The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 5, 1928, Page 6

THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JUNE 5, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc. Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. Cable Address: “Daiwork” SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): $8.00 per vear $4.50 six tucnths $6.50 per year °3.50 six months £2.50 three months. $2.00 three months. Phone, Orchard 1680 Address and mat! out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. ecm) ...ROBERT MINOR GS Assistant Editor . WM. F. DUNNE . == second-class mail at the post-office at New York, N. ¥., the act of March 3, 1879. under The Lowdown on Lowden A drift of sentiment away from Hoover is reported among | | delegates arriving early at Kansas City for the republican national | convention. Defeated in Indiana and in West Virginia, Hoover | begins to look more and more like the helpless “fat fellow” that | Taft was in the 1912 campaign, when it became impossible to elect Taft and the large contributors of campaign funds switched over to Woodrow Wilson and the democratic party. Correspondents already talk of an analogy between the republican convention of 1912 and that of 1928, and the supposed possibility of a split this year in the republican party, as in 1912, and the election of the democratic candidate for president. But the chances of the nomination of Frank O. Lowden as the vepublican candidate are considered brighter. Why? Because the revolt against Hoover, Wall Street’s “ideal candidate,” comes mostly from the farming districts, and —‘“Mr. Lowden is a farmer!” Lowden, palmed off on the exploited, swindled, bankrupt farmers of this country as “a farmer’’—is about the most idiotic and incredible joke ever played on the rural toilers. This bloated, | reactionary multimillionaire industrialist and financier has in-| vested some of the ill-gotten gains of the Pullman estate in a few | palatial country-houses, golf links and polo grounds—various pal- | aces to loaf in during the various seasons of the year—and the} capitalist press has used barrels of ink in telling the gullible dirt | farmer that this makes Lowden “also a farmer.”’ The reactionary | ex-governor, who never would have been heard from if he had | not married the daughter and the dollars of George M. Pullman, | carefully adds to the structure of fiction by uttering a few words now and then in behalf of this or that so-called farm-rélief bill. | Lowden ‘is not a friend of the farmers—he is a friend of Frank | O, Lowden’s presidential candidacy. Lowden is flesh of the flesh and bone of the bone of the highest stratum of finance-capitalists of the United States. If} Hoover is a fat Hoover, Lowden is a lean Hoover. Lowden repre- | sents the highest ranks of the capitalist class, and Hoover repre- | sents the highest ranks of ‘the capitalist class, and each would serve that class in precisely the same way. If Hoover got caught} unfortunately in being exposed as the piratical enemy of the farmers which he is, and Lowden had the chance to pose with the MeNary-Haugen bill in his breast pocket, this was only the luck of politics. No political party can serve both the capitalist class and the} exploited farmers, and the republican party, including both Low- | den and Hoover, is the biggest party of finance-capital. The cap- italist system cannot offer the farmers any solution of their prob- lems except the solution which is already in process—the confisca- tion of their lands by the bankers. Hoover has been in the presi-| dential cabinet and there performed the function of aiding the banking interests to crush and expropriate the farmers. Lowden, in bidding for Cooldige’s seat, is only bidding for a chance to do the same thing that Coolidge and Hoover did. | The high financial circles which rule the country have a beau-| tiful prospect this year: Two equally zealous servants, Hoover and Lowden, as leading candidates of the republican party, one of whom can pose as a farmers’ friend just when it is necessary; and if the republican party is to be split and if the democratic party profits thereby, the same high financial circles have an equally zealous Al Smith as the leading democratic candidate. The fact that a class of working farmers rapidly being ex- propriated of their land and being dumped into the cities to be-| come a part of the army of unemployed, can be played with by| such frauds is an inevitable result of their following the lead of, | | | | Shortness of funds with which to pay for en-. graving makes it impossible for The DAILY WORKER to publish the cartoon of Fred Ellis today. Only immediate and generous support from the class-conscious workers of this country can save the only militant workingclass newspaper in the English language and permit it to serve its readers with all the powers at its command. —EDITOR. Opening the Election Campaign By JAMES P. CANNON. 'HE awakening of all the leading forces of the Party to the import- ance of the election campaign was demonstrated in the most dramatic and convincing manner by the na- tional nominating convention. No one who took part in the convention or watched its three days’ deliberations could have the slightest doubt that the Party has at last made a real be- ginning with election activities. It was our first national nominat- ing convention and for many new members and sympathizers it was the first effective demonstration of the Party’s national seope and organiza- tion. The convention itself and all the preparations for it were excel- lently organized and the high points effectively dramatized. This was no mere happen-so. The Party machine is nine vears old and the experience of our past work is bearing its fruit in every phase of Party activity. The successful organization of all sides of ‘the convention preparations augurs well for the 1928 campaign. Party Growth Reflected | The convention reflected the growth and development of the movement in a striking manner. We have held | many conventions in the past nine years. Even in the period when the Party was outlawed, we held a num- ber of underground conventions where as few as thirty or forty dele- gates from ten or twelve states strug- gled and argued for days over dis- puted points of the program. The convention we have just held had 296 voting delegates from 39 states and the District of Columbia. In addition to that one hundred fifty fraternal delegates were present. Prominent, and distinguished people in the labor and revolutionary move- ‘ment, such as Anita Whitney and Lucy Parsons gave added importance to the convention by their attendance. There was a strong delegation of Negroes, strengthening the fraternal | bonds of solidarity between the races| the needle trades. ers, textile workers and the embat- tled needle-trades workers were there as well as delegates from the solid south and the far west. The compo-/ sition of the convention deserves a/ special article. It showed a picture} of a national érganization. ieee character of the delegations and the burning issues of the class struggle dealt with in the platform | and the speeches were convincing! proof that the Communist Party does not approach the election campaign from the standpoint of the capitalist and reformist parties. The election is for us a field of the class struggle and we raise there the issues and slogans which animate the struggles of the workers on every front, devel- oping them further and tying them of the epic struggle of the coal min- ers, Some erroneous conclusions have been drawn from these activities, partly because our work in the past has been somewhat one-sided. Many workers who see our Party in these fights and who support it in them \have not yet come to recognize us as a general political party, fighting ef- fectively in the political arena. iF it not a fact taat many workers in New York who support us in the needle trades against the socialist party traitors vote for these same charlatans on election day? What is the explanation of this anomaly? it arises primarily from our failure |up to now, because of the passivity of the Party members in this respect, | to make a sufficient impression in the \ election field, with the result that we \are regarded in some circles of the ion that we are nearing the accomp- sympathizing workers leaned “trade lishment of a most essential task,|¥7on Party’ only. This confusion that is, to establish our position as | Must be overcome in the 1928 cam- a political party in the general and Paign. It is one of our great tasks national sense of the word. In re-|in the coming election period to deal cent vears, the Party has developed | death-blow to all such misconcep- greatly along the line of partial and | tions.. The convention was a big help sectional struggles of the workers.|to this end. ‘ It is now gathering its forces for a| The convention dramatized the en- general fight on the broader field. | trance of the Party into the presi- Herein lies the great significance of dential wampaign and focused the at- the turning point marked by the tention of the Party on it even more opening of our national election cam- | effectively than we had dared tu hope. paign. |The lackadaisical approach to this The Party has already made a good form of work which has been so notice- name for itself as a fighter for the #ble in the past was entirely lack- interests of the workers on the eco-|ing. The spontaneous enthusiasm nomic field. The hatred and tear of which greeted nomination of our can- the exploiters and all their labor didates, Foster and Gitlow, and other agents for us is the outcome of the high points of the convention was in- together. The success of the convention. was so proncunced as to justify the opin- heavy blows we have dealt them. Communists Heart of Mine Struggle. Many workers have a good opin- ion of our work in the trade unions and think it represents the sum total of our activity. We made a good fight at Passaic. We, together with the Workers, fought and are fighting the bosses, the police, the A. F. of L.| and S. P. traitors to a standstill in| At the present} spiring to see. It swept over the \whole gathering and took possession of all. The comrades who attempted to prolong it unduly and artificially, however, should be reproved for their overzeal. Gold needs no gilt and proletarian enthusiasm needs no _claque. With our great nominating conven- tion as the starting point, we must now proceed to the development of our and allying themselves with, the capitalist class parties. Such an| i" the common fight. Striking min-' time our Party is the heart and soul! election activity with all forces and “alliance” is, of course, only their submission to destruction. | The working farmers must learn that the capitalist system | has nothing to offer them. Only the party which seeks to destroy | capitalism can offer the farmers relief. There is only one such! party—the Workers (Communist) Party. . It alone offers the ex- | ploited farmers the only effective class alliance—that with the| working class. The impoverished farmers must learn the meaning of the demand for a “workers’ and farmers’ government.” The red election campaign with Foster and Gitlow as the standard bearers must be carried not only to the masses of work- ers, but to the farmers who are beginning to sti . . | Where Is Comrade Azario? | By A. LOZOVSKY. E of the leaders of the revolu- tionary trade union movement iz Italy, the railwayman Isidoro Azaric Was arrested in the beginning o: 1927 at Panama. Ha was arrestea ‘at Panama, in spite of the fact that the was only a transit passenger ‘through that “republic,” upon the de- wand of the fas¢ist government of aly ,and with the friendly assist mee of the government of the Unite: ‘States. For a long time it was im- possible to obtain any informatior tion, what became of Comrade Isido- ro Azario after he was handed over to Mussolini’s government? The last question is all the more important since no one in Italy knows where Azario is at present located. Had he been brought to Italy and imprisoned or exiled to any island, it would have become known to the political prisoners. The Communist Party of Italy, the revolutionary Jonfederation of Labor, and the poli- vical prisoners know nothing about she fate of Comrade Azario. Con- sequently, Comrade Azario, extradited all speed. The entire work of the Party in the elections must be or- ganized as a fighting campaign, dis- earding all routine and desultory methods, The regular apparatus of the Party must be keyed up for this task and, as with all campaigns, a special auxiliary apparatus through- out the Party, from top to bottom, must, be constructed. E should aim high, because the prospects and possibilities are great. The election campaign this year ought to bring out all the latent powers and resources of the Party, concentrating them all,—for the first time in a single general struggle. We should aim at ten-fold greater propaganda with hundreds of speakers, with thou- sands of meetings on the street cor- ners, and with our participation in the campaign , dr; tized in every possible way. ag The Communist Parties of Germany, France and Poland have utilized the elections this year to extend and consolidate their influence. The elec- tions gave a remarkable demonstra- tion of the stability and growing strength of Communism in Europe and showed that Communists know how to exploit elections in the capital- ist’state "for revolutionary purposes. “For~ usin” America™ the “election campaign, as a means of revolution- ary propaganda and mobilization for struggle, has an extraordinary sig- nificance, It offers us the opportunity to bring the message of Communism and its platform of daily struggle to tens of thousands of workers and farmers with whom we have not yet established contact and who know nothing of our aims. The Party must see this opportun- ity clearly and mobilize all of its forces for the fight. The nominating convention showed that all the lead- ing circles of the Party are really to plunge into the work of the cam- paign with energy and confidence. It yemains now to carry the message of the convention to all the Party ranks and inspire them with its spirit and enthusiasm, 66 Unclean By MANUEL GOMEZ. (Continued From Previous Issue.) Havana Farce Conference. At the Havana Conference the American delegation not only defend- ed U. S. intervention in Nicaragua but actually insisted on recognition by the Latin-American delegates of the right of U. S. intervention and police power t*roughout Latin Amer- ica, It is generally ignored in this coun- try that the Pan-American Confer- ence — ostensibly a “good-will” con- ference of the nations of the Ameri- cas — opened in an atmosphere of police-terrorism. The obedient Wall Street-owned Cuban government ar- rested or deported some 200 people, many of them representative Latin- Americans who went to Havana to protest against American imperialism. (In this atmosphere of police brutal- ity, which amounted to a conspiracy to smother the true voice of Latin- American opposition — the unper- turbed U. S. delegation delivered its widely press-agented homilies on “western democracy” as opposed to European institutions delicately in- sinuating the superiority of the United States, and intended to bring about a tacit acceptance of U. S. leadership.) When, therefore, the government |tells us that we may not circulate |stickers reading “Protest Against Ma- jrine Rule in Nicaragua,” we look up- Jon it in a much more serious light jthan do those who see it only as an linterference with certain personal |liberties. We are not astonished at \the interference. A is doing the will of a financial oligar- \ehy cannot be expected ‘to observe \the rules of the game. Imperialism and liberty are incompatible. We Hook upon the whole matter as a ‘phase of the struggle between the \forees of imperialism and the great popular opposition to it. Imperialist governments are notoriously very ltouchy on the subject of their ‘col- onial policy” and the government of Wall Street and Washington is no exception, Workers Oppose Imperialism There is a reason why the govern- government which | ment was unwilling to meet our head- on challenge by criminal prosecution. The imperialist policy of Wall Street and Washington is not popular jamong the American masses. The great majority of American workers and farmers are opposed to the im- perialist adventure in Nicaragua. |Fearing too much publicity, the gov- ‘criminal trial. Workers and farmers jare disturbed enough as it is, Workers and farmers have no in- terest in assaulting the people of Nicaragua or of any other country. The profits that are derived go to Wall. Street, whose soldiers shoot down American workers in Colorado or Pennsylvania just as they shoot down the opponents of Wall Street in Nicaragua. Imperialism and imper- ialist war mean only suffering for the great mass of Americans. The All-America Anti-Imperialist League is founded upon the conception that the common people of the United \States are bound by ties of funda- mental interest with the peoples un- jernment felt that it could not afford) to allow us the public platform of a} Hands’ in the Sandino Stamp Case jder U. S. imperialist rule. Our faith is in the common people of America, especially the workers—not in the government. We are trying to build |the U. S. section of our League upon |the primary basis of working class ; Support... The Sandino sticker case | proves conclusively that our outlook | is the correct one. To Continue Fight. We shall continue our fight to de- | feat the war against Nicaragua. We shall continue to oppose imperialism at every point. Courts of “equity” may deride that we have unclean hands, but workers will know thet if this is the case it is merely from fingering the affidavit of Mr. Kel- loge. ‘ American imperialism is powerful, but the forces of opposition to it are great and growing. Thruout the American empire there are impor- tant elements who will fight to the end against imperialism, which is not simply “foreign policy” but a whole system of domination by a financial oligarchy based upon exploitation and suffering both at home and abroad. why Comrade Azario had been ar-| ‘vested, how long he was going to be kept in jail, whether there wos going] o be a trial, and so on. Now we find in the organ of the Argentinc Communist Party “La Internacional of March 17 a statement by a lawyer from Panama to the effect that Aza- ‘vio had long since left Panama, a: he had been extradited to the Italian) government “soon after the arrest. ' And here a whole number of high!: _ important questions arises: 1, Why was this “friendly service’ of the United States government 1 the Italian government kept such « strict secret for a whole year? 2. Why and on what grounds was| this political emigrant handed ove to the fascist murderers? ee a a to the fascist government in the be- ginning of 1927, was not taken to Italy. If so, where is he? What has become of him? What have the fas- cist murderers done with the victim vho has fallen into their hands? Aza- vio has vanished on the route be- tv-een Panama and Italy. Since Aza- vio was handed over to the represen- atives of the Italian government, it s obvious that the latter have organ- zed this mysterious disappearance. We know sufficient about the tricks of the fascist bandits to realize that t is here a case of premeditated mur- lex. This dark affair should be elu- sidated in every way, an answer must ye obtained at all costs, when and sow Comrade Azario has vanished. Call the fascist murderers to ac- punt! * SF > osha mneudnun ia etieastn ie tat RENBCSTRTT tr By SCOTT NEARING, Cartels in Europe, international finance corporations, price agree- ments, tariff adjustments, “multi- lateral” treaties, floods of honeyed publicity have led millions to be- lieve that the great empires will not fight again, but will organize a world plunderbund and exploit the earth cooperatively. The idea is logical. Wisdom would demand such a step by the imperialists. Can the imperialists take the step? Will they take it? ed | Imperialism needs an administra- | tive machine to protect and advance | its interests. Within the last month Great Britain has ordered a fleet into Egyptian waters in connection with a 48-hour ultimatum to the Egyptian government. Japan with 23,000 troops concentrated in China (15,000 of them in Manchuria) has fought a war with the Chinese Na- tionalist army in an effort to main- tain “peace and order” in terri- tories where Japanese interests are involved, The U. S. army and navy continue their war in Nicaragua as a means of “insuring constitutional elections” in that unhappy country. } \ It is impossible to coerce Egyp- tians, Chinese and Nicaraguans without bombing planes, machine guns and warships. Such exercise of the police power Ys a traditional form of imperial activity. Thus far no statesman has pro- posed a plan by which the imperial ruling class in one country, for ex- ample Great Britain, will be able to maintain imperial law and order in Egypt, protect itself against the aggressions of other imperial rul- ing classes, for example of Italy and France, and at the same time safeguard the interests of the rul- ing class in Egypt. Imperialism ap- Imperialistic Powers Fall Out Over Their Plunder parently contains at least two dras- tic contradictions. One results in colonial war, the other in world war, r If an agreement could be made regarding the exercise of police power, there remains the problem of dividing the loot. Who will formulate a ratio? Will one im- perial ruling class be willing to take less than another? Recent con- ferences on naval ratios furnish an emphatic negative answer. The 3 negative answers to these 3 questions negate the possibility of imperial cooperation for world plundes- | = | — (HANaOuTS The effect of yacht racing and sell- | ing tea on the human organism can be judged from the following words of Sir Thomas Lipton: “My one idea amassing a fortune was always to provide my mother | with everything she wanted.” tee * Tammany Hall, the only New York political organization which is so cor- rupt it vies with the Chicago stock- yards in odor, has just been described by Judge Olvany, its head scavenger, as not a political organization at all but merely an “ancient patriotic so- ciety.” The judge would have us pat the tiger on its head and feed it dog biscuits. If we express surprise at the markings of its coat he tells us pleasantly: “Stripes! No! No! Fido is merely standing behind a fence.” * a . * The World pays out good money each week to the daring mentality that can select “The biggest news of the week.” As a tip to contestants who mght otherwise hunt vainly through the society columns and the | sermon page for the biggest news it might be hinted that the editor him. self is liable to express his judgment of the biggest news by secreting it on page one carefully hidden away under a big head. . * * L. B. of Haverhill, Mass., writes: Officials of the Boot and Shoe Work- ers’ Union asked the shoe manufac- turers for a handout. They want a ten per cent cut in wages. Now don’t misunderstand me. Not their own wages. The workers’ wages. The manufacturers’ association has prom- ised to give the proposal careful con- sideration. Ingenious Preacher It is to be expected that preachers who have made special arrangements with God for immunity should have less morality than ordinary men. Mur- der officially sanctioned by the heads of the church has of course been com- mon. It remained however, for the Rev. Driver of Paterson, N. J., to gain notoriety for the religious leaders of the land in a new way. He is accused of a very serious charge. Chris Valamis, cafe owner, who is said to have kept the pastor’s daughter pri- soner for three days is charged with criminal assault. Chris the preacher's friend, is shown above with a detec. tive. * * * Judas remorseful, threw the silver down, And went and hanged himself: O * foolish man! He might have subsidized, in Jesus’ town, A prophets’ school, priestly plan. Six O’clock Bell 'UDDENLY there is confusion. The workers, who till now have been silent, quiet as the machines are quiet, arise in a bee-like commotion at the first clang of the bell. There are so many people here suddenly, upon some one notices. Each one rises, dons his; coat and hat, and the mass surges from all directions to the time-clock, past it, and through the factory doors, If one could look down on the work- ers from a half mile overhead, they would seem like a river system on a map, streams of black and gray and dullness, moving noisily and sluggish- ly; a main stream and a hundred tri- butaries. Out of the doors, into i streets, home. WHEAT FLOUR OUTPUT. WASHINGTON, D. C., June 4, — The department of commerce an- nounces statistics on wheat ground and wheat-milling products, by months. For April, 1928, 873 concerns reported 1,047 mills, of which 119 with daily capacity of 45,056 barrels were idle during the month. Of these 873 concerns, 852, which were in opera- tion in 1925, produced approximately 91.6 per cent of the total wheat flour (114,689,930 barrels) reported at the biennial census of manufactures for that year. On the same basis, the revised percentage for March, 1928, is 92.1. APRIL BOXBOARD OUTPUT. WASHINGTON, D. C., June 4. — April production of boxboard. based on reports to the Department of: Commerce by 91 firms operating 118 plants, was 91.2 per cent of bctrei d as compared with 87.7 per cent 4 March and 82.3 per cent in April,