- ~ | eupies me.basi§, plays thé same role today, as that of Chang Tso-lin. Let us examine one by one the most conservative formulation of the ob- ects of the Revolution in China, and 2e how in each case these objects have been abandoned by the so-called nationalists. Unification of China. In the beginning of 1927, there was a real hope for the unification of China. Two-thirds of the country had overthrown the old militarists and arisen with enthusiasm in support of the Kuomintang. For the first time masses of the people ‘were aroused, actively participating in political life;‘an organizing center had been given them in the Wuhan Kuo- |’ mintang Government. The so-called anti-Communist campaign, the signal for which was given by Chiang Kai- shek on the command of foreign im- perialism, completely smashed this ‘unity, destroyed the Kuomintang as {a mass party, and divided the Na- ‘tionalist territory into autonomous ‘fragments. China today is more more complicated.| continued in the next two issues of |divided than ever before in- modern |times. The taking of .Peking which |was.to have been the sign of com- iplete unification, has now, when it iseems about to occur, become an ‘empty. thing without any profound significance, “When Peking falls,” says the Shanghai Times, on May 4, | “internal strife will by no means be ‘éoncluded.” A new era of militarist | wars will begin. | Regaining National Independence EFORE the bourgeoisie betrayed the revolution, great strides had been made toward regaining national independence for China. The measure of this progress was the fear dis- played by Japan, Great Britain, brance, and the United States, who ‘are the powers that have destroyed 'that independence and who have ruled China for decades. But within the year, that old fear of an inde- pendent China has dissappeared from the foreground of the imperialists. One and all, the imperial proclaim that they are quite satisfiea with the policies of the present Kuomintang. Is it possible for anyone to believe that the imperialists would be content to lose their control of China? Is so simple-minded as to think ible to win freedom by “friend- p” (which means capitulation) with ors? Yet that is today cial program of the Kuomin- It is no sign of progress to- independence, when the im- tang. ward perialist press can praise the latest economic program of the Nanking |Government, proclaimed by Mr. Kung, Minister of Industry, saying: “One who recognizes that China needs expert assistance, and is willing to go where that assistance can be ob- tained, deserve well of us all.” If Mr. Kung and the Kuomintang are going to the imperialists for their expert assistance, if he “deserves well” of all the international pirate of imperialism, then the most stupi can see that Chinese independence has been sold out completely. Abolition of Militarism. “Down with Militarism” was one of the most powerful slogans in rousing the Chinese people to revolution under the Kuomintang. Since the early days of the so-called Republic, the burdens of militarism have been grow- ing ever greater and more intolerable, nourished by the support of foreign imperialism whose tool it has always been. But when the Chinese bankers, merchants, landlords, and intellectuals became frightened by the mass move- ments of the people last year, and be- gan the anti-Communist movement within the Kuomintang they im- mediately surrendered all power to a set of new militarists more rapaci- ous and bloodthirsty than the old. To- day it is possible for one of Kuomin- tang’s new “friends,” the British newspaper Shanghai Times (April 16) to, say: “Was there ever a time in the history of China when there were 30 many marshals and generals as there are now? ~The Kuomintang bristles with them, and seems to an outside observer as thoroughly mili- taristic as any known party through- out the world.” Even the pretense of civil government has been abandoned by the Kuomintang, and the military reigns in the center, in the provinces, and in each city, by means of the most outrageous terror. Rehabilitation of Finance. One of the great boasts of the Kou- mintang is the rehabilitation of China’s finances, which have been completely disrupted under the old militarists. During the so-called “Communist period,” up to 1927, the Kuomintang was actually making ap- preciable progress in this direction. But since the rise of the new mili- tarists to power, the Kuomintang has become even more destructive of fi- nances than the old rulers., The in- eome of the Nanking Government goes 85 per cent to the generals (not to pay the soldiers, of course), while every normal administrative function, specially education, is starved. The recent general strike of the Nanking school teachers, who demanded their unpaid wages of $10 Mex. per month, is typical of a general condition, worse than formerly existed. Yet more and more taxes are collected, the Kuomin- | tang proving expert at least in rais-| ing money, collecting two to four) times as much as the old militarists were ever able to do. An interesting comparison on this point was pub- lished in the Chinese newspaper, Cen- tral Daily News, Shanghai, March 26, from which we take the following figures: Taxes collected: Hupeh Province—Under Wu Pei-fu, $25,000,000 per year. Under Kuomintang, $40,000,000 per year. Kiangsu Province: Under Sun Chuang-fang, $20,000 per year. Under Kuomintang, $72,000,000 per year. ‘ Kiangsi, Anhui, and Fukien Pro- vinces: Tar income doubled under the Kuo- mintang. In addition to taxes, enormous sums are being raised by loans, which was formerly a negligible source of ineome. Only the most nominal centraliza- tion of finances exists. Each general in his locality collects taxes and spends them, without even reporting to the Nanking Government. Curren- vies, which are on a local basis, are in complete confusion, and rapidly be- come worthless, a point already reached in Hankow. The new militarists of the Kuomin- tang have completed the demoraliza- tion of China’s finances. 10. C are rapidly sinking into bank- ruptcy. It is hardly necessary to cite details of the thousands of shops, banks and commercial houses that are closing their doors, the deterioration and financial collapse of railroads, factories, steamship companies, etc. The situation was summed up by Mr. H. H. Kung, Minister of Commerce in the Nanking Government, on April 23, when he said: y Commerce and Industry. “China today is actually facing a crisis which for the lack of a more appropriate name might be called economic suicide.” - Mr. Kung issued a long document which he called a program to meet this crisis. It is impossible to find anything beyond vague generalities in this “program,” except on two points; first, it pledges to do nothing without the concent of the bankers and merchants, and second, it relies entirely upon foreign (that is, im- perialist) technicians and capital. In short, it is a complete confession of bankruptey, by the Kuomintang on all economie problems. They acknowl- edge their utter inability to move a single step except by consent and with the support of the imperialist powers, (To Be Continued) By SCOTT NEARING .. ..¢ Chinese workers have two great advantages over their Western fel- lows in the struggle that they are waging for emancipation. First—the Chinese bosses have no central econ- omic or political organization. Second —the Chinese workers have no illu- sions about political democracy. Business and professional interests in Western Europe, Australia and North America have been welded to- gether through generations of strug- gle. They have built great trusts. They have concentrated industrial control in the big banks. They dom- inate the machinery of government. They hold in their hands the news- papers; the radio; the movies, the schools and universities. A web of power has been woven across every important source of exploitation, de- Western \ysiness has cosordinated itsabt, “ i Western business men have learned that strength comes through unity. Chinese business men have never learned the lesson of solidarity; have never built a united front beyond the boundaries of an individual city or of an individual province, Their old business structure did not allow of such-a development. The new busi- ness system, that has grown up around the Chinese treaty poris, is barely 30 years old. Since Chinese business interests posseseot no central organization, they failed after the Revolution of 1911 to establish a modern type demo- cratic state, Instead China drifted into a period of civil war that has continued to the present day,—a civil war that has called into existence armies totalling somewhere from two to two and a half million soldiers, a civil war that has devastated great sections of China and reduced millions of Chinese farmers and workers to starvation. Nine-tenths of the Chinese farmers and two-thirds of the wage workers cannot read and write. Most of them have no access to movie or radio. Only a few of their children go to school. There is no state church in China. China has no general system of or- ganized athletics or horse racing. Literally no mass means exists for poisoning the minds of the Chinese workers with daily appeals. They only know banditry; of war; of hun- ger; of appalling working and living conditions. The Chinese masses suf- fer from exploitation and oppression as severe as anything Western society can imagine. But the Chinese busi- ness class is impotent to tell thera that through the development of polit- ical democracy lies salvation. » Hence Chinese workers are resort- ing to direct action. Capitalist papers constantly de- scribe the Chinese masses as “Com- munist.” They have no Communist va China Workers Have No Illusions About “Democracy” Their experience does not extend be- yond the limited communal life of the Chinese village. Until a few years ago they have been quite unaware of the existence of a proletarian move- ment or of a labor struggle. They do feel economic pressure, however, and their traditions tell them explicitly that when living conditions become unbearable revolution is not only the right, but the duty of the masses. Western exploiters are united and equipped with a system of loud speak- ers that reach the ears of the entire working class. Chinese exploiters are divided; they have no incantations or diversions that will meet the insistent demand of he working masses. Hence the insistence of the Chinese revolu- tion. Hence the probability that the Chinese masses will continue their struggle until they have crushed the fragmentary Chinese capitalist society and through practical experiment and They are not Communist.| experience laid the foundations of a ry-| Communist state. : MMERCE and industry in China| HANdOuTS ROWTH of the class struggle in the church with anarchistic tenden- cies is indicated by the announcement that the rank and file preacher, J. H. Woodward of New Brunswick, and seriously wounding one of the leaders of the industry, Bishop Wil- liam A. Guerry of the South Carolina Church. * Workers at Camp Nitgedaiget who jcomplain of the mosquitoes are ad- vised that the mosquitoes at Camp Tamiment, who feed on nothing but fat socialists, are Garguantuan in comparison. * * . Our competitor who conducts the humorous column on the New Leader, the Rev. Norman Thomas, leads his most recent effort with a paragraph so funny it deserves being reprinted. His defense of presidential integrity should be as amusing to J, P. Morgan as his own naivete is to class-con- scious workers. The excerpt follows: “Seventy-five per cent of ‘what * bill. . .sounds like amazing hypocrisy . . .Yet the president is not conscious- ly hypocritical. . .Subsidies and spe- cial favors to business men do not look to him like subsidies and he is not aware that he has provided sharp arguments against his own closest po- litical friends and supporters.” * * * When Workers Are Killed. Daily Worker: Wall Street marines kill hundreds of Nicaraguan workers. The Nation: We view with alarm the killing of some Nicaraguan citi- zens by American marines. We are sure that every true American citizen will raise his hand in horror that such a thing should happen. We ap- peal to the sense of fairness of Mr. Coolidge. The Times: A mob of Nicaraguan bandits, bent on looting the homes of American citizens, were fired on by marines, Several of the bandits were killed. Corrugated Iron “Oh Mama, why is the little man in the picture so frightened?” “He’s marrying a woman of his own size, Adolph.” “Well what else does he do for a living, Mama?” “He’s the grandson of the Iron Chancellor Bismarck.” “Why is he getting married?” “He’s helping the German monarch- ists fight their last battle on the so- ciety pages.” “But mama why is he standing up on his toes? He seems in such a hurry to get through.” “Adolph go out and mind Ophelia and don’t do that. Use your handker~ chief.” * * *. A Modern Fable. DWARD M. FULLER and W. Frank McGee were two fine lads, full of pep and ambition, who decided they could best serve their fellow-men in the brokerage business. The two boys worked hard and soon found their business was one of the most respect- ed in Wall Street, where the great thinkers of the country congregate. But jealous enemies discovered that, in the course of serving their fellow- men, Edward M. and W. Frank had piled away about $4,000,000 of their fellow-men’s surplus cash all in neat piles that nobody could find. This was in the year 1922. After three juries had to say that Edward M. had done a bad deed a jury finally decided that Ed- © ward M. and W. Frank had done a very bad deed indeed and so they were sent on a vacation of from 15 months to four years at a rest-home callea Sing Sing. But because both Edward M. and W. Frank had been so devoted to their. fellow-men and their services could not be spared any longer, they had to end their vacation after being away only one year. The first words of W. Frank, had been chafing so all the vacation, were: “Well, I’ve’ here 12 long months. Now to get down Georgia, has just completed shooting | Diocese of the Protestant Episcopal | been President Coolidge had to say in con- | demnation of the McNary-Haugen | | ee